SINCE the victory of Verneuil and the conquest of Maine, the English had advanced but little in France and their actual possessions there were becoming less and less secure.[467] If they spared the lands of the Duke of Orléans it was not on account of any scruple1. Albeit2 on the banks of the Loire it was held dishonourable to seize the domains4 of a noble when he was a prisoner,[468] everything is fair in war. The Regent had not scrupled5 to seize the duchy of Alen?on when its duke was a prisoner.[469] The truth is that by bribes6 and entreaties7 the good Duke Charles dissuaded9 the English from attacking his duchy. From 1424 until 1426 the citizens of Orléans purchased peace by money payments.[470] The[Pg i.107] Godons, not being in a position to take the field, were all the more ready to enter into such agreements. During the minority of their half English and half French King, the Duke of Gloucester, the brother and deputy of the Regent, and his uncle, the Bishop10 of Winchester, Chancellor11 of the Kingdom, were tearing out each other's hair, and their disputes were the occasion of bloodshed in the London streets.[471] Towards the end of the year 1425 the Regent returned to England, where he spent seventeen months reconciling uncle and nephew and restoring public peace. By dint12 of craft and vigour13 he succeeded so far as to render his fellow countrymen desirous and hopeful of completing the conquest of France. With that object, in 1428, the English Parliament voted subsidies14.[472]
Now the most cunning, the most expert, the most fortunate in arms of all the English captains and princes was Thomas Montacute, Earl of Salisbury and of Perche.[473] He had long waged war in Normandy, in Champagne16, and in Maine. At present he was gathering17 an army in England, intended for the banks of the Loire. He got as many bowmen as he wanted; but of horse and men-at-arms he was disappointed. Only those of low estate were willing to go and fight in a land ravaged18 by famine.[474] At length the[Pg i.108] noble earl, the fair cousin of King Henry, crossed the sea with four hundred and forty-nine men-at-arms and two thousand two hundred and fifty archers19.[475] In France he found troops recruited by the Regent, four hundred horse of whom two hundred were Norman, with three bowmen to each horseman, according to the English custom.[476] He led his men to Paris where irrevocable resolutions were taken.[477] Hitherto the plan had been to attack Angers; at the last moment it was decided20 to lay siege to Orléans.[478]
Between la Beauce and la Sologne, at the entrance to the loyal provinces Touraine, Blésois, and Berry, the ducal city confronted the enemy, lying on a bend of the Loire, just as the arrow's point is lodged22 on the taut23 bow.[479] Bishopric, university, market of the country far and wide, on its belfries, towers, and steeples it raised proudly towards heaven the cross of Our Lord, the three c?urs de lis of the city and the three fleurs de lis of the dukes. Beneath the high slate24 roofs of its houses of stone or wood, built along winding25 streets or dark alleys26, Orléans sheltered fifteen thousand souls. There were to be found officers of justice and of the treasury27, goldsmiths, druggists, grocers, tanners, butchers, fishmongers, rich citizens as delicate as amber28, who loved fine clothes, fine houses, music and dancing; priests, canons, wardens29, and fellows of the university; book[Pg i.109]sellers, scriveners, illuminators, painters, scholars who were not all founts of learning, but who played prettily30 on the flute31; monks32 of every habit, Black-friars, Grey-friars, Mathurins, Carmelites, Augustinians, and artisans and labourers to boot, smiths, coopers, carpenters, boatmen, fishermen.[480]
Of Roman origin, the form of the town was still the same as in the days of the Emperor Aurelian. The southern side along the Loire and the northern side extended to some three thousand feet. The eastern and western boundaries were only one hundred and fifty feet long. The city was surrounded by walls six feet thick and from eighteen to thirty-three feet high above the moat. These walls were flanked by thirty-four towers, pierced with five gates and two posterns.[481] The following is the description of the situation of these gates, posterns, and towers, with the names of those which became famous during the siege.
Passing from the south east to the south west angle of the wall, were: La Tour Neuve, round and huge, washed by the Loire; three other towers on the river bank; the postern Chesneau, the only one opening on to the water and defended by a portcullis; the[Pg i.110] tower of La Croiche-Meuffroy, so called from the crook33 or spur which protruded34 from the foot of the tower into the river; two other towers washed by the Loire; La Port du Pont, with drawbridge and flanked by two towers; La Tour de l'Abreuvoir; la Tour de Notre-Dame35, deriving36 its name from a chapel37 built against the city walls; la Tour de la Barre-Flambert, the last on this side, at the south west angle of the ramparts and commanding the river. All along the Loire the walls had a stone parapet with machicolated battlements, whence pavingstones could be thrown, and whence, when attempts were made to scale the walls, the enemy's ladders could be hurled38 down. The distance between the towers was about a bow-shot.
On the western side were first three towers, then two gate towers called Regnard or Renard from the name of citizens to whom had once belonged the adjoining palace, where in 1428 dwelt Jacques Boucher, Treasurer39 of the Duke of Orléans. Then came another tower and lastly La Porte Bernier or Bannier, at the north west angle of the ramparts. On this side the walls had been constructed in the days of the cross-bow, which shot a greater distance than the bow. The towers here, therefore, were farther apart at the distance of a cross-bow shot one from the other, and the walls were lower than elsewhere. On the northern side, looking towards the forest, were ten towers at a bow-shot's interval40. The second, that of Saint-Samson, was used as an arsenal41. The sixth and seventh flanked the Paris Gate.
On the eastern side were likewise ten towers at the same distance one from the other as those on the north. The fifth and sixth were those of the Burgundian Gate, also called the Gate of Saint-Aignan,[Pg i.111] because it was close to the church of Saint-Aignan without the walls; the last was the great corner tower, called La Tour Neuve, which thus comes to have been twice counted.
