THE folk of Orléans were grateful to the Maid for what she had done for them. Far from reproaching her with the unfortunate conclusion of the siege of La Charité, they welcomed her into their city with the same rejoicing and with as good cheer as before. On the 19th of January, 1430, they honoured her and likewise Ma?tre Jean de Velly and Ma?tre Jean Rabateau with a banquet, at which there was abundance of capons, partridges, hares, and even a pheasant.[293] Who that Jean de Velly was, who was feasted with her, we do not know. As for Jean Rabateau, he was none other than the King's Councillor, who had been Attorney-General at the Parlement of Poitiers since 1427.[294] He had been the Maid's host at Orléans. His wife had often seen Jeanne kneeling in her private oratory1.[295] The citizens of Orléans offered wine to the Attorney-General, to Jean de Velly, and to the Maid. In good sooth, 'twas a fine feast and a ceremonious. The burgesses loved and hon[Pg ii.104]oured Jeanne, but they cannot have observed her very closely during the repast or they would not eight years later, when an adventuress gave herself out to be the Maid, have mistaken her for Jeanne, and offered her wine in the same manner and at the hands of the same city servant, Jacques Leprestre, as now presented it.[296]
The standard that Jeanne loved even more than her Saint Catherine's sword had been painted at Tours by one Hamish Power. He was now marrying his daughter Héliote; and when Jeanne heard of it, she sent a letter to the magistrates2 of Tours, asking them to give a sum of one hundred crowns for the bride's trousseau. The nuptials3 were fixed4 for the 9th of February, 1430. The magistrates assembled twice to deliberate on Jeanne's request. They described her honourably5 and yet not without a certain caution as "the Maid who hath come into this realm to the King, concerning the matter of the war, announcing that she is sent by the King of Heaven against the English." In the end they refused to pay anything, because, they said, it behoved them to expend6 municipal funds on municipal matters and not otherwise; but they decided7 that for the affection and honour they bore the Maid, the churchmen, burgesses, and other townsfolk should be present in the church at the wedding, and should offer prayers for the bride and present her with bread and wine. This cost them four livres, ten sous.[297]
At a time which it is impossible to fix exactly the[Pg ii.105] Maid bought a house at Orléans. To be more precise she took it on lease.[298] A lease (bail à vente) was an agreement by which the proprietor8 of a house or other property transferred the ownership to the lessee9 in return for an annual payment in kind or in money. The duration of such leases was usually fifty-nine years. The house that Jeanne acquired in this manner belonged to the Chapter of the Cathedral. It was in the centre of the town, in the parish of Saint-Malo, close to the Saint-Maclou Chapel10, next door to the shop of an oil-seller, one Jean Feu, in the Rue11 des Petits-Souliers. It was in this street that, during the siege, there had fallen into the midst of five guests seated at table a stone cannon-ball weighing one hundred and sixty-four pounds, which had done no one any harm.[299] What price did the Maid give for this house? Apparently12 six crowns of fine gold (at sixty crowns to the mark), due half-yearly at Midsummer and Christmas, for fifty-nine years. In addition, she must according to custom have undertaken to keep the house in good condition and to pay out of her own purse the ecclesiastical dues as well as rates for wells and paving and all other taxes. Being obliged to have some one as surety, she chose as her guarantor a certain Guillot de Guyenne, of whom we know nothing further.[300]
There is no reason to believe that the Maid did not herself negotiate this agreement. Saint as she was, she knew well what it was to possess property. Such knowledge ran in her family; her father was the best[Pg ii.106] business man in his village.[301] She herself was domesticated13 and thrifty14; for she kept her old clothes, and even in the field she knew where to find them when she wanted to make presents of them to her friends. She counted up her possessions in arms and horses, valued them at twelve thousand crowns, and, apparently made a pretty accurate reckoning.[302] But what was her idea in taking this house? Did she think of living in it? Did she intend when the war was over to return to Orléans and pass a peaceful old age in a house of her own? Or was she planning for her parents to dwell there, or some Vouthon uncle, or her brothers, one of whom was in great poverty and had got a doublet out of the citizens of Orléans?[303]
On the third of March she followed King Charles to Sully.[304] The chateau15, in which she lodged16 near the King, belonged to the Sire de la Trémouille, who had inherited it from his mother, Marie de Sully, the daughter of Louis I of Bourbon. It had been recaptured from the English after the deliverance of Orléans.[305] A stronghold on the Loire, on the highroad from Paris to Autun, and commanding the plain between Orléans and Briare and the ancient bridge with twenty arches, the chateau of Sully linked together central France and those northern provinces which Jeanne had so regretfully quitted, and whither with all her heart she longed to return to engage in fresh expeditions and fresh sieges.
