IN the evening, after the burning, the executioner, as was his wont2, went whining3 and begging to the monastery4 of the preaching friars. The creature complained that he had found it very difficult to make an end of Jeanne. According to a legend invented afterwards, he told the monks5 that he feared damnation for having burned a saint.[985] Had he actually spoken thus in the house of the Vice-Inquisitor he would have been straightway cast into the lowest dungeon7, there to await a trial for heresy8, which would have probably resulted in his being sentenced to suffer the death he had inflicted10 on her whom he had called a saint. And what could have led him to suppose that the woman condemned11 by good Father Lemaistre and my Lord of Beauvais was not a bad woman? The truth is that in the presence of these friars he arrogated12 to himself merit for having executed a witch and taken pains therein, wherefore he came to ask for his pot of wine. One of the monks, who happened to be a friar preacher, Brother Pierre Bosquier, forgot himself so far as to say that it was wrong to have condemned the[Pg ii.344] Maid. These words, albeit13 they were heard by only a few persons, were carried to the Inquisitor General. When he was summoned to answer for them, Brother Pierre Bosquier declared very humbly14 that his words were altogether wrong and tainted15 with heresy, and that indeed he had only uttered them when he was full of wine. On his knees and with clasped hands he entreated16 Holy Mother Church, his judges and the most redoubtable17 lords to pardon him. Having regard to his repentance18 and in consideration of his cloth and of his having spoken in a state of intoxication19, my Lord of Beauvais and the Vice-Inquisitor showed indulgence to Brother Pierre Bosquier. By a sentence pronounced on the 8th of August, 1431, they condemned him to be imprisoned20 in the house of the friars preachers and fed on bread and water until Easter.[986]
On the 12th of June the judges and counsellors, who had sat in judgment21 on Jeanne, received letters of indemnity22 from the Great Council. What was the object of these letters? Was it in case the holders23 of them should be proceeded against by the French? But in that event the letters would have done them more harm than good.[987]
The Lord Chancellor24 of England sent to the Emperor, to the Kings and to the princes of Christendom, letters in Latin; to the prelates, dukes, counts, lords, and all the towns of France, letters in French.[988] Herein he made known unto them that King Henry and his Counsellors had had sore pity on the Maid, and that if they had caused her death it was through[Pg ii.345] their zeal25 for the faith and their solicitude26 Christian27 folk.[989]
In like tenor28 did the University of Paris write to the Holy Father, the Emperor and the College of Cardinals29.[990]
On the 4th of July, the day of Saint-Martin-le-Bouillant, Master Jean Graverent, Prior of the Jacobins, Inquisitor of the Faith, preached at Saint-Martin-des-Champs. In his sermon he related the deeds of Jeanne, and told how for her errors and shortcomings she had been delivered to the secular30 judges and burned alive.
Then he added: "There were four, three of whom have been taken, to wit, this Maid, Pierronne, and her companion. One, Catherine de la Rochelle, still remaineth with the Armagnacs. Friar Richard, the Franciscan, who attracted so great a multitude of folk when he preached in Paris at the Innocents and elsewhere, directed these women; he was their spiritual father."[991]
With Pierronne burned in Paris, her companion eating the bread of bitterness and drinking the water of affliction in the prison of the Church, and Jeanne burned at Rouen, the royal company of béguines was now almost entirely31 annihilated32. There only remained to the King the holy dame of La Rochelle, who had escaped from the hands of the Paris Official; but her indiscreet talk had rendered her troublesome.[992][Pg ii.346] While his penitents33 were being discredited34, good Friar Richard himself had fallen on evil days. The Vicars in the diocese of Poitiers and the Inquisitor of the Faith had forbidden him to preach. The great orator35, who had converted so many Christian folk, could no longer thunder against gaming-tables and dice36, against women's finery, and mandrakes arrayed in magnificent attire37. No longer could he declare the coming of Antichrist nor prepare souls for the terrible trials which were to herald38 the imminent39 end of the world. He was ordered to lie under arrest in the Franciscan monastery at Poitiers. And doubtless it was with no great docility40 that he submitted to the sentence of his superiors; for on Friday, the 23rd of March, 1431, we find the Ordinary and the Inquisitor, asking aid in the execution of the sentence from the Parliament of Poitiers, which did not refuse it. Why did Holy Church exercise such severity towards a preacher endowed with so wondrous41 a power of moving sinful souls? We may at any rate suspect the reason. For some time the English and Burgundian clergy42 had been accusing him of apostasy43 and magic. Now, owing to the unity44 of the Church in general and to that of the Gallican Church in particular, owing also to the authority of that bright sun of Christendom, the University of Paris, when a clerk was suspected of error and heresy by the doctors of the English and Burgundian party he came to be looked at askance by the clergy who were loyal to King Charles. Especially was this so when in a matter touching45 the Catholic faith, the University had pronounced against him and in favour of the English. It is quite likely that the clerks of Poitiers had been prejudiced against Friar Richard by Pierronne's conviction and even by the Maid's trial.[Pg ii.347] The good brother, who persisted in preaching the end of the world, was strongly suspected of dealing46 in the black art. Wherefore, realising the fate which was threatening him, he fled, and was never heard of again.[993]
None the less, however, did the counsellors of King Charles continue to employ the devout47 in the army. At the time of the disappearance48 of Friar Richard and his penitents, they were making use of a young shepherd whom my Lord the Archbishop, Duke of Reims and Chancellor of the kingdom, had proclaimed to be Jeanne's miraculous50 successor. And it was in the following circumstance that the shepherd was permitted to display his power.