The stone bridge lined with houses which led from the town to the left bank of the Loire was famous all over the world. It had nineteen arches of varying breadth. The first, on leaving the town by La Porte du Pont, was called l'Allouée or Pont Jacquemin-Rousselet; here was a drawbridge. The fifth arch abutted42 on an island which was long, narrow, and in the form of a boat, like all river islands. Above the bridge it was called Motte-Saint-Antoine, from a chapel built upon it dedicated43 to that saint; and below, Motte-des-Poissonniers, because in order to keep captured fish alive boats with holes in them were moored44 to it. In 1447, to provide against the occupation of this island by the enemy, the people of Orléans had constructed a tower, the tower or fortress45 of Saint-Antoine, beyond the sixth arch and occupying the whole breadth of the bridge. On the buttress46 between the eleventh and twelfth arch was a cross of gilded47 bronze, supported by a pedestal of stone. It was indeed what it was called, the Cross Beautiful,—La Belle48-Croix. The buttresses49 of the eighteenth arch were extended, and on the abutment there rose a little castle formed of two towers joined by a vaulted50 porch. This little castle was called Les Tourelles. Between the nineteenth and the twentieth arch as in the first was a drawbridge. Outside it was Le Portereau; and thence ran the road to Toulouse, which beyond the Loiret on the heights of Olivet joined the road to Blois.[482]
In those days the lazy waters of the Loire flowed midst osier-beds and birchen thickets51, since removed for purposes of navigation. Two and a half miles east of Orléans, on the height of Chécy, l'?le aux Bourdons was separated from the Sologne bank by a thin arm of the river and by a narrow channel from l'?le Charlemagne and l'?le-aux-B?ufs, with their green grass and underwood facing Combleux on the La Beauce bank. A boat dropping down the river would next come to the two islands Saint-Loup, and, doubling La Tour Neuve, would glide52 between the two Martinet53 Islets on the right and l'?le-aux-Toiles on the left. Thence it would pass under the bridge which overspanned, as we have seen, an island called above bridge Motte-Saint-Antoine and below, Motte-des-Poissonniers. At length, below the ramparts, opposite Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils, it would come to two islets Biche-d'Orge and another, the name of which is unknown, possibly it was nameless.[483]
The suburbs of Orléans were the finest in the kingdom. On the south the fishermen's suburb of Le Portereau, with its Augustinian church and monastery54, extended along the river at the foot of the vineyards[Pg i.113] of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, which produced the best wine in the country.[484] Above, on the gentle slopes ascending55 to the bleak56 plateau of Sologne, the Loiret, with its torrential springs, its limpid57 waters, its shady banks, the gardens and the brooks58 of Olivet, smiled beneath a mild and showery sky.
The faubourg of the Burgundian gate stretching eastwards59 was the best built and the most populous60. There were the wonderful churches of Saint-Michel and of Saint-Aignan. The cloister61 of the latter was held to be marvellous.[485] Leaving this suburb and passing by the vineyards along the sandy branch of the Loire extending between the bank of the river and l'?le-aux-B?ufs about a quarter of a league further on, one comes to the steep slope of Saint-Loup; and, advancing still further towards the east, the belfries of Saint-Jean-de-Bray, Combleux and Chécy may be seen rising one beyond the other between the river and the Roman road from Autun to Paris. On the north of the city were fine monasteries62 and beautiful churches, the chapel of Saint-Ladre, in the cemetery63; the Jacobins, the Cordeliers, the church of Saint-Pierre-Ensentelée. Directly north, the faubourg of La Porte Bernier lay along the Paris road, and close by there stretched the sombre city of the wolves, the deep forest of oaks, horn-beams, beeches65, and willows66, wherein[Pg i.114] were hidden, like wood-cutters and charcoal-burners, the villages of Fleury and Samoy.[486]
Towards the west the faubourg of La Porte Renard stretched out into the fields along the road to Chateaudun, and the hamlet of Saint-Laurent along the road to Blois.
These faubourgs were so populous and so extensive that when, on the approach of the English, the people from the suburbs took refuge within the city the number of its inhabitants was doubled.[488]
The inhabitants of Orléans were resolved to fight, not for their honour indeed; in those days no honour redounded67 to a citizen from the defence of his own city; his only reward was the risk of terrible danger. When the town was captured the great and wealthy had but to pay ransom68 and the conqueror69 entertained them well; the lesser70 and poorer nobility ran greater risks. In this year, 1428, the knights72, who defended Melun and surrendered after having eaten their horses and their dogs, were drowned in the Seine. "Nobility was worth nothing," ran a Burgundian song.[489]
But generally being of noble birth saved one's life. As for those burghers brave enough to defend themselves, they were likely to perish. There were no fixed73 rules with regard to them; sometimes several[Pg i.115] were hanged; sometimes only one, sometimes all. It was also lawful74 to cut off their heads or to throw them into the water, sewn in a sack. In that same year, 1428, Captains La Hire and Poton had failed in their assault on Le Mans and decamped just in time. The citizens who had aided them were beheaded in the square du Clo?tre-Saint-Julien, on the Olet stone, by order of William Pole, Earl of Suffolk, who had already arrived at Olivet, and of John Talbot, the most courteous75 of English knights, who was shortly to come there too.[490] Such an example was sufficient to warn the people of Orléans.
Notwithstanding that it was under the control of the Governor, the town administered its own affairs by means of twelve magistrates76 elected for two years by the citizens, subject to the governor's approbation77.[491] These magistrates risked more than the other citizens. One of them, as he passed the monastery of Saint-Sulpice, where was the place of execution, might well reflect that before the year was out he might have justice executed on him there for having defended his lord's inheritance. Yet the twelve were resolved to defend this inheritance; and they acted for the common weal with promptness and with wisdom.
The people of Orléans were not taken by surprise. Their fathers had watched the English closely, and put their city in a state of defence. They themselves, in the year 1425, had so firmly expected a siege that they had collected arms in the Tower of Saint-[Pg i.116]Samson, while all, rich and poor alike, had been required to dig dykes78 and build ramparts.[492] War has always been costly79. They devoted80 three quarters of the yearly revenue of the town to keeping up the ramparts and other preparations for war. Hearing of the approach of the Earl of Salisbury, with marvellous energy they prepared to receive him.