[Pg ii.107]
During the first fortnight of March, from the townsfolk of Reims she received a message in which they confided17 to her fears only too well grounded.[306] On the 8th of March the Regent had granted to the Duke of Burgundy the counties of Champagne18 and of Brie on condition of his reconquering them.[307] Armagnacs and English vied with each other in offering the biggest and most tempting19 morsels20 to this Gargantuan21 Duke. Not being able to keep their promise and deliver to him Compiègne which refused to be delivered, the French offered him in its place Pont-Sainte-Maxence.[308] But it was Compiègne that he wanted. The truces22, which had been very imperfectly kept, were to have expired at Christmas, but first they had been prolonged till the 15th of March and then till Easter. In the year 1430 Easter fell on the 16th of April; and Duke Philip was only waiting for that date to put an army in the field.[309]
"Dear friends and beloved and mightily25 desired. Jehenne the Maid hath received your letters making mention that ye fear a siege. Know ye that it shall not so betide, and I may but encounter them shortly. And if I do not encounter them and they do not come to you, if you shut your gates firmly, I shall shortly be with you: and if they be there, I shall make them put on their spurs so hastily that they will not know where to take them and so quickly that it shall be very soon. Other things I will not write[Pg ii.108] unto you now, save that ye be always good and loyal. I pray God to have you in his keeping. Written at Sully, the 16th day of March.
I would announce unto you other tidings at which ye would mightily rejoice; but I fear lest the letters be taken on the road, and the said tidings be seen.
Signed. Jehanne.
Addressed to my dear friends and beloved, churchmen, burgesses and other citizens of the town of Rains."[310]
There can be no doubt that the scribe wrote this letter faithfully as it was dictated26 by the Maid, and that he wrote her words as they fell from her lips. In her haste she now and again forgot words and sometimes whole phrases; but the sense is clear all the same. And what confidence! "You will have no siege if I encounter the enemy." How completely is[Pg ii.109] this the language of chivalry27! On the eve of Patay she had asked: "Have you good spurs?"[311] Here she cries: "I will make them put on their spurs." She says that soon she will be in Champagne, that she is about to start. Surely we can no longer think of her shut up in the Castle of La Trémouille as in a kind of gilded28 cage.[312] In conclusion, she tells her friends at Reims that she does not write unto them all that she would like for fear lest her letter should be captured on the road. She knew what it was to be cautious. Sometimes she affixed29 a cross to her letters to warn her followers30 to pay no heed31 to what she wrote, in the hope that the missive would be intercepted32 and the enemy deceived.[313]
It was from Sully that on the 23rd of March Brother Pasquerel sent the Emperor Sigismund a letter intended for the Hussites of Bohemia.[314]
The Hussites of those days were abhorred33 and execrated34 throughout Christendom. They demanded the free preaching of God's word, communion in both kinds, and the return of the Church to that evangelical life which allowed neither the wealth of priests nor the temporal power of popes. They desired the punishment of sin by the civil magistrates, a custom which could prevail only in very holy society. They were saints indeed and heretics too on every possible point. Pope Martin held the destruction of these wicked persons to be salutary, and such was the opinion of every good Catholic. But how could this armed heresy35 be dealt with when it routed all the forces of the Empire and the Holy See? The Hussites were too much[Pg ii.110] for that worn-out ancient chivalry of Christendom, for the knighthood of France and of Germany, which was good for nothing but to be thrown on to the refuse heaps like so much old iron. And this was precisely36 what the towns of the realm of France did when over these knights37 of chivalry they placed a peasant girl.[315]
At Tachov, in 1427, the Crusaders, blessed by the Holy Father, had fled at the mere38 sound of the chariot wheels of the Procops.[316] Pope Martin knew not where to turn for defenders39 of Holy Church, one and indivisible. He had paid for the armament of five thousand English crusaders, which the Cardinal40 of Winchester was to lead against these accursed Bohemians; but in this force the Holy Father was cruelly disappointed; hardly had his five thousand crusaders landed in France, than the Regent of England diverted them from their route and sent them to Brie to occupy the attention of the Maid of the Armagnacs.[317]