The war continued. Twenty days after Jeanne's death the English in great force marched to recapture the town of Louviers. They had delayed till then, not, as some have stated, because they despaired of succeeding in anything as long as the Maid lived, but because they needed time to collect money and engines for the siege.[994] In the July and August of this same year, at Senlis and at Beauvais, my Lord of Reims, Chancellor of France and the Maréchal de Boussac, were upholding the French cause. And we may be sure that my Lord of Reims was upholding it with no little vigour51 since at the same time he was defending the benefices which were so dear to him.[995][Pg ii.348] A Maid had reconquered them, now he intended a lad to hold them. With this object he employed the little shepherd, Guillaume, from the Lozère Mountains, who, like Saint Francis of Assisi and Saint Catherine of Sienna, had received stigmata. A party of French surprised the Regent at Mantes and were on the point of taking him prisoner. The alarm was given to the army besieging52 Louviers; and two or three companies of men-at-arms were despatched. They hastened to Mantes, where they learnt that the Regent had succeeded in reaching Paris. Thereupon, having been reinforced by troops from Gournay and certain other English garrisons53, being some two thousand strong and commanded by the Earls of Warwick, Arundel, Salisbury, and Suffolk, and by Lord Talbot and Sir Thomas Kiriel, the English made bold to march upon Beauvais. The French, informed of their approach, left the town at daybreak, and marched out to meet them in the direction of Savignies. King Charles's men, numbering between eight hundred and one thousand combatants, were commanded by the Maréchal de Boussac, the Captains La Hire, Poton, and others.[996]
The shepherd Guillaume, whom they believed to be sent of God, was at their head, riding side-saddle and displaying the miraculous wounds in his hands, his feet, and his left side.[997]
When they were about two and a half miles from the town, just when they least expected it, a shower of arrows came down upon them. The English, informed by their scouts54 of the French approach, had lain in wait for them in a hollow of the road. Now[Pg ii.349] they attacked them closely both in the van and in the rear. Each side fought valiantly55. A considerable number were slain56, which was not the case in most of the battles of those days, when few but the fugitives57 were killed. But the French, feeling themselves surrounded, were seized with panic, and thus brought about their own destruction. Most of them, with the Maréchal de Boussac and Captain La Hire, fled to the town of Beauvais. Captain Poton and the shepherd, Guillaume, remained in the hands of the English, who returned to Rouen in triumph.[998]
Poton made sure of being ransomed58 in the usual manner. But the little shepherd could not hope for such a fate; he was suspected of heresy and magic; he had deceived Christian folk and accepted from them idolatrous veneration60. The signs of our Saviour's passion that he bore upon him helped him not a whit61; on the contrary the wounds, by the French held to have been divinely imprinted62, to the English seemed the marks of the devil.
Guillaume, like the Maid, had been taken in the diocese of Beauvais. The Lord Bishop49 of this town, Messire Pierre Cauchon, who had claimed the right to try Jeanne, made a similar claim for Guillaume; and the shepherd was granted what the Maid had been refused, he was cast into an ecclesiastical prison.[999] He would seem to have been less difficult to guard than Jeanne and also less important. But the English had recently learnt what was involved in a trial by the Inquisition; they now knew how lengthy63 and how punctilious64 it was. Moreover, they did not see how it would profit them if this shepherd were con[Pg ii.350]victed of heresy. If the French had set their hope of success in war[1000] in Guillaume as they had done in Jeanne, then that hope was but short-lived. To put the Armagnacs to shame by proving that their shepherd lad came from the devil, that game was not worth the candle. The youth was taken to Rouen and thence to Paris.[1001]
He had been a prisoner for four months when King Henry VI, who was nine years old, came to Paris to be crowned in the church of Notre Dame with the two crowns of France and England. With high pomp and great rejoicing he made his entrance into the city on Sunday, the 16th of December. Along the route of the procession, in the Rue66 du Ponceau-Saint-Denys, had been constructed a fountain adorned67 with three sirens; and from their midst rose a tall lily stalk, from the buds and blossoms of which flowed streams of wine and milk. Folk flocked to drink of the fountain; and around its basin men disguised as savages69 entertained them with games and sham65 fights.
From the Porte Saint-Denys to the H?tel Saint-Paul in the Marais, the child King rode beneath a great azure70 canopy71, embroidered72 with flowers-de-luce in gold, borne first by the four aldermen hooded74 and clothed in purple, then by the corporations, drapers, grocers, money-changers, goldsmiths and hosiers. Before him went twenty-five heralds75 and twenty-five trumpeters; followed by nine handsome men and nine beautiful ladies, wearing magnificent armour76 and bearing great shields, representing the nine preux and the nine preuses, also by a number of knights77 and squires80. In this brilliant[Pg ii.351] procession appeared the little shepherd Guillaume; he no longer stretched out his arms to show the wounds of the passion, for he was strongly bound.[1002]
After the ceremony he was conducted back to prison, whence he was taken later to be sewn in a sack and thrown into the Seine.[1003] Even the French admitted that Guillaume was but a simpleton and that his mission was not of God.[1004]
In 1433, the Constable81, with the assistance of the Queen of Sicily, caused the capture and planned the assassination82 of La Trémouille. It was the custom of the nobles of that day to appoint counsellors for King Charles and afterwards to kill them. However, the sword which was to have caused the death of La Trémouille, owing to his corpulence, failed to inflict9 a mortal wound. His life was saved, but his influence was dead. King Charles tolerated the Constable as he had tolerated the Sire de la Trémouille.[1005]
The latter left behind him the reputation of having been grasping and indifferent to the welfare of the kingdom. Perhaps his greatest fault was that he governed in a time of war and pillage83, when friends and foes84 alike were devouring85 the realm. He was charged with the destruction of the Maid, of whom he was said to have been jealous. This accusation86 proceeds from the House of Alen?on, with whom the Lord Chamberlain was not popular.[1006] On the contrary, it must be admitted, that after the Lord Chan[Pg ii.352]cellor, La Trémouille was the boldest in employing the Maid, and if later she did thwart88 his plans there is nothing to prove that it was his intention to have her destroyed by the English. She destroyed herself and was consumed by her own zeal.
