“My dear President,” said Joseph Lacrisse to Henri de Brécé. “I want you to find a prefecture for a good Royalist. I am sure you will not refuse when I have told you of my candidate’s qualification. His father, Ferdinand Dellion, an iron-master at Valcombe, is in every way deserving of the King’s favour. He is most careful of the moral and physical well-being3 of his workmen. He has a dispensary for them, and he sees that they go to Mass on Sundays and send their children to the church schools, and that they vote properly and abstain4 from trade unions. He is opposed, unfortunately, by the deputy Cothard and ill-supported by the sub-prefect of Valcombe. His son Gustave is one of the most active and energetic members of my Departmental Committee. He was most vigorous in the campaign against the Jews in our city, and was arrested at Auteuil for taking part in the demonstration5 against Loubet. You simply cannot refuse a prefecture to Gustave Dellion, my dear President!”
“A prefecture,” murmured Brécé, turning over his register, “a prefecture? We’ve only got Guéret and Draguignan left. Will you have Guéret?”
Joseph Lacrisse smiled imperceptibly as he replied:
“My dear President, Gustave Dellion is my collaborator6. When the time is ripe he will proceed under my orders to the forcible suppression of Worms-Clavelin. It is only fair that he should take his place.”
With his eyes glued to the register, Henri de Brécé declared the thing to be impossible. Worms-Clavelin’s successor was already chosen. Monseigneur had appointed Jacques de Cadde, one of the first to subscribe7 to the Henry subscription-lists.
Lacrisse objected to Jacques de Cadde, saying that he was a stranger to the department. Henri de Brécé retorted that one did not dispute the King’s orders, and the discussion was growing somewhat heated when Henri Léon, astride a chair, put out his hand and remarked in a peremptory8 tone:
“Worms-Clavelin’s successor will be neither Jacques de Cadde nor Gustave Dellion. It will be Worms-Clavelin.”
Lacrisse and Brécé protested.
“It will be Worms-Clavelin,” repeated Henri Léon. “Worms-Clavelin, who will not await your arrival on the scenes to fly the royal standard from the roof of the prefecture, and whom the Minister of the Interior appointed by the King will have notified by telephone of his retention9 at the head of the departmental administration.”
“It would be a shocking thing, of course,” replied Henri Léon. “But if the Chevalier de Clavelin is appointed prefect there is nothing more to be said. Don’t let us have any illusions, the King won’t bestow11 all the plums on us. Ingratitude12 is the first duty of a sovereign, and no Bourbon has ever yet been found lacking in that respect. I say this to the praise of the House of France.
“Do you really think the King will govern with the white carnation13, the cornflower and the rose of France, and take his ministers from the Jockey Club and from Puteaux, or make Christiani Grand Master of the Ceremonies? If so, you are vastly mistaken. The rose of France, the cornflower and the white carnation will be left on the ground, in the modest shade beloved of the violet. Christiani will be set at liberty, nothing more. People will look askance at him for staving in Loubet’s hat. Of course! Once deposed14, Loubet, who at present is nothing but a low Panamist, will be a predecessor15 when we have replaced him. The King will sit in his arm-chair at the Auteuil races and he will then consider that Christiani created a regrettable precedent16 and will bear him a grudge17 for doing so. Even we ourselves, we who are plotting for him, will become suspect; conspirators18 are not liked at Court. I am telling you this to save you from bitter disappointment. The secret of happiness is to live without illusions. As far as I am concerned, if my services are forgotten or despised, I shall not complain. Politics isn’t a matter of sentiment; I realize only too well what His Majesty19 will be forced to do when we have set him upon the throne of his fathers. Before rewarding gratuitous20 devotion, a good King pays for the services which have been sold to him. Don’t make any mistake about that! The greatest honours and the most lucrative21 positions will be given to the Republicans. The trimmers alone will form a third of our political personnel, and will receive their pay before we do. And that is only fair. Gromance, the old Chouan who went over to the Republic under Méline, explains his position very clearly when he tells us: ‘You have lost me a seat in the Senate, therefore you owe me one in the House of Peers.’ He’ll get it, and after all he deserves it. But the reward of the trimmers will be as nothing to that of the faithful Republicans who reserve their treachery for the supreme22 moment. Those are they who will get the portfolios23 and gold-laced coats, the titles and endowments. Do you know where to look for our Premier24 and half our Peerage at the present moment? Don’t look for them in our Royalist Committees where we hourly run the risk of being arrested like so many thieves, nor in the wandering Court of our young and handsome Prince in his cruel exile. You will find them in the ante-chambers of the Radical25 ministers, in the drawing-rooms of the élysée and in every institution in the pay of the Government. Have you never heard of Talleyrand and Fouché? Have you read no history, not even the works of Monsieur Imbert de Saint-Amand? It was not an émigré but a regicide who was appointed Minister of the Police by Louis XVIII in 1815. Our young King is certainly not so clever as Louis XVIII, but we must not think him devoid26 of intelligence. That would be disrespectful and, perhaps, too severe. When he is King he will realize the necessities of the situation. All the chiefs of the Republican party who are not slain27, exiled, transported or incorruptible will have to be regarded, otherwise they will oppose him in a great and powerful party, and Méline himself will become a savage28 enemy. And since I have mentioned Méline, Brécé, tell me yourself, which would be most advantageous29 to the royal cause—that your father should preside over the peers, or Méline, Duc de Remiremont, Prince des Vosges, with the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour, Knight30 of the Lily and Saint Louis? There can be no possible doubt. Duc Méline would bring far more adherents31 to the crown than the Duc de Brécé. Must I, then, teach you the A B C of restorations?
“All we shall get will be the titles and positions rejected by the Republicans. Our gratuitous devotion will be taken for granted. They will have no fear of displeasing32 us; they will feel assured that we shall remain inoffensive malcontents. It will never for a moment enter their heads that we might form an Opposition33.
“Well, they will be mistaken. We shall be obliged to oppose them, and we shall do so. It will be profitable, and it won’t be difficult. Of course we shall not ally ourselves with the Republicans. That would be in execrable taste, and our loyalty34 would forbid such a thing. We cannot be less Royalist than the King, but we can be more so. Monseigneur le Duc d’Orléans is no democrat35, we must do him that justice. He does not interest himself in the condition of the working-classes. He dates from before the Revolution. Nevertheless, although he dines in knee-breeches and a Breton waistcoat, with all his orders round his neck, he will turn Liberal when his ministers are Liberals. There is nothing to prevent us from becoming ‘Ultras.’ We shall pull to the right while the Republicans pull to the left; we shall become dangerous and they will treat us properly. And who can say whether the ‘Ultras’ will not be the means of saving the monarchy? We have already an incomparable army to-day which is more religious than the clergy36. We have an incomparable bourgeoisie, anti-Semites every one of them, who think as men thought in the Middle Ages. Louis XVIII was not so fortunate. If they will give me the post of Minister of the Interior, with such admirable elements as these I’ll guarantee to make the monarchy last ten years. After that it will be the turn of Socialism. But ten years is a good lease of life.”
Having thus spoken, Henri Léon lit a cigar. Still harping37 on the same theme, Joseph Lacrisse begged Henri de Brécé to see if he had not a good prefecture to dispose of; but the President repeated as before that he had nothing but Guéret and Draguignan.
“It will have to be Draguignan then,” said Joseph Lacrisse with a sigh. “Gustave Dellion will not be best pleased, but I must make him see it’s a foot in the stirrup.”
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1
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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collaborator
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| n.合作者，协作者 | |
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7
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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8
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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retention
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| n.保留，保持，保持力，记忆力 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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carnation
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| n.康乃馨（一种花） | |
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14
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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15
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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18
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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portfolios
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| n.投资组合( portfolio的名词复数 )；（保险）业务量；（公司或机构提供的）系列产品；纸夹 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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31
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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32
displeasing
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| 不愉快的，令人发火的 | |
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33
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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35
democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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harping
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| n.反复述说 | |
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