Since her coming into France Jeanne had spoken of the crusade as a work good and meritorious41. In the letter dictated before the expedition to Orléans, she summoned the English to join the French and go together to fight against the Church's foe42. And later, writing to the Duke of Burgundy, she invited the son of the Duke vanquished43 at Nicopolis to make war against the Turks.[318] Who but the mendicants direct[Pg ii.111]ing her can have put these crusading ideas into Jeanne's head? Immediately after the deliverance of Orléans it was said that she would lead King Charles to the conquest of the Holy Sepulchre and that she would die in the Holy Land.[319] At the same time it was rumoured45 that she would make war on the Hussites. In the month of July, 1429, when the coronation campaign had barely begun, it was proclaimed in Germany, on the faith of a prophetess of Rome, that by a prophetess of France the Bohemian kingdom should be recovered.[320]
Already zealous46 for the Crusade against the Turks, the Maid was now equally eager for the Crusade against the Hussites. Turks or Bohemians, it was all alike to her. Of one and the other her only knowledge lay in the stories full of witchcraft48 related to her by the mendicants of her company. Touching49 the Hussites, stories were told, not all true, but which Jeanne must have believed; and they cannot have pleased her. It was said that they worshipped the devil, and that they called him "the wronged one." It was told that as works of piety50 they committed all manner of fornication. Every Bohemian was said to be possessed51 by a hundred demons52. They were accused of killing53 thousands of churchmen. Again, and this time with truth, they were charged with burning churches and monasteries54. The Maid believed in the God who commanded Israel to wipe out the Philistines55 from the face of the earth. But recently there had arisen Cathari who held the God of the Old Testament56 to be none other than Lucifer or Luciabelus, author of evil, liar57 and murderer. The[Pg ii.112] Cathari abhorred war; they refused to shed blood; they were heretics; they had been massacred, and none remained. The Maid believed in good faith that the extirpation59 of the Hussites was a work pleasing to God. Men more learned than she, not like her addicted60 to chivalry, but of gentle life, clerks like the Chancellor61 Jean Gerson, believed it likewise.[321] Of these Bohemian heretics she thought what every one thought: her opinions were those of the multitude; her views were modelled on public opinion. Wherefore in all the simplicity62 of her heart she hated the Hussites, but she feared them not, because she feared nothing and because she believed, God helping63 her, that she was able to overcome all the English, all the Turks, and all the Bohemians in the world. At the first trumpet64 call she was ready to sally forth65 against them. On the 23rd of March, 1430, Brother Pasquerel sent the Emperor Sigismund a letter written in the name of the Maid and intended for the Hussites of Bohemia. This letter was indited66 in Latin. The following is the purport67 of it:
Jesus ? Marie
Long ago there reached me the tidings that ye from the true Christians68 that ye once were have become heretics, like unto the Saracens, that ye have abolished true religion and worship and have turned to a superstition69 corrupt70 and fatal, the which in your zeal47 to maintain and to spread abroad there be no shame nor cruelty ye do not dare to perpetrate. You defile71 the sacraments of the Church, tear to pieces the articles of her faith, overthrow72 her temples. The images which were made for similitudes you break and throw into the fire. Finally such Christians as embrace not your[Pg ii.113] faith you massacre58. What fury, what folly73, what rage possesses you? That religion which God the All Powerful, which the Son, which the Holy Ghost raised up, instituted, exalted74 and revealed in a thousand manners, by a thousand miracles, ye persecute75, ye employ all arts to overturn and to exterminate76.
It is you, you who are blind and not those who have not eyes nor sight. Think ye that ye will go unpunished? Do ye not know that if God prevent not your impious violence, if he suffer you to grope on in darkness and in error, it is that he is preparing for you a greater sorrow and a greater punishment? As for me, in good sooth, were I not occupied with the English wars, I would have already come against you. But in very deed if I learn not that ye have turned from your wicked ways, I will peradventure leave the English and hasten against you, in order that I may destroy by the sword your vain and violent superstition, if I can do so in no other manner, and that I may rid you either of heresy or of life. Notwithstanding, if you prefer to return to the Catholic faith and to the light of primitive78 days, send unto me your ambassadors and I will tell them what ye must do. If on the other hand ye will be stiff-necked and kick against the pricks79, then remember all the crimes and offences ye have perpetrated and look for to see me coming unto you with all strength divine and human to render unto you again all the evil ye have done unto others.
Given at Sully, on the 23rd of March, to the Bohemian heretics.