Rightly or wrongly, the Lord Chamberlain was held to be a bad man; and, although his successor in the King's favour, the Duc de Richemont, was avaricious89, hard, violent, incredibly stupid, surly, malicious90, always beaten and always discontented, the exchange appeared to be no loss. The Constable came in a fortunate hour, when the Duke of Burgundy was making peace with the King of France.
In the words of a Carthusian friar, the English who had entered the kingdom by the hole made in Duke John's head on the Bridge of Montereau, only retained their hold on the kingdom by the hand of Duke Philip. They were but few in number, and if the giant were to withdraw his hand a breath of wind would suffice to blow them away. The Regent died of sorrow and wrath91, beholding92 the fulfilment of the horoscope of King Henry VI: "Exeter shall lose what Monmouth hath won."[1007]
On the 13th of April, 1436, the Count of Richemont entered Paris. The nursing mother of Burgundian clerks and Cabochien doctors, the University herself, had helped to mediate93 peace.[1008]
Now, one month after Paris had returned to her allegiance to King Charles, there appeared in Lorraine a certain damsel. She was about twenty-five[Pg ii.353] years old. Hitherto she had been called Claude; but she now made herself known to divers94 lords of the town of Metz as being Jeanne the Maid.[1009]
At this time, Jeanne's father and eldest95 brother were dead.[1010] Isabelle Romée was alive. Her two youngest sons were in the service of the King of France, who had raised them to the rank of nobility and given them the name of Du Lys. Jean, the eldest, called Petit-Jean,[1011] had been appointed Bailie of Vermandois, then Captain of Chartres. About this year, 1436, he was provost and captain of Vaucouleurs.[1012]
The youngest, Pierre, or Pierrelot, who had fallen into the hands of the Burgundians before Compiègne at the same time as Jeanne, had just been liberated96 from the prison of the Bastard97 of Vergy.[1013]
Both brothers believed that their sister had been burned at Rouen. But when they were told that she was living and wished to see them, they appointed a meeting at La-Grange-aux-Ormes, a village in the meadows of the Sablon, between the Seille and the[Pg ii.354] Moselle, about two and a half miles south of Metz. They reached this place on the 20th of May. There they saw her and recognised her immediately to be their sister; and she recognised them to be her brothers.[1014]
She was accompanied by certain lords of Metz, among whom was a man right noble, Messire Nicole Lowe, who was chamberlain to Charles VII.[1015] By divers tokens these nobles recognised her to be the Maid Jeanne who had taken King Charles to be crowned at Reims. These tokens were certain signs on the skin.[1016] Now there was a prophecy concerning Jeanne which stated her to have a little red mark beneath the ear.[1017] But this prophecy was invented after the events to which it referred. Consequently we may believe the Maid to have been thus marked. Was this the token by which the nobles of Metz recognised her?
We do not know by what means she claimed to have escaped death; but there is reason to think[1018] that she attributed her deliverance to her holiness. Did she say that an angel had saved her from the fire? It might be read in books how in the ancient amphitheatres lions licked the bare feet of virgins,[Pg ii.355] how boiling oil was as soothing99 as balm to the bodies of holy martyrs100; and how according to many of the old stories nothing short of the sword could take the life of God's maidens102. These ancient histories rested on a sure foundation. But if such tales had been related of the fifteenth century they might have appeared less credible103. And this damsel does not seem to have employed them to adorn68 her adventure. She was probably content to say that another woman had been burned in her place.
According to a confession104 she made afterwards, she came from Rome, where, accoutred in harness of war, she had fought valiantly in the service of Pope Eugenius. She may even have told the Lorrainers of the feats105 of prowess she had there accomplished106.
Now Jeanne had prophesied107 (at least so it was believed) that she would die in battle against the infidel and that her mantle108 would fall upon a maid of Rome. But such a saying, if it were known to these nobles of Metz, would be more likely to denounce this so-called Jeanne as an imposture109 than witness to the truth of her mission.[1019] However this might be, they believed what this woman told them.
Perhaps, like many a noble of the republic,[1020] they were more inclined to King Charles than to the Duke of Burgundy. And we may be sure that, chivalrous110 knights as they were, they esteemed111 chivalry112 wherever they found it; wherefore, because of her valour they admired the Maid; and they made her good cheer.
[Pg ii.356]
Messire Nicole Lowe gave her a charger and a pair of hose. The charger was worth thirty francs—a sum wellnigh royal—for of the two horses which at Soissons and at Senlis the King gave the Maid Jeanne, one was worth thirty-eight livres ten sous, and the other thirty-seven livres ten sous.[1021] Not more than sixteen francs had been paid for the horse with which she had been provided at Vaucouleurs.[1022]
Nicole Grognot, governor of the town,[1023] offered a sword to the sister of the Du Lys brothers; Aubert Boullay presented her with a hood73.[1024]
She rode her horse with the same skill which seven years earlier, if we may believe some rather mythical113 stories, had filled with wonder the old Duke of Lorraine.[1025] And she spoke6 certain words to Messire Nicole Lowe which confirmed him in his belief that she was indeed that same Maid Jeanne who had fared forth114 into France. She had the ready tongue of a prophetess, and spoke in symbols and parables115, revealing nought116 of her intent.
