That the Italians have an uncommon2 share of natural sagacity and acuteness, is pretty generally allowed; but they are accused of being deceitful, perfidious3, and revengeful; and the frequent assassinations4 and murders which happen in the streets of the great towns in Italy, are brought as proofs of this charge. I have not remained a sufficient length of time in Italy, supposing I were, in all other respects, qualified5 to decide on the character of the inhabitants; but from the opportunities I have had, my idea of the Italians is, that they are an ingenious sober people, with quick feelings, and therefore irritable6; but when unprovoked, of a mild and obliging disposition7, and less subject to avarice8, envy, or repining at the narrowness of their own circumstances, and the comparative wealth of others, than most other nations. The murders which occasionally happen, proceed from a deplorable want of police, and some very impolitic customs, which have, from various causes, crept among them,[461] and would produce more frequent examples of the same kind, if they prevailed to the same degree, in some other countries. I beg you will keep in your mind, that the assassinations which disgrace Italy, whatever may have been the case formerly9, are now entirely10 confined to the accidental squabbles which occur among the rabble11. No such thing has been known for many years past among people of condition, or the middle rank of citizens; and with regard to the stabbings which happen among the vulgar, they almost always proceed from an immediate12 impulse of wrath13, and are seldom the effect of previous malice14, or a premeditated plan of revenge. I do not know whether the stories we have of mercenary bravos, men who formerly are supposed to have made it their profession to assassinate15, and live by the murders they committed, are founded in truth; but I am certain, that at present there is no such trade in this country. That the horrid16 practice of drawing the knife and stabbing[462] each other, still subsists17 among the Italian vulgar, I am persuaded, is owing to the scandalous impunity18 with which it is treated. The asylum19 which churches and convents offer to criminals, operates against the peace of society, and tends to the encouragement of this shocking custom in two different manners: First, it increases the criminal’s hopes of escaping; secondly20, it diminishes, in vulgar minds, the idea of the atrocity21 of the crime. When the populace see a murderer lodged22 within the sacred walls of a church, protected and fed by men who are revered23 on account of their profession, and the supposed sanctity of their lives; must not this weaken the horror which mankind naturally have for such a crime, and which it ought to be the aim of every government to augment24?
Those who are willing to admit that this last consideration may have the effect I have ascribed to it, on the minds of the[463] vulgar, still contend, that the hopes of impunity can have little influence in keeping up the practice of stabbing; because, as has been already observed, these stabbings are always in consequence of accidental quarrels and sudden bursts of passion, in which men have no consideration about their future safety. All I have to say in answer is, that if the observations I have been able to make on the human character are well founded, there are certain considerations which never entirely lose their influence on the minds of men, even when they are in the height of passion. I do not mean that there are not instances of men being thrown into such paroxysms of fury, as totally deprive them of reflection, and make them act like madmen, without any regard to consequences; but extraordinary instances, which depend on peculiarities25 of constitution, and very singular circumstances, cannot destroy the force of an observation which, generally speaking, is found just. We every day see men, who[464] have the character of being of the most ungovernable tempers, who are apt to fly into violent fits of passion upon the most trivial occasions, yet, in the midst of all their rage, and when they seem to be entirely blinded by fury, are still capable of making distinctions; which plainly evince, that they are not so very much blinded by anger, as they would seem to be. When people are subject to violent fits of choler, and to an unrestrained licence of words and actions, only in the company of those who, from their unfortunate situation in life, are obliged to bear such abuse, it is a plain proof that considerations which regard their own personal safety, have some influence on their minds in the midst of their fury, and instruct them to be mad certa ratione modoque. This is frequently unknown to those choleric26 people themselves, while it is fully27 evident to every person of observation around them. What violent fits of passion do some men indulge themselves in against their slaves and servants, which they[465] always impute28 to the ungovernable nature of their own tempers, of which, however, they display the most perfect command upon much greater provocations30 given by their superiors, equals, or by any set of people who are not obliged to bear their ill humour. How often do we see men who are agreeable, cheerful, polite, and good-tempered to the world in general, gloomy, peevish31, and passionate32, to their wives and children? When you happen to be a witness to any instance of unprovoked domestic rage, into which they have allowed themselves to be transported, they will very probably lament33 their misfortune, in having more ungovernable tempers than the rest of mankind. But if a man does not speak and act with the same degree of violence on an equal provocation29, without considering whether it comes from superior, equal, or dependant34, he plainly shews that he can govern his temper, and that his not doing it on particular occasions,[466] proceeds from the basest and most despicable of all motives35.
I remember, when I was on the continent with the English army, having seen an officer beat a soldier very unmercifully with his cane36: I was then standing37 with some officers, all of whom seemed to be filled with indignation at this mean exercise of power. When the person who had performed the intrepid38 exploit came to join the circle, he plainly perceived marks of disapprobation in every countenance39; for which reason he thought it necessary to apologize for what he had done. “Nothing,” says he, “provokes me so much as a fellow’s looking saucily40 when I speak to him. I have told that man so fifty times; and yet, on my reprimanding him just now, for having one of the buttons of his waistcoat broken, he looked saucily full in my face; which threw me into such a passion, that I could not help threshing him.—However,[467] I am sorry for it, because he has the character of being an honest man, and has always done his duty, as a soldier, very well. How much,” continued he, “are those people to be envied, who have a full command of their tempers!”