Signed. Pasquerel.[322]
This was the letter sent to the Emperor. How had Jeanne really expressed herself in her dialect savouring alike of the speech of Champagne and of that of[Pg ii.114] l'?le de France? There can be no doubt but that her letter had been sadly embellished80 by the good Brother. Such Ciceronian language cannot have proceeded from the Maid. It is all very well to say that a saint of those days could do everything, could prophesy81 on any subject and in any tongue, so fine an epistle remains82 far too rhetorical to have been composed by a damsel whom even the Armagnac captains considered simple. Nevertheless, a careful examination will reveal in this missive, at any rate in the second half of it, certain of those bluntly naive83 passages and some of that childish assurance which are noticeable in Jeanne's genuine letters, especially in her reply to the Count of Armagnac;[323] and more than once there occurs an expression characteristic of a village sibyl. The following, for example, is quite in Jeanne's own manner: "If you will return to the bosom84 of the Catholic Church, send me your ambassadors; I will tell you what you have to do." And her usual threat: "Expect me with all strength human and divine."[324] As for the phrase: "If I hear not shortly of your conversion85, of your return to the bosom of the Church, I will peradventure leave the English and come against you," here we may suspect the mendicant44 friar, less interested in the affairs of Charles VII than in those of the Church, of having ascribed to the Maid greater eagerness to set forth on the Crusade than she really felt. Good and salutary as she deemed the taking of the Cross, as far as we know her, she would never have consented to take it until she had driven the English out of the realm of France. She believed this to be her mission, and the persistence86, the consistency87, the strength[Pg ii.115] of will she evinced in its fulfilment, are truly admirable. It is quite probable that she dictated to the good Brother some phrase like: "When I have put the English out of the kingdom, I will turn against you." This would explain and excuse Brother Pasquerel's error. It is very likely that Jeanne believed she would dispose of the English in a trice and that she already saw herself distributing good buffets88 and sound clouts89 to the renegade and infidel Bohemians. The Maid's simplicity makes itself felt through the clerk's Latin. This epistle to the Bohemians recalls, alas90! that fagot placed upon the stake whereon John Huss was burning, by the pious77 zeal of the good wife whose saintly simplicity John Huss himself teaches us to admire.
One cannot help reflecting that Jeanne and those very men against whom she hurled91 menace and invective92 had much in common; alike they were impelled93 by faith, chastity, simple ignorance, pious duty, resignation to God's will, and a tendency to magnify the minor94 matters of devotion. Zizka[325] had established in his camp that purity of morals which the Maid was endeavouring to introduce among the Armagnacs. The peasant soldiers of Bohemia and the peasant Maid of France bearing her sword amidst mendicant monks95 had much in common. On the one hand and on the other, we have the religious spirit in the place of the political spirit, the fear of sin in the place of obedience96 to the civil law, the spiritual introduced into the temporal. Here is indeed a woeful sight and a piteous; the devout97 set one against the other, the innocent against the innocent, the simple against the simple, the heretic against heretics; and it is painful to think that when she[Pg ii.116] is threatening with extermination98 the disciples99 of that John Huss, who had been treacherously101 taken and burned as a heretic, she herself is on the point of being sold to her enemies and condemned102 to suffer as a witch. It would have been different if this letter, at which the accomplished103 wits and humorists of the day looked askance, had won the approval of theologians. But they also found fault with it, an illustrious canonist, a zealous inquisitor deemed highly presumptuous104 this threatening of a multitude of men by a Maid.[326]
We were right in saying that she was not prepared to leave the English immediately and hasten against the Bohemians. Five days after her appeal to the Hussites she wrote to her friends at Reims and in mysterious words gave them to understand that she would come to them shortly.[327]
The partisans105 of Duke Philip were at that time hatching plots in the towns of Champagne, notably106 at Troyes and at Reims. On the 22nd of February, 1430, a canon and a chaplain were arrested and brought before the chapter for having conspired107 to deliver the city to the English. It was well for them that they belonged to the Church, for having been condemned to perpetual imprisonment108, they obtained from the King a mitigation of their sentence, and the canon a complete remittance109.[328] The aldermen and ecclesiastics110 of the city, fearing they would be thought badly of on the other side of the Loire, wrote to the Maid entreating112 her to speak well of[Pg ii.117] them to the King. The following is her reply to their request:[329]
"Very good friends and beloved, may it please you to wit that I have received your letters, the which make mention how it hath been reported to the King that within the city of Reims there be many wicked persons. Therefore I give you to wit that it is indeed true that even such things have been reported to him and that he grieves much that there be folk in alliance with the Burgundians; that they would betray the town and bring the Burgundians into it. But since then the King has known the contrary by means of the assurance ye have sent him, and he is well pleased with you. And ye may believe that ye stand well in his favour; and if ye have need, he would help you with regard to the siege; and he knows well that ye have much to suffer from the hardness of those treacherous100 Burgundians, your adversaries113: thus may God in his pleasure deliver you shortly, that is as soon as may be. So I pray and entreat111 you my friends dearly beloved that ye hold well the said city for the King and that ye keep good watch. Ye will soon have good tidings of me at greater length. Other things for the present I write not unto you save that the whole of Brittany is French and that the Duke is to send to the King three thousand combatants paid for two months. To God I commend you, may he keep you.