Her power would not come to her before Saint John the Baptist's Day, she said. Now this was the very time which the Maid, after the Battle of Patay, in 1429, had fixed117 for the extermination118 of the English in France.[1026]
[Pg ii.357]
This prophecy had not been fulfilled and consequently had not been mentioned again. Jeanne, if she ever uttered it, and it is quite possible that she did, must have been the first to forget it. Moreover, Saint John's Day was a term commonly cited in leases, fairs, contracts, hirings, etc., and it is quite conceivable that the calendar of a prophetess may have been the same as that of a labourer.
The day after their arrival at La Grange-aux-Ormes, Monday, the 21st of May, the Du Lys brothers took her, whom they held to be their sister, to that town of Vaucouleurs[1027] whither Isabelle Romée's daughter had gone to see Sire Robert de Baudricourt. In this town, in the year 1436, there were still living many persons of different conditions, such as the Leroyer couple and the Seigneur Aubert d'Ourches,[1028] who had seen Jeanne in February, 1429.
After a week at Vaucouleurs she went to Marville, a small town between Corny and Pont-á-Mousson. There she spent Whitsuntide and abode119 for three weeks in the house of one Jean Quenat.[1029] On her departure she was visited by sundry120 inhabitants of Metz, who gave her jewels, recognising her to[Pg ii.358] be the Maid of France.[1030] Jeanne, it will be remembered, had been seen by divers knights of Metz at the time of King Charles's coronation at Reims. At Marville, Geoffroy Desch, following the example of Nicole Lowe, presented the so-called Jeanne with a horse. Geoffroy Desch belonged to one of the most influential121 families of the Republic of Metz. He was related to Jean Desch, municipal secretary in 1429.[1031]
From Marville, she went on a pilgrimage to Notre Dame de Liance, called Lienche by the Picards and known later as Notre Dame de Liesse. At Liance was worshipped a black image of the Virgin98, which, according to tradition, had been brought by the crusaders from the Holy Land. The chapel122 containing this image was situated123 between Laon and Reims. It was said, by the priests who officiated there, to be one of the halting places on the route of the coronation procession, where the kings and their retinues124 were accustomed to stop on their return from Reims; but this is very likely not to be true. Whether it were such a halting place or no, there is no doubt that the folk of Metz displayed a particular devotion to Our Lady of Liance; and it seemed fitting that Jeanne, who had escaped from an English prison, should go and give thanks for her marvellous deliverance to the Black Virgin of Picardy.[1032]
[Pg ii.359]
Thence she went on her way to Arlon, to Elisabeth of Gorlitz, Duchess of Luxembourg, an aunt by marriage of the Duke of Burgundy.[1033] She was an old woman, who had been twice a widow. By extortion and oppression she had made herself detested125 by her vassals126. By this princess Jeanne was well received. There was nothing strange in that. Persons living holy lives and working miracles were much sought after by princes and nobles who desired to discover secrets or to obtain the fulfilment of some wish. And the Duchess of Luxembourg might well believe this damsel to be the Maid Jeanne herself, since the brothers Du Lys, the nobles of Metz and the folk of Vaucouleurs were of that opinion.
For the generality of men, Jeanne's life and death were surrounded by marvels127 and mysteries. Many had from the first doubted her having perished by the hand of the executioner. Certain were curiously128 reticent129 on this point; they said: "the English had her publicly burnt at Rouen, or some other woman like her."[1034] Others confessed that they did not know what had become of her.[1035]
Thus, when throughout Germany and France the[Pg ii.360] rumour130 spread that the Maid was alive and had been seen near Metz, the tidings were variously received. Some believed them, others did not. An ardent131 dispute, which arose between two citizens of Arles, gives some idea of the emotion aroused by such tidings. One maintained that the Maid was still alive; the other asserted that she was dead; each one wagered132 that what he said was true. This was no light wager133, for it was made and registered in the presence of a notary134, on the 27th of June, 1436, only five weeks after the interview at La Grange-aux-Ormes.[1036]
Meanwhile, in the beginning of August, the Maid's eldest brother, Jean du Lys, called Petit-Jean, had gone to Orléans to announce that his sister was alive. As a reward for these good tidings, he received for himself and his followers135 ten pints136 of wine, twelve hens, two goslings, and two leverets.[1037]
The birds had been purchased by two magistrates137; the name of one, Pierre Baratin, is to be found in the account books of the fortress138, in 1429,[1038] at the time of the expedition to Jargeau; the other was an old man of sixty-six, a burgess passing rich, Aignan de Saint-Mesmin.[1039]
Messengers were passing to and fro between the town of Duke Charles and the town of the Duchess of Luxembourg. On the 9th of August a letter from Arlon reached Orléans. About the middle of the month a pursuivant arrived at Arlon. He was called[Pg ii.361] C?ur-de-Lis, in honour of the heraldic symbol of the city of Orléans, which was a lily-bud, a kind of trefoil. The magistrates of Orléans had sent him to Jeanne with a letter, the contents of which are unknown. Jeanne gave him a letter for the King, in which she probably requested an audience. He took it straight to Loches, where King Charles was negotiating the betrothal139 of his daughter Yolande to Prince Amedée of Savoie.[1040]
After forty-one days' journey the pursuivant returned to the magistrates, who had despatched him on the 2nd of September. The messenger complained of a great thirst, wherefore the magistrates, according to their wont, had him served in the chamber87 of the town-hall with bread, wine, pears, and green walnuts140. This repast cost the town two sous four deniers of Paris, while the pursuivant's travelling expenses amounted to six livres which were paid in the following month. The town varlet who provided the walnuts was that same Jacquet Leprestre who had served during the siege. Another letter from the Maid had been received by the magistrates on the 25th of August.[1041]
Jean du Lys proceeded just as if his miracle-working sister had in very deed been restored to him. He went to the King, to whom he announced the wonderful tidings. Charles cannot have entirely disbelieved them since he ordered Jean du Lys to be given a gratuity141 of one hundred francs. Whereupon Jean promptly142 demanded these hundred francs from the King's treasurer143, who gave him twenty. The[Pg ii.362] coffers of the victorious144 King were not full even then.
Having returned to Orléans, Jean appeared before the town-council. He gave the magistrates to wit that he had only eight francs, a sum by no means sufficient to enable him and four retainers to return to Lorraine. The magistrates gave him twelve francs.[1042]
Every year until then the anniversary of the Maid had been celebrated145 in the church of Saint-Sanxon[1043] on the eve of Corpus Christi and on the previous day. In 1435, eight ecclesiastics146 of the four mendicant147 orders sang a mass for the repose148 of Jeanne's soul. In this year, 1436, the magistrates had four candles burnt, weighing together nine and a half pounds, and pendent therefrom the Maid's escutcheon, a silver shield bearing the crown of France. But when they heard the Maid was alive they cancelled the arrangements for a funeral service in her memory.[1044]
While these things were occurring in France, Jeanne was still with the Duchess of Luxembourg. There she met the young Count Ulrich of Wurtemberg, who refused to leave her. He had a handsome cuirasse made for her and took her to Cologne. She still called herself the Maid of France sent by God.[1045]
Since the 24th of June, Saint John the Baptist's[Pg ii.363] Day, her power had returned to her. Count Ulrich, recognising her supernatural gifts, entreated her to employ them on behalf of himself and his friends. Being very contentious149, he had become seriously involved in the schism150 which was then rending151 asunder152 the diocese of Trèves. Two prelates were contending for the see; one, Udalric of Manderscheit, appointed by the chapter, the other Raban of Helmstat, Bishop of Speyer, appointed by the Pope.[1046] Udalric took the field with a small force and twice besieged153 and bombarded the town of which he called himself the true shepherd. These proceedings154 brought the greater part of the diocese on to his side.[1047] But although aged155 and infirm, Raban too had weapons; they were spiritual but powerful: he pronounced an interdict156 against all such as should espouse157 the cause of his rival.
Count Ulrich of Wurtemberg, who was among the most zealous158 of Udalric's supporters, questioned the Maid of God concerning him.[1048] Similar cases had been submitted to the first Jeanne when she was in France. She had been asked, for example, which of the three popes, Benedict, Martin, or Clement159, was the true father of the faithful, and without immediately pronouncing on the subject she had promised to designate the Pope to whom obedience[Pg ii.364] was due, after she had reached Paris and rested there.[1049] The second Jeanne replied with even more assurance; she declared that she knew who was the true archbishop and boasted that she would enthrone him.
According to her, it was Udalric of Manderscheit, he whom the Chapter had appointed. But when Udalric was summoned before the Council of Bale, he was declared an usurper160; and the fathers did what it was by no means their unvarying rule to do,—they confirmed the nomination161 of the Pope.
Unfortunately the Maid's intervention162 in this dispute attracted the attention of the Inquisitor General of the city of Cologne, Heinrich Kalt Eysen, an illustrious professor of theology. He inquired into the rumours163 which were being circulated in the city touching the young prince's protégée; and he learnt that she wore unseemly apparel, danced with men, ate and drank more than she ought, and practised magic. He was informed notably164 that in a certain assembly the Maid tore a table-cloth and straightway restored it to its original condition, and that having broken a glass against the wall she with marvellous skill put all its pieces together again. Such deeds caused Kalt Eysen to suspect her strongly of heresy and witchcraft165. He summoned her before his tribunal; she refused to appear. This disobedience displeased166 the Inquisitor General, and he sent to fetch the defaulter. But the young Count of Wurtemberg hid his Maid in his house, and afterwards contrived167 to get her secretly out of the town. Thus she escaped the fate of her whom she was willing only partially168 to imitate. As he could do nothing else, the Inquisitor excommunicated her.[1050] She took[Pg ii.365] refuge at Arlon with her protectress, the Duchess of Luxembourg. There she met Robert des Armoises, Lord of Tichemont. She may have seen him before, in the spring, at Marville, where he usually resided. This nobleman was probably the son of Lord Richard, Governor of the Duchy of Bar in 1416. Nothing is known of him, save that he surrendered this territory to the foreigner without the Duke of Bar's consent, and then beheld169 it confiscated170 and granted to the Lord of Apremont on condition that he should conquer it.
It was not extraordinary that Lord Robert should be at Arlon, seeing that his chateau171 of Tichemont was near this town. He was poor, albeit of noble birth.[1051]
The so-called Maid married him,[1052] apparently172 with the approval of the Duchess of Luxembourg. According to the opinion of the Holy Inquisitor of Cologne, this marriage was contracted merely to protect the woman against the interdict and to save her from the sword of the Church.[1053]
Soon after her marriage she went to live at Metz in[Pg ii.366] her husband's house, opposite the church of Sainte-Ségolène, over the Sainte-Barbe Gate. Henceforth she was Jeanne du Lys, the Maid of France, the Lady of Tichemont. By these names she is described in a contract dated the 7th of November, 1436, by which Robert des Armoises and his wife, authorised by him, sell to Collard de Failly, squire79, dwelling173 at Marville, and to Poinsette, his wife, one quarter of the lordship of Haraucourt. At the request of their dear friends, Messire Robert and Dame Jeanne, Jean de Thoneletil, Lord of Villette, and Saubelet de Dun, Provost of Marville, as well as the vendors174, put their seals to the contract to testify to its validity.[1054]
In her dwelling, opposite the Sainte-Ségolène Church, la Dame des Armoises gave birth to two children.[1055] Somewhere in Languedoc[1056] there was an honest squire who, when he heard of these births, seriously doubted whether Jeanne the Maid and la Dame des Armoises could be one and the same person. This was Jean d'Aulon, who had once been Jeanne's steward175. From information he had received from women who knew, he did not believe her to be the kind of woman likely to have children.[1057]
According to Brother Jean Nider, doctor in theology of the University of Vienne, this fruitful union turned out badly. A priest, and, as he says, a priest who might more appropriately be called a pander176, seduced177 this witch with words of love and carried her off. But Brother Jean Nider adds that the priest[Pg ii.367] secretly took la Dame des Armoises to Metz and there lived with her as his concubine.[1058] Now it is proved that her own home was in that very town; hence we may conclude that this friar preacher does not know what he is talking about.[1059]
The fact of the matter is that she did not remain longer than two years in the shadow of Sainte-Ségolène.
Although she had married, it was by no means her intention to forswear prophesying178 and chivalry. During her trial Jeanne had been asked by the examiner: "Jeanne, was it not revealed to you that if you lost your virginity your good fortune would cease and your Voices desert you?" She denied that such things had been revealed to her. And when he insisted, asking her whether she believed that if she were married her Voices would still come to her, she answered like a good Christian: "I know not, and I appeal to God."[1060] Jeanne des Armoises likewise held that good fortune had not forsaken179 her on account of her marriage. Moreover, in those days of prophecy there were both widows and married women who, like Judith of Bethulia, acted by divine inspiration. Such had been Dame Catherine de la Rochelle, although perhaps after all she had not done anything so very great.[1061]
In the summer of 1439, la Dame des Armoises went to Orléans. The magistrates offered her wine and meat as a token of gladness and devotion. On the first of August they gave her a dinner and presented[Pg ii.368] her with two hundred and ten livres of Paris as an acknowledgment of the service she had rendered to the town during the siege. These are the very terms in which this expenditure180 is entered in the account books of that city.[1062]
If the folk of Orléans did actually take her for the real Maid, Jeanne, then it must have been more on account of the evidence of the Du Lys brothers, than on that of their own eyes. For, when one comes to think of it, they had seen her but very seldom. During that week in May, she had only appeared before them armed and on horseback. Afterwards in June, 1429, and January, 1430, she had merely passed through the town. True it was she had been offered wine and the magistrates had sat at table with her;[1063] but that was nine years ago. And the lapse181 of nine years works many a change in a woman's face. They had seen her last as a young girl, now they found her a woman and the mother of two children. Moreover they were guided by the opinion of her kinsfolk. Their attitude provokes some astonishment182, however, when one thinks of the conversation at the banquet, and of the awkward and inconsistent remarks the dame must have uttered. If they were not then undeceived, these burgesses must have been passing simple and strongly prejudiced in favour of their guest.
And who can say that they were not? Who can say that, after having given credence183 to the tidings brought by Jean du Lys, the townsfolk did not begin to discover the imposture? That the belief in the[Pg ii.369] survival of Jeanne was by no means general in the city, during the visit of la Dame des Armoises, is proved by the entries in the municipal accounts of sums expended184 on the funeral services, which we have already mentioned. Supposing we abstract the years 1437 and 1438, the anniversary service had at any rate been held in 1439, two days before Corpus-Christi, and only about three months before the banquet on the 1st of August.[1064] Thus these grateful burgesses of Orléans were at one and the same time entertaining their benefactress at banquets and saying masses in memory of her death.
La Dame des Armoises only spent a fortnight with them. She left the city towards the end of July. Her departure would seem to have been hasty and sudden. She was invited to a supper, at which she was to have been presented with eight pints of wine, but when the wine was served she had gone, and the banquet had to be held without her.[1065] Jean Quillier and Thévanon of Bourges were present. This Thévanon may have been that Thévenin Villedart, with whom Jeanne's brothers dwelt during the siege.[1066] In Jean Quillier we recognise the young draper who, in June, 1429, had furnished fine Brussels cloth of purple, wherewith to make a gown for the Maid.[1067]
La Dame des Armoises had gone to Tours, where she gave herself out to be the true Jeanne. She gave the Bailie of Touraine a letter for the King; and the Bailie undertook to see that it was delivered to the Prince, who was then at Orléans, having arrived[Pg ii.370] there but shortly after Jeanne's departure. The Bailie of Touraine in 1439 was none other than that Guillaume Bellier who ten years before as lieutenant185 of Chinon had received the Maid into his house and committed her to the care of his devout wife.[1068]
To the messenger, who bore this letter, Guillaume Bellier also gave a note for the King written by himself, and "touching the deeds of la Dame des Armoises."[1069] We know nothing of its purport186.[1070]
Shortly afterwards the Dame went off into Poitou. There she placed herself at the service of Seigneur Gille de Rais, Marshal of France.[1071] He it was who in his early youth had conducted the Maid to Orléans, had been with her throughout the coronation campaign, had fought at her side before the walls of Paris. During Jeanne's captivity187 he had occupied Louviers and pushed on boldly to Rouen. Now throughout the length and breadth of his vast domains188 he was kidnapping children, mingling189 magic with debauchery, and offering to demons190 the blood and the limbs of his countless191 victims. His monstrous192 doings spread terror round his castles of Tiffauges and Machecoul, and already the hand of the Church was upon him.
According to the Holy Inquisitor of Cologne, la Dame des Armoises practised magic; but it was not as an invoker193 of demons that the Maréchal de Rais employed her; he placed her in authority over the[Pg ii.371] men-at-arms,[1072] in somewhat the same position as Jeanne had occupied at Lagny and Compiègne. Did she do great prowess? We do not know. At any rate she did not hold her office long; and after her it was bestowed194 on a Gascon squire, one Jean de Siquemville.[1073] In the spring of 1440 she was near Paris.[1074]
For nearly two years and a half the great town had been loyal to King Charles. He had entered the city, but had failed to restore it to prosperity. Deserted195 houses were everywhere falling into ruins; wolves penetrated196 into the suburbs and devoured197 little children.[1075] The townsfolk, who had so recently been Burgundian, could not all forget how the Maid in company with Friar Richard and the Armagnacs had attacked the city on the day of the Nativity of Our Lady. There were many, doubtless, who bore her ill will and believed she had been burned for her sins; but her name no longer excited universal reprobation198 as in 1429. Certain even among her former enemies regarded her as a martyr101 to the cause of her liege lord.[1076] Even in Rouen such an opinion was not unknown, and it was much more likely to be held in the city of Paris which had lately turned French. At the rumour that Jeanne was not dead, that she had been recognised by the people of Orléans and was coming to Paris, the lower orders in the city grew excited and disturbances199 were threatening.
Under Charles of Valois in 1440, the spirit of the University was just the same as it had been under[Pg ii.372] Henry of Lancaster in 1431. It honoured and respected the King of France, the guardian200 of its privileges and the defender201 of the liberties of the Gallican Church. The illustrious masters felt no remorse202 at having demanded and obtained the chastisement203 of the rebel and heretic, Jeanne the Maid. Whosoever persists in error is a heretic; whosoever essays and fails to overthrow204 the powers that be is a rebel. It was God's will that in 1440 Charles of Valois should possess the city of Paris; it had not been God's will in 1429; wherefore the Maid had striven against God. With equal bitterness would the University, in 1440, have proceeded against a Maid of the English.
The magistrates who had returned to their Paris homes from their long dreary205 exile at Poitiers sat in the Parlement side by side with the converted Burgundians.[1077] In the days of adversity these faithful servants of King Charles had set the Maid to work, but now in 1440 it was none of their business to maintain publicly the truth of her mission and the purity of her faith. Burned by the English, that was all very well. But a trial conducted by a bishop and a vice-inquisitor with the concurrence206 of the University is not an English trial; it is a trial at once essentially207 Gallican and essentially Catholic. Jeanne's name was forever branded throughout Christendom. That ecclesiastical sentence could be reversed by the Pope alone. But the Pope had no intention of doing this. He was too much afraid of displeasing208 the King of Catholic England; and moreover were he once to admit that an inquisitor of the faith had pronounced a wrong sentence he would undermine all human authority. The French[Pg ii.373] clerks submit and are silent. In the assemblies of the clergy no one dares to utter Jeanne's name.
Fortunately for them neither the doctors and masters of the University nor the sometime members of the Parlement of Poitiers share the popular delusion209 touching la Dame des Armoises. They have no doubt that the Maid was burned at Rouen. And they fear lest this woman, who gives herself out to be the deliverer of Orléans, may arouse a tumult210 by her entrance into the city. Wherefore the Parlement and the University send out men-at-arms to meet her. She is arrested and brought to the Palais.[1078]
She was examined, tried and sentenced to be publicly exhibited. In the Palais de Justice, leading up from the court called the Cour-de-Mai, there was a marble slab211 on which malefactors were exhibited. La Dame des Armoises was put up there and shown to the people whom she had deceived. The usual sermon was preached at her and she was forced to confess publicly.[1079]
She declared that she was not the Maid, that she was married to a knight78 and had two sons. She told how one day, in her mother's presence, she heard a woman speak slightingly of her; whereupon she proceeded to attack the slanderer212, and, when her mother restrained her, she turned her blows against her parent. Had she not been in a passion she would never have struck her mother. Notwithstanding this provocation213, here was a special case and one reserved for the papal jurisdiction214. Whosoever had raised his hand against his father or his mother, as likewise against a priest or a clerk, must go and ask[Pg ii.374] forgiveness of the Holy Father, to whom alone belonged the power of convicting or acquitting215 the sinner. This was what she had done. "I went to Rome," she said, "attired216 in man's apparel. I engaged as a soldier in the war of the Holy Father Eugenius, and in this war I twice committed homicide."
When had she journeyed to Rome? Probably before the exile of Pope Eugenius to Florence, about the year 1433, when the condottieri of the Duke of Milan were advancing to the gates of the Eternal City.[1080]
We do not find either the University, or the Ordinary, or the Grand Inquisitor demanding the trial of this woman, who was suspected of witchcraft and of homicide, and who was attired in unseemly garments. She was not prosecuted217 as a heretic, doubtless because she was not obstinate218, and obstinacy219 alone constitutes heresy.
Henceforth she attracted no further attention. It is believed, but on no very trustworthy evidence, that she ended by returning to Metz, to her husband, le Chevalier des Armoises, and that she lived quietly and respectably to a good old age, dwelling in the house over the door of which were her armorial bearings, or rather those of Jeanne the Maid, the sword, the crown and the Lilies.[1081]
The success of this fraud had endured four years. After all it is not so very surprising. In every age[Pg ii.375] people have been loath220 to believe in the final end of existences which have touched their imagination; they will not admit that great personalities221 can be struck down by death like ordinary folk; such an end to a noble career is repugnant to them. Impostors, like la Dame des Armoises, never fail to find some who will believe in them. And the Dame appeared at a time which was singularly favourable222 to such a delusion; intellects had been dulled by long suffering; communication between one district and another was rendered impossible or difficult, and what was happening in one place was unknown quite near at hand; in the minds of men there reigned223 dimness, ignorance, confusion.
But even then folk would not have been imposed upon so long by this pseudo-Jeanne had it not been for the support given her by the Du Lys brothers. Were they her dupes or her accomplices224? Dull-witted as they may have been, it seems hardly credible that the adventuress could have imposed upon them. Admitting that she very closely resembled La Romée's daughter, the woman from La Grange-aux-Ormes cannot possibly for any length of time have deceived two men who knew Jeanne intimately, having been brought up with her and come with her into France.
If they were not imposed upon, then how can we account for their conduct? They had lost much when they lost their sister. When he arrived at La Grange-aux-Ormes, Pierre du Lys had just quitted a Burgundian prison; his ransom59 had been paid with his wife's dowry, and he was then absolutely destitute225.[1082] Jean, Bailie of Vermandois, afterwards Governor of Chartres and about 1436 Bailie of Vau[Pg ii.376]couleurs, was hardly more prosperous.[1083] Such circumstances explained much. And yet it is unlikely that they of themselves alone and unsupported would have played a game so difficult, so risky226, and so dangerous. From the little we know of their lives we should conclude that they were both too simple, too na?f, too placid227, to carry on such an intrigue228.
We are tempted229 to believe that they were urged on by some higher and greater power. Who knows? Perhaps by certain indiscreet persons in the service of the King of France. The condemnation230 and death of Jeanne was a serious attack upon the prestige of Charles VII. May he not have had in his household or among his counsellors certain subjects who were rashly jealous enough to invent this appearance, in order to spread abroad the belief that Jeanne the Maid had not died the death of a witch, but that by virtue231 of her innocence232 and her holiness she had escaped the flames? If this were so, then we may regard the imposture of the pseudo-Jeanne, invented at a time when it seemed impossible ever to obtain a papal revision of the trial of 1431, as an attempt, surreptitious and fraudulent and speedily abandoned, to bring about her rehabilitation233.
Such a hypothesis would explain why the Du Lys brothers were not punished or even disgraced, when they had put themselves in the wrong, had deceived King and people and committed the crime of high treason. Jean continued provost of Vaucouleurs for many a long year, and then, when relieved of his office, received a sum of money in lieu of it. Pierre, as well as his mother, La Romée, was living at Orléans. In 1443 he received from Duke Charles, who had returned to France three years before, the grant[Pg ii.377] of an island in the Loire, l'?le-aux-B?ufs,[1084] which was fair grazing land. Nevertheless, he remained poor, and was constantly receiving help from the Duke and the townsfolk of Orléans.
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1
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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whining
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| n. 抱怨，牢骚 v. 哭诉，发牢骚 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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arrogated
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| v.冒称，妄取( arrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；没来由地把…归属（于） | |
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albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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penitents
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| n.后悔者( penitent的名词复数 )；忏悔者 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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ransomed
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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imprinted
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| v.盖印（imprint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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64
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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65
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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66
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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67
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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68
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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69
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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70
azure
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| adj.天蓝色的，蔚蓝色的 | |
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71
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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72
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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73
hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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74
hooded
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| adj.戴头巾的；有罩盖的；颈部因肋骨运动而膨胀的 | |
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75
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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76
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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77
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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78
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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79
squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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80
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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81
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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82
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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83
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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84
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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85
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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86
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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87
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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88
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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89
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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90
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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91
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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92
beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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93
mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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94
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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95
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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96
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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97
bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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98
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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99
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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100
martyrs
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|
| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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101
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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102
maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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103
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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104
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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105
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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106
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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107
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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109
imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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110
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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111
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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112
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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113
mythical
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|
| adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的 | |
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114
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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115
parables
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| n.（圣经中的）寓言故事( parable的名词复数 ) | |
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116
nought
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|
| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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117
fixed
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|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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118
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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119
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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120
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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121
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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122
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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123
situated
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|
| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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124
retinues
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| n.一批随员( retinue的名词复数 ) | |
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125
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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127
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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128
curiously
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|
| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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129
reticent
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| adj.沉默寡言的；言不如意的 | |
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130
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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131
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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132
wagered
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| v.在（某物）上赌钱，打赌( wager的过去式和过去分词 )；保证，担保 | |
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133
wager
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| n.赌注；vt.押注，打赌 | |
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134
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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135
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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136
pints
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| n.品脱( pint的名词复数 )；一品脱啤酒 | |
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137
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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138
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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139
betrothal
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| n. 婚约, 订婚 | |
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140
walnuts
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| 胡桃（树）( walnut的名词复数 )； 胡桃木 | |
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141
gratuity
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| n.赏钱，小费 | |
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142
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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143
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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144
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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145
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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146
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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147
mendicant
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| n.乞丐；adj.行乞的 | |
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148
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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149
contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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150
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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151
rending
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| v.撕碎( rend的现在分词 )；分裂；（因愤怒、痛苦等而）揪扯（衣服或头发等）；（声音等）刺破 | |
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152
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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153
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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155
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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156
interdict
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| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
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157
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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158
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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159
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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160
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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161
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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162
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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163
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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164
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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165
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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166
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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167
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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168
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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169
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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170
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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172
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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173
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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174
vendors
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| n.摊贩( vendor的名词复数 )；小贩；（房屋等的）卖主；卖方 | |
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175
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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176
pander
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| v.迎合；n.拉皮条者，勾引者；帮人做坏事的人 | |
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177
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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178
prophesying
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的现在分词 ) | |
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179
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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180
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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181
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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182
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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183
credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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184
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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185
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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186
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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187
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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188
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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189
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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190
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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191
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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192
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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invoker
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| 祈求者 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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displeasing
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| 不愉快的，令人发火的 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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slab
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| n.平板，厚的切片；v.切成厚板，以平板盖上 | |
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slanderer
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| 造谣中伤者 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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acquitting
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的现在分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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risky
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| adj.有风险的，冒险的 | |
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placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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rehabilitation
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| n.康复，悔过自新，修复，复兴，复职，复位 | |
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