The walls, except those along the river, were devoid81 of breastwork; but in the shops were stakes and cross-beams intended for the manufacture of balustrades. These were put up on the fortifications to form parapets, with barbicans of a pent-house shape so as to provide with cover the defenders82 firing from the walls.[493] At the entrance to each suburb wooden barriers were erected83, with a lodge21 for the porter whose duty it was to open and shut them. On the tops of the ramparts and in the towers were seventy-one pieces of artillery84, including cannons85 and mortars88, without counting culverins. The quarry89 of Montmaillard, three leagues from the town, produced stones which were made into cannon86 balls. At great expense there were brought into the city lead, powder, and sulphur which the women prepared for use in the cannons and culverins. Every day there were manufactured in thousands, arrows, darts90, stacks of bolts,[494] armed with iron points and feathered with parchment, numbers of pavas, great shields made of pieces of wood mortised one into the other and covered with leather. Corn, wine, and cattle were purchased[Pg i.117] in great quantities both for the inhabitants and the men-at-arms, the King's men, and adventurers who were expected.[495]
By a jealously guarded privilege the inhabitants had the right of defending the ramparts. According to their trades they were divided into as many companies as there were towers. Thus defending themselves they had the right to refuse to admit any garrison91 within the walls. They held to this right because it delivered them from the pillage92, the rapine, the burnings and constant molestations inflicted93 by the King's men. But now they were eager to renounce94 it; for they realised that alone with only the town bands and those from the neighbouring villages, mere95 peasants, they could not sustain the siege; to resist the enemy they must have horsemen, skilled in wielding96 the lance, and foot, skilled in the use of the cross-bow. While their Governor the Sire de Gaucourt and my Lord, the Bastard97 of Orléans, the King's Lieutenant98 General, went to Chinon and Poitiers to obtain supplies of men and money[496] from the King, the citizens in commissions of two and two went forth99 asking help of the towns, travelling as far as Bourbonnais and Languedoc.[497][Pg i.118] The magistrates appealed to those soldiers of fortune who held the neighbouring country for the King of France. By the mouths of the two heralds100 of the city, Orléans and C?ur-de-Lis, they proclaimed that within the city walls were gold and silver in abundance and such good provision of victuals101 and arms as would nourish and accoutre two thousand combatants for two years, and that every gentle, honest knight71 who would might share in the defence of the city and wage battle to the death.[498]
The inhabitants of Orléans feared God. In those days God was greatly to be feared; he was almost as terrible as in the days of the Philistines102. The poor fisher folk were afraid of being repulsed103 if they addressed him in their affliction; they thought it better to take a roundabout road and to seek the intercession of Our Lady and the saints. God respected his Mother and sought to please her on every occasion. Likewise he deferred104 to the wishes of the Blessed, seated on his right hand and on his left in Paradise, and he inclined his ear to listen to the petitions they presented to him. Thus in cases of dire64 necessity it was customary to solicit105 the favour of the saints by presenting prayers and offerings. Then also did the citizens of Orléans remember Saint Euverte and Saint-Aignan, the patrons of their town. In very ancient days Saint Euverte had sat upon that episcopal seat, now, in 1428, occupied by a Scot. Messire Jean de Saint Michel, and Saint Euverte had shone with all the glory of apostolic virtue106.[499] His[Pg i.119] successor, Saint-Aignan had prayed to God. He had regarded the city in a peril107 like unto that of which it was now in danger.
The following is his story as it was known to the people of Orléans. When still young, Saint-Aignan had withdrawn108 to a solitary110 place near Orléans. There Saint Euverte, at that time bishop of the city, discovered him. He ordained111 him priest, appointed him Abbot of Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils, and elected him to succeed him in the government of the faithful. And when Saint Euverte had passed from this life to the other, the blessed Aignan, with the consent of the people of Orléans, was proclaimed bishop by the voice of a little child. For God, who is praised out of the mouths of babes, permitted one of them, borne in his swaddling clothes to the altar, to speak and say: "Aignan, Aignan is chosen of God to be bishop of this town." Now in the sixtieth year of his pontificate, the Huns invaded Gaul, led by their King Attila, who boasted that wherever he went the stars fell and the earth trembled beneath him, that he was the hammer of the world, stellas pre se cadere, terram tremere, se malleum esse universi orbis. Every town on his march had been destroyed by him, and now he was advancing against Orléans. Then the blessed Aignan went forth into the city of Arles, to the Patrician112 A?tius, who commanded the Roman army, and implored113 his aid in so great a peril. Having obtained of the Patrician promise of succour, Aignan returned to his episcopal see, which he found surrounded by barbarian114 warriors115. The Huns, having made breaches116 in the walls, were preparing an assault. The blessed saint went up on to the ramparts, knelt and prayed, and then, having prayed, spat118 upon the enemy. By God's will that drop of his[Pg i.120] saliva119 was followed by all the raindrops in the sky. A tempest arose: the rain fell in such torrents120 on the barbarians121 that their camp was flooded; their tents were overturned by the power of the winds, and many among them perished by lightning. The rain lasted for three days, after which time Attila assailed122 the ramparts with powerful engines of war. When they saw the walls fall down the inhabitants were terrified. All hope of resistance being at an end, the holy bishop, clad in his episcopal robes, went to the King of the Huns and adjured123 him to take pity on the people of Orléans, threatening him with the wrath124 of God if he dealt hardly with the conquered. These prayers and these threats did not soften125 Attila's heart. On his return to the faithful, the bishop warned them that henceforth nothing remained to them but trust in God; divine succour, however, would not fail them. And soon, according to the promise he had given them, God delivered the town by means of the Romans and the Franks, who defied the Huns in a great battle. Not long after the miraculous126 deliverance of his beloved city, Saint Aignan fell asleep in the Lord.[500]
Wherefore, in this great peril of the English, the citizens of Orléans resorted to Saint Euverte and Saint-Aignan for succour and relief. According to the marvels127 accomplished128 by Saint-Aignan in this mortal life they measured his power of working miracles now that he was in Paradise. These two confessors had each his church in the faubourg de Bourgogne, wherein their bodies were jealously guarded.[501] In those days the bones of martyrs129 and confessors were devoutly[Pg i.121] worshipped. It was said that sometimes they shed abroad a healing odour which represented the virtues130 proceeding131 from them. They were enclosed in gilded reliquaries adorned132 with precious stones, and no miracle was thought too great to be accomplished by these holy relics133. On the 6th of August, 1428, the clergy134 of the city went to the church wherein was the reliquary of Saint Euverte and bore it round the walls, that they might be strengthened. And the holy reliquary made the round of the whole city, followed by all the people. On the 8th of September a tortis weighing one hundred and ten livres[502] was offered to Saint-Aignan. In time of need the favour of the saints was solicited135 by all kinds of gifts, garments, jewels, coins, houses, lands, woods, ponds; but natural wax was thought to be especially grateful to them. A tortis was a wheel of wax on which candles were placed and two escutcheons bearing the arms of the city.[503]
Thus did the people of Orléans strive to provision and protect their town.
Adventurers from all parts responded to the magistrates' appeal. The first to hasten to the city were: Messire Archambaud de Villars, Governor of Montargis; Guillaume de Chaumont, Lord of Guitry; Messire Pierre de la Chapelle, a baron136 of La Beauce; Raimond Arnaud de Corraze, knight of Béarn; Don Matthias of Aragon; Jean de Saintrailles and Poton de Saintrailles. The Abbot of Cerquenceaux, sometime student at the University of Orléans, arrived at[Pg i.122] the head of a band of followers137.[504] Thus the number of friends who entered the city was well-nigh as great as that of the expected foe138. The defenders were paid; they were furnished with bread, meat, fish, forage139 in plenty, and casks of wine were broached140 for them. In the beginning the inhabitants treated them like their own children. The citizens all contributed to the entertainment of the strangers, and gave them what they had. But this concord141 did not long endure. Whatever tradition alleges142 as to the friendly relations subsisting143 between the citizens and their military guests,[505] affairs in Orléans were in truth not different from what they were in other besieged144 towns; before long the inhabitants began to complain of the garrison.