Written at Sully, the 28th of March.
Jehanne.[330][Pg ii.118]
Addressed to: My good friends and dearly beloved, the churchmen, aldermen, burgesses and inhabitants and masters of the good town of Reyms."[331]
Touching the succour to be expected from the Duke of Brittany, the Maid was labouring under a delusion114. Like all other prophetesses she was ignorant of what was passing around her. Despite her failures, she believed in her good fortune; she doubted herself no more than she doubted God; and she was eager to pursue the fulfilment of her mission. "Ye shall soon have tidings of me," she said to the townsfolk of Reims. A few days after, and she left Sully to go into France and fight, on the expiration115 of the truces.
It has been said that she feigned116 an expedition of pleasure and set out without taking leave of the King, that it was a kind of innocent stratagem117, an honourable118 flight.[332] But it was nothing of the sort.[333] The Maid gathered a company of some hundred horse, sixty-eight archers119 and cross-bowmen, and two trumpeters, commanded by a Lombard captain, Bartolomeo Baretta.[334] In this company were Italian[Pg ii.119] men-at-arms, bearing broad shields, like some who had come to Orléans at the time of the siege; possibly they were the same.[335] She set out at the head of this company, with her brothers and her steward120, the Sire Jean d'Aulon. She was in the hands of Jean d'Aulon, and Jean d'Aulon was in the hands of the Sire de la Trémouille, to whom he owed money.[336] The good squire121 would not have followed the Maid against the King's will.
The flying squadron of béguines had recently been divided by a schism122. Friar Richard, who was then in high favour with Queen Marie, and who had preached the Lenten sermons of 1430[337] at Orléans, stayed behind, on the Loire, with Catherine de la Rochelle. Jeanne took with her Pierronne and the younger Breton prophetess.[338] If she went into France, it was not without the knowledge or against the will of the King and his Council. Very probably the Chancellor of the kingdom had asked La Trémouille to send her in order that he might employ her in the approaching campaign against the Burgundians, who were threatening his government of Beauvais and his city of Reims.[339] He was not very kindly123 disposed towards her, but already he had made use of her and he intended to do so again. Possibly his intention was to employ her in a fresh attack on Paris.
The King had not abandoned the idea of taking[Pg ii.120] his great city by the peaceful methods he always preferred. Throughout Lent, between Sully and Paris, there had been a constant passing to and fro of certain Carmelite monks of Melun, disguised as artisans. These were the churchmen who, during the attack on the Porte Saint Honoré, on the Day of the Festival of Our Lady, had stirred up the popular rising which had spread from one bank of the Seine to the other. Now they were negotiating with certain influential124 citizens the entrance of the King's men into the rebel city. The Prior of the Melun Carmelites was directing the conspiracy125.[340] There is reason to believe that Jeanne had herself seen him or one of his monks. True it is that since the 22nd or the 23rd of March it was known at Sully that the conspiracy had been discovered;[341] but perhaps the hope of success still lingered. It was to Melun that Jeanne went with her company; and it is difficult to believe that there was no connection between the conspiracy of the Carmelites and the expedition of the Maid.