“No man can command it more perfectly41 than yourself,” said a gentleman who was then in the foot-guards, and has since been a general officer.
“I often endeavour to do it,” replied the choleric man, “but always find it out of my power. I have not philosophy enough to check the violence of my temper when once I am provoked.”
“You certainly do yourself injustice42, Sir,” said the officer; “no person seems to have their passions under better discipline. With your brother officers, I never saw you, in a single instance, break through the rules of decorum, or[468] allow your anger to overcome your politeness to them.”
“They never provoked me,” said the passionate man.
“Provoked you!” rejoined the other; “yes, Sir, often, and in a much greater degree than the poor soldier. Do not I, at this moment, give you ten thousand times more provocation than he, or any of the unfortunate men under your command, whom you are so apt to beat and abuse, ever did?—and yet you seem perfectly master of your temper.”
There was no way left by which the choleric man could prove the contrary, except by knocking the other down; but that was a method of convincing his antagonist43 which he did not think proper to use. A more intrepid man, in the same predicament, would very probably have had recourse to that expedient44; but in general mankind are able, even in the violence of[469] passion, to estimate, in some measure, the risk they run; and the populace of every country are more readily kindled45 to that inferior degree of rage, which makes them lose their horror for the crime of murder, and disregard the life of a fellow-creature, than to that higher pitch, which deprives them of all consideration for their own personal safety.
In England, Germany, or France, a man knows, that if he commits a murder, every person around him will, from that instant, become his enemy, and use every means to seize him, and bring him to justice. He knows that he will be immediately carried to prison, and put to an ignominious46 death, amidst the execrations of his countrymen. Impressed with these sentiments, and with the natural horror for murder which such sentiments augment, the populace of those countries hardly ever have recourse to stabbing in their accidental quarrels, however they may be inflamed47 with anger and rage.[470] The lowest blackguard in the streets of London will not draw a knife against an antagonist far superior to himself in strength. He will fight him fairly with his fists as long as he can, and bear the severest drubbing, rather than use a means of defence which is held in detestation by his countrymen, and which would bring himself to the gallows48.
The murders committed in Germany, France, or England, are therefore comparatively few in number, and happen generally in consequence of a pre-concerted plan, in which the murderers have taken measures for their escape or concealment49, without which they know that inevitable50 death awaits them. In Italy the case is different; an Italian is not under the influence of so strong an impression, that certain execution must be the consequence of his committing a murder; he is at less pains to restrain the wrath which he feels kindling51 within his breast; he allows his rage[471] full scope; and, if hard pressed by the superior strength of an enemy, he does not scruple52 to extricate53 himself by a thrust of his knife; he knows, that if some of the Sbirri are not present, no other person will seize him; for that office is held in such detestation by the Italian populace, that none of them will perform any part of its functions. The murderer is therefore pretty certain of gaining some church or convent, where he will be protected, till he can compound the matter with the relations of the deceased, or escape to some of the other Italian States; which is no very difficult matter, as the dominions54 of none are very extensive.
Besides, when any of these assassins has not had the good fortune to get within the portico55 of a church before he is seized by the Sbirri, and when he is actually carried to prison, it is not a very difficult matter for his friends or relations to prevail, by their entreaties56 and tears, on some of the[472] Cardinals57 or Princes, to interfere58 in his favour, and endeavour to obtain his pardon. If this is the case, and I am assured from authority which fully convinces me, that it is, we need be no longer surprised that murder is more common among the Italian populace than among the common people of any other country. As soon as asylums59 for such criminals are abolished, and justice is allowed to take its natural course, that foul60 stain will be entirely effaced61 from the national character of the modern Italians. This is already verified in the Grand Duke of Tuscany’s dominions. The same edict which declared that churches and convents should no longer be places of refuge for murderers, has totally put a stop to the use of the stiletto; and the Florentine populace now fight with the same blunt weapons that are used by the common people of other nations.
I am afraid you will think I have been a little prolix62 on this occasion; but I had[473] two objects in view, and was solicitous63 about both. The first was to shew, that the treacherous64 and perfidious disposition imputed65 to the Italians, is, like most other national reflections, ill founded; and that the facts brought in proof of the accusation66, proceed from other causes: the second was, to demonstrate to certain choleric gentlemen, who pretend to have ungovernable tempers, as an excuse for rendering67 every creature dependent on them miserable68, that in their furious fits they not only behave ridiculously, but basely. In civil life, in England, they have the power of only making themselves contemptible69; but in the army or navy, or in our islands, they often render themselves the objects of horror.
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1
knaves
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| n.恶棍，无赖( knave的名词复数 )；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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assassinations
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| n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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6
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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13
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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14
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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18
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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choleric
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| adj.易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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provocations
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| n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 )；激怒；刺激；愤怒的原因 | |
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peevish
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| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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dependant
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| n.依靠的，依赖的，依赖他人生活者 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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saucily
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| adv.傲慢地，莽撞地 | |
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41
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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42
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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43
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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44
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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45
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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46
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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47
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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49
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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50
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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51
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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52
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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53
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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54
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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55
portico
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| n.柱廊，门廊 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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57
cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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58
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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59
asylums
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| n.避难所( asylum的名词复数 )；庇护；政治避难；精神病院 | |
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60
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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prolix
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| adj.罗嗦的；冗长的 | |
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63
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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64
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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65
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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68
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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