On the 5th of September the Earl of Salisbury reached Janville, having taken with ease towns, fortified146 churches or castles to the number of forty. But that was not his greatest achievement; for, although he had left but few men in each place, he had by that means rid himself on the march of that portion of his army which had already shown itself ready to drop away.[506]
From Janville he sent two heralds to Orléans to summon the inhabitants to surrender. The magistrates lodged these heralds honourably147 in the faubourg Bannier, at the H?tel de la Pomme and confided148 to them a present of wine for the Earl of Salisbury; they knew their duty to so great a prince. But[Pg i.123] they refused to open their gates to the English garrison, alleging149, doubtless, as was the custom of citizens in those days, that they were not able to open them, having those within who were stronger than they.[507]
Now that the danger was drawing near, on the 6th of October, priests, burgesses, notables, merchants, mechanics, women and children walked in solemn procession with crosses and banners, singing psalms150 and invoking151 the heavenly guardians152 of the city.[508]
On Tuesday, the 12th of this month, at the news that the enemy was coming through Sologne, the magistrates sent soldiers to pull down the houses of Le Portereau, the suburb on the left bank, also the Augustinian church and monastery of that suburb, as well as all other buildings in which the enemy might lodge or entrench153 himself. But the soldiers were taken by surprise. That very day the English occupied Olivet and appeared in Le Portereau.[509] With them were the victors of Verneuil, the flower of English knighthood: Thomas, Lord of Scales and of Nucelles, Governor of Pontorson, whom the King of England called cousin; William Neville; Baron Falconbridge; William Gethyn, a Welsh knight, Bailie of évreux; Lord Richard Gray, nephew of the Earl of Salisbury; Gilbert Halsall, Richard Panyngel, Thomas Guérard, knights, and many others of great renown154.
Over the two hundred lances from Normandy there floated the standards of William Pole, Earl of[Pg i.124] Suffolk, and of John Pole, two brothers descended155 from a comrade-in-arms of Duke William; of Thomas Rampston, knight banneret, the Regent's chamberlain; of Richard Walter, squire156, Governor of Conches, Bailie and Captain of évreux; of William Mollins, knight; of William Glasdale, whom the French called Glacidas, squire, Bailie of Alen?on, a man of humble157 birth.[510]
The archers were all on horseback. There were practically no foot-soldiers. In carts drawn109 by oxen were barrels of powder, cross-bows, arrows, cannon-balls, and guns of all kinds, muskets158, fowling-pieces, and large cannon. The two English master-gunners, Philibert de Moslant and William Appleby, accompanied the troops. There were also two masters of mining with thirty-eight workmen. Of women there were not a few, some of them acting159 as spies.[511]
When the army arrived it was greatly diminished by desertions, having shed runaways160 at each victory. Some returned to England, others roamed through the realm of France robbing and plundering161. That very 12th of October orders had been despatched from Rouen to the Bailies and Governors of Normandy to arrest those English who had departed from the company of my Lord, the Earl of Salisbury.[512]
The fort of Les Tourelles and its outworks barred the entrance to the bridge. The English established themselves in Le Portereau, placed their cannon and their mortars on the rising ground of Saint-Jean-le-[Pg i.125]Blanc,[513] and, on the following Sunday, they hurled down upon the city a shower of stone cannon-balls, which did great damage to the houses, but killed no one save a woman of Orléans, named Belles162, who dwelt near the Chesneau postern on the river bank. Thus the siege, which was to be ended by a woman's victory, began with a woman's death.
That same week the English cannon destroyed twelve water mills near La Tour Neuve. Whereupon the people of Orléans constructed within the city eleven mills worked by horses,[514] in order that there might be no lack of flour. There were a few skirmishes at the bridge. Then on Thursday, the 21st of October, the English attempted to storm the outworks of Les Tourelles. The little band of adventurers in the service of the town and the city troops made a gallant163 defence. The women helped; throughout the four hours that the assault lasted long lines of gossips might be seen hurrying to the bridge, bearing their pots and pans filled with burning coals and boiling oil and fat, frantic164 with joy at the idea of scalding the Godons.[515] The attack was repulsed; but two days later the French perceived that the outworks were undermined; the English had dug subterranean165 passages, to the props167 of which they had afterwards set fire. The outworks having become untenable in the opinion of the soldiers, they were destroyed and abandoned. It was deemed impossible to defend Les Tourelles thus dismantled168. Those[Pg i.126] towers which would once have arrested an army's progress for a whole month were now useless against cannon. In front of La Belle Croix the townsfolk erected a rampart of earth and wood. Beyond this outwork two arches of the bridge were cut and replaced by a movable platform. And when this was done, the fort of Les Tourelles was abandoned to the English with no great regret. The latter set up a rampart of earth and faggots on the bridge, breaking two of its arches, one in front, the other behind their earthwork.[516]
On the Sunday, towards evening, a few hours after the flag of St. George had been planted on the fort, the Earl of Salisbury, with William Glasdale and several captains, went up one of the towers to observe the lie of the city. Looking from a window he beheld169 the walls armed with cannon; the towers vanishing into pinnacles170 or with terraces on their flat roofs; the battlements dry and grey; the suburbs adorned for a few days longer with the fine stone-work of their churches and monasteries; the vineyards and the woods yellow with autumn tints171; the Loire and its oval-shaped islands,—all slumbering173 in the evening calm. He was looking for the weak point in the ramparts, the place where he might make a breach117 and put up his scaling ladders. For his plan was to take Orléans by assault. William Glasdale said to him, "My Lord, look well at your city. You have a good bird's-eye view of it from here."
At this moment a cannon-ball breaks off a corner of the window recess174, a stone from the wall strikes Salisbury, carrying away one eye and one side of his face. The shot had been fired from La Tour Notre-Dame. That at least was generally believed. It was never known who had fired it. A townsman,[Pg i.127] alarmed by the noise, hastened to the spot, saw a child coming out of the tower and the cannon deserted175. It was thought that the hand of an innocent child had fired the bullet by the permission of the Mother of God, who had been irritated by the Earl of Salisbury's despoiling176 monks and pillaging177 the Church of Notre Dame de Cléry. It was said also that he was punished for having broken his oath, for he had promised the Duke of Orléans to respect his lands and his towns. Borne secretly to Meung-sur-Loire, he died there on Wednesday the 27th of October; and the English were very sorrowful.[517] Most of them felt that loss to be irreparable which had deprived them of a chief who was conducting the siege vigorously, and who in less than twelve days had captured Les Tourelles, the very corner-stone of the city's defence. But there were others who reflected that he must have been very simple to imagine that thick ramparts could be overthrown179 by stone balls, the force of which had already been spent in crossing the wide stretches of the river, and that he must have been mad to attempt to storm a city which could only be reduced by famine. Then they thought: "He is dead. God receive his soul! But he has brought us into a sorry plight180."
Men told how Ma?tre Jean de Builhons, a famous astrologer, had prophesied181 this death,[518] and how in the[Pg i.128] night before the fatal day, the Earl of Salisbury himself had dreamed that he was being clawed by a wolf. A Norman clerk composed two songs on this sad death, one against the English, the other for them. The first, which is the better, closes with a couplet, worthy182 in its profound wisdom of King Solomon himself:[519]
Certes le duc de Bedefort
Avec sa femme en ung fort,
Chaudement le mieulx[520] que il porra,
De bon ypocras finera,
Povre et riche porrist en terre.[521]
The day after the taking of Les Tourelles and when its loss had been remedied as best might be, the King's lieutenant-general entered the town. He was le Seigneur Jean, Count of Porcien and of Montaing, Grand Chamberlain of France, son of Duke Louis of Orléans, who had been assassinated184 in 1407 by order of Jean-Sans-Peur, and whose death had armed the Armagnacs against the Burgundians. Dame de Cany was his mother, but he ought to have been the son of the Duchess of Orléans since the Duke was his father. Not only was it no drawback to children to be born outside wedlock185 and of an adulterous union, but it was a great honor to be called the bastard of a prince. There have never been so many bastards186 as[Pg i.129] during these wars, and the saying ran: "Children are like corn: sow stolen wheat and it will sprout187 as well as any other."[522] The Bastard of Orléans was then twenty-six at the most. The year before, with a small company, he had hastened to revictual the inhabitants of Montargis, who were besieged by the Earl of Warwick. He had not only revictualled the town; but with the help of Captain La Hire had driven away the besiegers. This augured188 well for Orléans.[523] The Bastard was the cleverest baron of his day. He knew grammar and astrology, and spoke189 more correctly than any one.[524] In his affability and intelligence he resembled his father, but he was more cautious and more temperate190. His amiability191, his courtesy and his discretion192 caused it to be said that he was in favour with all the ladies, even with the Queen.[525] In everything he was apt, in war as well as in diplomacy193, marvellously adroit194, and a consummate195 dissembler.
My Lord the Bastard brought in his train several knights, captains, and squires196 of renown, that is to say, of high birth or of great valour: the Marshal de Boussac, Messire Jacques de Chabannes, Seneschal of Bourbonnais, the Lord of Chaumont, Messire Théaulde of Valpergue, a Lombard knight, Captain La Hire, wondrous197 in war and in pillage, who had lately done so well in the relief of Montargis, and Jean, Sire de Bueil, one of those youths who had come to the[Pg i.130] King on a lame198 horse and who had taken lessons from two wise women, Suffering and Poverty. These knights came with a company of eight hundred men, archers, arbalesters, and Italian foot, bearing broad shields like those of St. George in the churches of Venice and Florence. They represented all the nobles and free-lances who for the moment could be gathered together.[526]
After the death of its chief, Salisbury's army was paralysed by disunion and diminished by desertions. Winter was coming: the captains, seeing there was nothing to be done for the present, broke up their camp, and, with such men as remained to them, went off to shelter behind the walls of Meung and Jargeau.[527] On the evening of the 8th of November all that remained before the city was the garrison of Les Tourelles, consisting of five hundred Norman horse, commanded by William Molyns and William Glasdale. The French might besiege145 and take them: they would not budge199. The Governor, the old Sire de Gaucourt, had just fallen on the pavement in La Rue200 des H?telleries and broken his arm; he couldn't move.[528] But what about the rest of the defenders?
The truth is, no one knew what to do. These warriors were doubtless acquainted with many measures for the succour of a besieged town, but they were all measures of surprise.[529] Their only devices were sallies, ambuscades, skirmishes, and other such valiant201 feats202[Pg i.131] of arms. Should they fail in raising a siege by surprise, then they remained inactive,—at the end of their ideas and of their resources. Their most experienced captains were incapable203 of any common effort,—of any concerted action, of any enterprise in short, requiring a continuous mental effort and the subordination of all to one. Each was for his own hand and thought of nothing but booty. The defence of Orléans was altogether beyond their intelligence.
For twenty-one days Captain Glasdale remained entrenched204, with his five hundred Norman horse, under the battered205 walls of Les Tourelles, between his earthworks on Le Portereau side, which couldn't have become very formidable as yet, and his barrier on the bridge, which being but wood, a spark could easily have set on fire.
Meanwhile the citizens were at work. After the departure of the English they performed a huge and arduous206 task. Concluding, and rightly, that the enemy would return not through La Sologne this time, but through La Beauce, they destroyed all their suburbs on the west, north, and east, as they had already destroyed or begun to destroy Le Portereau. They burned and pulled down twenty-two churches and monasteries, among others the church of Saint-Aignan and its monastery, so beautiful that it was a pity to see it spoiled, the church of Saint Euverte, the church of Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils, not without promising207 the blessed patrons of the town that when they should have delivered the city from the English, the citizens would build them new and more beautiful churches.[530]
On the 30th of November Captain Glasdale beheld Sir John Talbot approaching Les Tourelles. He brought three hundred men furnished with cannon, mortars, and other engines of war. Thenceforward the bombardment was resumed more violently than before: roofs were broken through, walls were battered, but there was more noise than work. In La Rue Aux-Petits-Souliers a cannon-ball fell on to a table, round which five persons were dining, and no one was hurt. It was thought to have been a miracle of Our Lord worked at the intercession of Saint Aignan, the patron saint of the city.[531] The people of Orléans had wherewith to answer the besiegers. For the seventy cannon and mortars, of which the city artillery consisted, there were twelve professional gunners with servants to wait on them. A very clever founder208 named Guillaume Duisy had cast a mortar87 which from its position at the crook or spur by the Chesneau postern, hurled stone bullets of one hundred and twenty livres on to Les Tourelles. Near this mortar were two cannon, one called Montargis because the town of Montargis had lent it, the other named Rifflart[532] after a very popular demon209. A culverin firer, a Lorrainer living at Angers, had been sent by the King to Orléans, where he was paid twelve livres[533] a month. His name was Jean de Montesclère. He was held to be the best master of his trade. He had in his charge a huge[Pg i.133] culverin which inflicted great damage on the English.[534]
A jovial210 fellow was Ma?tre Jean. When a cannon-ball happened to fall near him he would tumble to the ground and be carried into the town to the great joy of the English who believed him dead. But their joy was short-lived, for Ma?tre Jean soon returned to his post and bombarded them as before.[535] These culverins were loaded with leaden bullets by means of an iron ramrod. They were tiny cannon or rather large guns on gun-carriages. They could be moved easily.[536] And so Ma?tre Jean's culverin was brought wherever it was needed.
On the 25th of December a truce211 was proclaimed for the celebration of the Nativity of Our Lord. Of one faith and one religion, on feast days the hostility212 of the combatants ceased, and courtesy reconciled the knights of the two camps whenever the calendar reminded them that they were Christians213. No?l is a gay feast. Captain Glasdale wanted to celebrate it with carol singing according to the English custom. He asked my Lord Jean, the Bastard of Orléans, and Marshal de Boussac to send him a band of musicians, which they graciously did. The Orléans players went forth to Les Tourelles with their clarions and their trumpets214; and they played the English such carols as rejoiced their hearts. To the folk of Orléans, who came on to the bridge to listen to the music, it sounded[Pg i.134] very melodious215; but no sooner had the truce expired than every man looked to himself. For from one bank to the other the cannon burst from their slumber172, hurling216 balls of stone and copper217 with renewed vigour.[537]
That which the people of Orléans had foreseen happened on the 30th of December. On that day the English came in great force through La Beauce to Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils.[538] All the French knights went out to meet them and performed great feats of arms; but the English occupied Saint-Laurent, and then the siege really began. They erected a bastion on the left bank of the Loire, west of Le Portereau, in a place called the Field of Saint-Privé. Another they erected in the little island to the right of Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils.[539] On the right bank, at Saint-Laurent, they constructed an entrenched camp. At a bow-shot's distance on the road to Blois, in a place called la Croix-Boissée, they built another bastion. Two bow-shots away, towards the north on the road to Mans, at a spot called Les Douze-Pierres, they raised a fort which they called London.[540]
By these works half of Orléans was invested, which was as good as saying that it was not invested at all. People went in and out as they pleased. Small relieving companies despatched by the King arrived without let or hindrance218. On the 5th of January, 1429, Admiral de Culant with five hundred men-at-[Pg i.135]arms crosses the Loire opposite Saint-Loup and enters the city by the Burgundian Gate. On the 8th of February there enters William Stuart, brother of the Constable219 of Scotland, at the head of a thousand combatants well accoutred, and accompanied by several knights and squires. On the morrow they are followed by three hundred and twenty soldiers. Victuals and ammunition220 are constantly arriving; on the 3rd of January, nine hundred and fifty-four pigs and four hundred sheep; on the 10th, powder and victuals; on the 12th, six hundred pigs; on the 24th, six hundred head of fat cattle and two hundred pigs; on the 31st, eight horses loaded with oil and fat.[541]
It became evident to Lord Scales, William Pole, and Sir John Talbot, who since Salisbury's[542] death had been conducting the siege, that months and months must elapse ere the investment could be completed and the city surrounded by a ring of forts connected by a moat. Meanwhile the miserable221 Godons, up to the ears in mud and snow, were freezing in their wretched hovels,—mere shelters of wood and earth. If things went on thus they were in danger of being worse off and more starved than the besieged. Therefore, following the example of the late Earl, from time to time they tried to bring matters to a crisis; without great hope of success they endeavoured to take the town by assault.[543]
On the side of the Renard Gate the wall was lower than elsewhere; and, as their strongest force lay in this direction, they preferred to attack this part of the[Pg i.136] ramparts. They stormed the Renard Gate, rushing against the barriers with loud cries of Saint George; but the king's men and the city bands drove them back to their bastions.[544] Each of these ill planned and useless assaults cost them many men. And they already lacked both soldiers and horses.
Neither had they succeeded in alarming the people of Orléans by their double bombardment on the south and on the west. There was a joke in the town that a great cannon-ball had fallen near La Porte Bannière into the midst of a crowd of a hundred people without touching222 one, except a fellow who had his shoe taken off by it, but suffered no further hurt than having to put it on again.[545]
Meanwhile the French, English, and Burgundian knights took delight in performing valiant deeds of prowess. Whenever the whim223 took them, and under the slightest protest, they sallied forth into the country, but always with the object of capturing some booty, for they thought of little else. One day, for instance, towards the end of January, when it was bitterly cold, a little band of English marauders entered the vineyards of Saint-Ladre and Saint-Jean-de-la-Ruelle to gather sticks for firewood. The watchman no sooner announces them than behold224 all the banners flying to the wind. Marshal de Boussac, Messire Jacques de Chabannes, Seneschal of Bourbonnais, Messire Denis de Cha?lly, and many another baron, and with them captains and free-lances, make forth into the fields. Not one of them can have commanded as many as twenty men.[546]
The King's council was making every effort to[Pg i.137] succour Orléans. The King summoned the nobles of Auvergne. They had been true to the Lilies ever since the day when the Dauphin, Canon of Notre-Dame-d'Ancis, and barely more than a child, had travelled over wild peaks to subdue225 two or three rebellious226 barons227.[547] At the royal call the nobles of Auvergne came forth from their mountains. Beneath the standard of the Count of Clermont, in the early days of February, they reached Blois, where they joined the Scottish force of John Stuart of Darnley, the Constable of Scotland, and a company from Bourbonnais, under the command of the barons La Tour-d'Auvergne and De Thouars.[548]
Just at this time tidings were received of a convoy228 of victuals and ammunition which Sir John Fastolf was bringing from Paris to the English at Orléans. With two hundred men-at-arms the Bastard started from Orléans to concert measures with the Count of Clermont. It was decided to attack the convoy. Commanded by the Count of Clermont and the Bastard the whole army from Blois marched towards étampes with the object of encountering Sir John Fastolf.[549]
On the 11th of February there sallied forth from Orléans fifteen hundred fighting men commanded by Messire Guillaume d'Albret, Sir William Stuart, brother of the Constable of Scotland, the Marshal de Boussac, the Lord of Gravelle, the two Captains Saintrailles, Captain La Hire, the Lord of Verduzan, and[Pg i.138] sundry229 other knights and squires. They were summoned by the Bastard and ordered to join the Count of Clermont's army on the road to étampes, at the village of Rouvray-Saint-Denis, near Angerville.[550]
The next day, Saturday, the eve of the first Sunday in Lent, when the Count of Clermont's army was still some distance away, they reached Rouvray. There, early in the morning, the Gascons of Poton and La Hire perceived the head of the convoy advancing into the plain, along the étampes road.
There they were, a line of three hundred carts and wagons230 full of arms and victuals conducted by English soldiers and merchants and peasants from Normandy, Picardy, and Paris, fifteen hundred men at the most, all tranquil231 and unsuspecting. There naturally occurred to the Gascons the idea of falling upon these people and making short work with them at the moment when they least expected it.[551] In great haste they sent to the Count of Clermont for permission to attack. As handsome as Absalom and Paris of Troy, full of words and eaten up of vanity, the Count of Clermont, who was but a lad and none of the wisest, had that very day received his spurs and was at his first engagement.[552] He foolishly sent word to the Gascons not to attack before his arrival. The Gascons obeyed greatly disappointed; they saw what was being lost by waiting. And at length, perceiving that they have walked into the lion's mouth, the Eng[Pg i.139]lish leaders, Sir John Fastolf, Sir Richard Gethyn, Bailie of évreux, Sir Simon Morhier, Provost of Paris, place themselves in good battle array. With their wagons they make a long narrow enclosure in the plain. There they entrench their horsemen, posting the archers in front, behind stakes planted in the ground with their points inclined towards the enemy.[553] Seeing these preparations, the Constable of Scotland loses patience and leads his four hundred horsemen in a rush upon the stakes, where the horses' legs are broken.[554] The English, discovering that it is only a small company they have to deal with, bring out their cavalry232 and charge with such force that they overthrow178 the French and slay233 three hundred. Meanwhile the men of Auvergne had reached Rouvray and were scouring234 the village, draining the cellars. The Bastard left them and came to the help of the Scots with four hundred fighting men. But he was wounded in the foot, and in great danger of being taken.[555]
There fell in this combat Lord William Stuart and his brother, the Lords of Verduzan, of Chateaubrun, of Rochechouart, Jean Chabot with many others of high nobility and great valour.[556] The English, not yet satiated with slaughter235, scattered236 in pursuit of the fugitives237. La Hire and Poton, beholding238 the enemy's standards dispersed239 over the plain, gathered together as many men as they could, between sixty and eighty, and threw themselves on a small part of the English[Pg i.140] force, which they overcame. If at this juncture240 the rest of the French had rallied they might have saved the honour and advantage of the day.[557] But the Count of Clermont, who had not attempted to come to the aid of the Bastard and the Constable of Scotland, displayed his unfailing cowardice241 to the end. Having seen them all slain242, he returned with his army to Orléans, where he arrived well on into the night of the 12th of February.[558] There followed him with their troops in disorder243, the Baron La Tour-d'Auvergne, the Viscount of Thouars, the Marshal de Boussac, the Lord of Gravelle and the Bastard, who with the greatest difficulty kept in the saddle. Jamet du Tillay, La Hire, and Poton came last, watching to see that the English did not complete their discomfiture244 by falling upon them from the forts.[559]
Because the Lenten fast was beginning, the victuals which Sir John Fastolf was bringing from Paris to the English round Orléans, consisted largely of red herrings, which had suffered during the battle from the casks containing them having been broken in. To honour the French for having discomfited245 so many natives of Dieppe the delighted English merrily named the combat the Battle of the Herrings.[560]
Albeit the Count of Clermont was the King's cousin, the people of Orléans received him but coldly. He was held to have acted shamefully246 and treacherously247; and there were those who let him[Pg i.141] know what they thought. On the morrow he made off with his men of Auvergne and Bourbonnais amidst the rejoicings of the townsfolk who did not want to support those who would not fight.[561] At the same time there left the city Sire Louis de Culant, High Admiral of France and Captain La Hire, with two thousand men-at-arms. At their departure there arose from the citizens such howls of displeasure, that to appease248 them it was necessary to explain that the captains were going to fetch fresh supplies of men and victuals, which was the actual truth. My Lord Regnault de Chartres, the date of whose arrival at Orléans is uncertain, departed with them; but he could not be reproached for going, since as Chancellor of France his place was in the King's Council. But what must indeed have appeared strange was that my Lord Saint-Michel, the successor of Saint-Euverte and Saint-Aignan, should quit his episcopal see and desert his afflicted249 spouse250.[562] When the rats go the vessel251 is on the point of sinking. Only the Lord Bastard and the Marshal de Boussac were left in the city. And even the Marshal was not to stay long. A month later he went, saying that the King had need of him and that he must go and take possession of broad lands fallen to him through his wife, by the death of his brother-in-law, the Lord of Chateaubrun, at the Battle of the Herrings.[563] The townsfolk deemed the reason a good one. He promised to return before long, and they were content. Now the Marshal de Boussac was one of the barons who had the welfare of the kingdom most at heart.[564][Pg i.142] But he who has lands must needs do his duty by them.
Believing that they were betrayed and abandoned, the citizens bethought them of securing their own safety. Since the King was not able to protect them, they resolved that in order to escape from the English, they would give themselves to one more powerful than he. Therefore, to Lord Philip, Duke of Burgundy, they despatched Captain Poton of Saintrailles, who was known to him because he had been his prisoner, and two magistrates of the city, Jean de Saint-Avy and Guion du Fossé. Their mission was to pray and entreat8 the Duke to look favourably252 on the town, and for the sake of his good kinsman253, their Lord, Charles, Duke of Orléans, a prisoner in England, and thus prevented from defending his own domain3, to induce the English to raise the siege until such time as the troubles of the realm should be set at rest.[565] Thus they were offering to place their town as a pledge in the hands of the Duke of Burgundy. Such an offer was in accordance with the secret desire of the Duke, who, having sent a few hundred Burgundian horse to the walls of Orléans, was helping254 the English, and did not intend to do it for nothing.[566]
Pending255 the uncertain and distant day when they might be thus protected, the people of Orléans continued to protect themselves as best they could. But they were anxious and not without reason. For although they might prevent the enemy from[Pg i.143] entering within the city, they could devise no means for speedily driving him away. In the early days of March they observed with concern that the English were digging a ditch to serve them as cover in passing from one bastion to another, from la Croix-Boissée to Saint-Ladre. This work they attempted to destroy. They vigorously attacked the Godons and took a few prisoners. With two shots from his culverin Ma?tre Jean killed five persons, including Lord Gray, the nephew of the late Earl of Salisbury.[567] But they could not hinder the English from completing their work. The siege continued with terrible vigour. Agitated256 by doubts and fears, consumed with anxiety, without sleep, without rest, and succeeding in nothing, they began to despair. Suddenly a strange rumour257 arises, spreads, and gains credence258.
It is told that there had lately passed through the town of Gien a maid (une pucelle), who proclaimed that she was on her way to Chinon to the gentle Dauphin, and said that she had been sent by God to raise the siege of Orléans and take the King to his anointing at Reims.[568]
In colloquial259 language, a maid (une pucelle) was a girl of humble birth, who earned her livelihood260 by manual work and was generally a servant. Thus the leaden pumps used in kitchens were usually called pucelles. The term was doubtless vulgar, but it had no evil meaning. In spite of Clopinel's naughty saying: "Je légue ma pucelle à mon curé," it was used to describe a respectable girl of good morals.[569]
The tidings that a little saint of lowly origin, one of Our Lord's poor, was bringing divine help to Orléans made a great impression on minds excited by the fevers of the siege and rendered religious through fear. The Maid inspired them with a burning curiosity, which the Lord Bastard, like a wise man, deemed it prudent261 to encourage. He despatched to Chinon two knights charged to inquire concerning the damsel. One was Sire Archambaud of Villars, Governor of Montargis, whom the Bastard had already sent to the King during the siege; he was an aged15 knight, once the intimate friend of Duke Louis of Orléans, and one of the seven Frenchmen who fought against the seven Englishmen at Montendre,[570] in 1402: an Orléans citizen of the early days, notwithstanding his great age he had vigourously defended Les Tourelles on the 21st of October. The other, Messire Jamet du Tillay, a Breton squire, had recently won great honour by covering the retreat of Rouvray with his men. They set forth and the whole town anxiously awaited their return.
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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scrupled
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| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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taut
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| adj.拉紧的，绷紧的，紧张的 | |
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slate
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| n.板岩，石板，石片，石板色，候选人名单；adj.暗蓝灰色的，含板岩的；vt.用石板覆盖，痛打，提名，预订 | |
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winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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alleys
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| 胡同，小巷( alley的名词复数 )； 小径 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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amber
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| n.琥珀；琥珀色；adj.琥珀制的 | |
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wardens
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| n.看守人( warden的名词复数 )；管理员；监察员；监察官 | |
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prettily
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| adv.优美地；可爱地 | |
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flute
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| n.长笛；v.吹笛 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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crook
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| v.使弯曲；n.小偷，骗子，贼；弯曲(处) | |
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protruded
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dame
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deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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37
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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38
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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39
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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40
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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41
arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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42
abutted
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| v.（与…）邻接( abut的过去式和过去分词 )；（与…）毗连；接触；倚靠 | |
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43
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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44
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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45
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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46
buttress
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| n.支撑物；v.支持 | |
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47
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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48
belle
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| n.靓女 | |
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49
buttresses
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| n.扶壁，扶垛( buttress的名词复数 )v.用扶壁支撑，加固( buttress的第三人称单数 ) | |
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50
vaulted
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| adj.拱状的 | |
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51
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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52
glide
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| n./v.溜，滑行；(时间)消逝 | |
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53
martinet
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| n.要求严格服从纪律的人 | |
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54
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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55
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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56
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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57
limpid
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| adj.清澈的，透明的 | |
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58
brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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59
eastwards
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| adj.向东方（的），朝东（的）；n.向东的方向 | |
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60
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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61
cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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62
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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63
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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64
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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65
beeches
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| n.山毛榉( beech的名词复数 )；山毛榉木材 | |
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66
willows
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| n.柳树( willow的名词复数 )；柳木 | |
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67
redounded
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| v.有助益( redound的过去式和过去分词 )；及于；报偿；报应 | |
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68
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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69
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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70
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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71
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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72
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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73
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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74
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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75
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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76
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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77
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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78
dykes
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| abbr.diagonal wire cutters 斜线切割机n.堤( dyke的名词复数 )；坝；堰；沟 | |
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79
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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80
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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81
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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82
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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83
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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84
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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85
cannons
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| n.加农炮，大炮，火炮( cannon的名词复数 ) | |
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86
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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87
mortar
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| n.灰浆，灰泥；迫击炮；v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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88
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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89
quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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90
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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91
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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92
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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93
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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95
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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96
wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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97
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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98
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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99
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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100
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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101
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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102
philistines
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| n.市侩，庸人( philistine的名词复数 )；庸夫俗子 | |
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103
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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104
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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105
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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106
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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107
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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108
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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109
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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110
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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111
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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112
patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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113
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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115
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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116
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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117
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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118
spat
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| n.口角，掌击；v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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119
saliva
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| n.唾液，口水 | |
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120
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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121
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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122
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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123
adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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124
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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125
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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126
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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127
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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128
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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129
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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130
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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131
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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132
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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133
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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134
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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135
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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136
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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137
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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138
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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139
forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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140
broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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141
concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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142
alleges
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的第三人称单数 ) | |
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143
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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144
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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146
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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147
honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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148
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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149
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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150
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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151
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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152
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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153
entrench
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| v.使根深蒂固；n.壕沟；防御设施 | |
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154
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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155
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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156
squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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157
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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158
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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159
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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160
runaways
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| （轻而易举的）胜利( runaway的名词复数 ) | |
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161
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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162
belles
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| n.美女( belle的名词复数 )；最美的美女 | |
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163
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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164
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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165
subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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166
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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167
props
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| 小道具； 支柱( prop的名词复数 )； 支持者； 道具； （橄榄球中的）支柱前锋 | |
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168
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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169
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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170
pinnacles
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| 顶峰( pinnacle的名词复数 )； 顶点； 尖顶； 小尖塔 | |
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171
tints
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| 色彩( tint的名词复数 )； 带白的颜色； （淡色）染发剂； 痕迹 | |
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172
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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173
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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174
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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175
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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176
despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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177
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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178
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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179
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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180
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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181
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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183
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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184
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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185
wedlock
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| n.婚姻，已婚状态 | |
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186
bastards
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| 私生子( bastard的名词复数 )； 坏蛋； 讨厌的事物； 麻烦事 （认为别人走运或不幸时说）家伙 | |
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187
sprout
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| n.芽，萌芽；vt.使发芽，摘去芽；vi.长芽，抽条 | |
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188
augured
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| v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的过去式和过去分词 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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189
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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190
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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191
amiability
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| n.和蔼可亲的，亲切的，友善的 | |
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192
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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193
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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194
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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195
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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196
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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197
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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198
lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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199
budge
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| v.移动一点儿；改变立场 | |
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200
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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201
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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202
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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203
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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204
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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205
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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206
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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207
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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208
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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209
demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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210
jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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211
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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212
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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213
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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214
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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215
melodious
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| adj.旋律美妙的，调子优美的，音乐性的 | |
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216
hurling
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| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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217
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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218
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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219
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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220
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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221
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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222
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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223
whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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224
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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225
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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226
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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227
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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228
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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229
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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230
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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231
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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232
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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233
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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234
scouring
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| 擦[洗]净，冲刷，洗涤 | |
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235
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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236
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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237
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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238
beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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239
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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240
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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241
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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242
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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243
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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244
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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245
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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246
shamefully
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| 可耻地； 丢脸地； 不体面地； 羞耻地 | |
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247
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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248
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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249
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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250
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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251
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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252
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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253
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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254
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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255
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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256
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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257
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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258
credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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259
colloquial
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| adj.口语的，会话的 | |
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260
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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261
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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