Why should Charles VII's Councillors have ceased to employ her? It cannot be said that she appeared less divine to the French or less evil to the English. Her failures, either unknown, or partially126 known, rendered unimportant by the fame of her victories, had not dispelled127 the idea that within her resided invincible128 power. At the time when the hapless damsel with the flower of French knighthood was receiving sore treatment under the walls of La Charité at the hands of an ex-mason's apprentice129, in Burgun[Pg ii.121]dian lands it was rumoured that she was carrying by storm a castle twelve miles from Paris.[342] She was still considered miraculous130; the burgesses, the men-at-arms of her party still believed in her. And as for the Godons, from the Regent to the humblest swordsman of the army, they all regarded her with a terror as great as that which had possessed them at Orléans and Patay. At this time so many English soldiers and captains refused to go to France, that a special edict was issued obliging them to do so.[343] But they doubtless discovered reasons enough for not going into a country where henceforth they could hope only for hard knocks and nothing tempting; so that many declined, terrified by the enchantments131 of the Maid.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
oratory
|
|
| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
magistrates
|
|
| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
nuptials
|
|
| n.婚礼；婚礼( nuptial的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
honourably
|
|
| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
expend
|
|
| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
proprietor
|
|
| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
lessee
|
|
| n.（房地产的）租户 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
chapel
|
|
| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
rue
|
|
| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
domesticated
|
|
| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
thrifty
|
|
| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
chateau
|
|
| n.城堡，别墅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
lodged
|
|
| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
confided
|
|
| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
champagne
|
|
| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
tempting
|
|
| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
morsels
|
|
| n.一口( morsel的名词复数 )；（尤指食物）小块，碎屑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
gargantuan
|
|
| adj.巨大的，庞大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
truces
|
|
| 休战( truce的名词复数 )； 停战（协定）； 停止争辩（的协议）； 中止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
concise
|
|
| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
vivacious
|
|
| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
mightily
|
|
| ad.强烈地；非常地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
dictated
|
|
| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
chivalry
|
|
| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
gilded
|
|
| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
affixed
|
|
| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
heed
|
|
| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
intercepted
|
|
| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
abhorred
|
|
| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
execrated
|
|
| v.憎恶( execrate的过去式和过去分词 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
heresy
|
|
| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
precisely
|
|
| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
knights
|
|
| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
defenders
|
|
| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
cardinal
|
|
| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
meritorious
|
|
| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
foe
|
|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
vanquished
|
|
| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
mendicant
|
|
| n.乞丐；adj.行乞的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
rumoured
|
|
| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
zealous
|
|
| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
witchcraft
|
|
| n.魔法，巫术 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
touching
|
|
| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
piety
|
|
| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
demons
|
|
| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
killing
|
|
| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
monasteries
|
|
| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
philistines
|
|
| n.市侩，庸人( philistine的名词复数 )；庸夫俗子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
testament
|
|
| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
liar
|
|
| n.说谎的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
massacre
|
|
| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
extirpation
|
|
| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
addicted
|
|
| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
chancellor
|
|
| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
simplicity
|
|
| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
helping
|
|
| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
trumpet
|
|
| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
indited
|
|
| v.写（文章，信等）创作，赋诗，创作( indite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
67
purport
|
|
| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
Christians
|
|
| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
superstition
|
|
| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
corrupt
|
|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
defile
|
|
| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
overthrow
|
|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
folly
|
|
| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
exalted
|
|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
persecute
|
|
| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
exterminate
|
|
| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
pious
|
|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
primitive
|
|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
pricks
|
|
| 刺痛( prick的名词复数 )； 刺孔； 刺痕； 植物的刺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
embellished
|
|
| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
prophesy
|
|
| v.预言；预示 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
naive
|
|
| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
bosom
|
|
| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
conversion
|
|
| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
persistence
|
|
| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
consistency
|
|
| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
buffets
|
|
| （火车站的）饮食柜台( buffet的名词复数 )； （火车的）餐车； 自助餐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
clouts
|
|
| n.猛打( clout的名词复数 )；敲打；（尤指政治上的）影响；（用手或硬物的）击v.（尤指用手）猛击，重打( clout的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
90
alas
|
|
| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
hurled
|
|
| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
invective
|
|
| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
impelled
|
|
| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
minor
|
|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
monks
|
|
| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
obedience
|
|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
devout
|
|
| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
extermination
|
|
| n.消灭，根绝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
disciples
|
|
| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
treacherous
|
|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
treacherously
|
|
| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
presumptuous
|
|
| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
partisans
|
|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
notably
|
|
| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
conspired
|
|
| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
imprisonment
|
|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
remittance
|
|
| n.汇款，寄款，汇兑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
ecclesiastics
|
|
| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
111
entreat
|
|
| v.恳求，恳请 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
entreating
|
|
| 恳求，乞求( entreat的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
adversaries
|
|
| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
delusion
|
|
| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
expiration
|
|
| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
feigned
|
|
| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
stratagem
|
|
| n.诡计，计谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
honourable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
archers
|
|
| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
steward
|
|
| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
squire
|
|
| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
schism
|
|
| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
influential
|
|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
partially
|
|
| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
dispelled
|
|
| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
invincible
|
|
| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
apprentice
|
|
| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
miraculous
|
|
| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
enchantments
|
|
| n.魅力( enchantment的名词复数 )；迷人之处；施魔法；着魔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |