FROM year to year the Council of Bale drew out its deliberations in a series of sessions well nigh as lengthy2 as the tail of the dragon in the Apocalypse. Its manner of reforming at once the Church, its members, and its head struck terror into the hearts of the sovereign Pontiff and the Sacred College. Sorrowfully did ?neus Sylvius exclaim, "There is assembled at Bale, not the Church of God indeed, but the synagogue of Satan."[1086] But though uttered by a Roman cardinal3, even such an expression can hardly be termed violent when applied4 to the synod which established free elections to bishoprics, suppressed the right of bestowing6 the pallium, of exacting7 annates and payments to the papal chancery, and which was endeavouring to restore the papacy to evangelical poverty. The King of France and the Emperor, on the other hand, looked favourably8 on the Council when it essayed to bridle9 the ambition and greed of the Bishop5 of Rome.
Now among the Fathers who displayed the greatest zeal10 in the reformation of the Church were the masters and doctors of the University of Paris, those who had sat in judgment11 on Jeanne the Maid, and notably12 Ma?tre Nicolas Loiseleur and Ma?tre Thomas de Courcelles. Charles VII convoked13 an assembly of the clergy14 of the realm in order to examine the canons of Bale. The assembly met in the Sainte-Chapelle at Bourges, on the 1st of May, 1438. Master Thomas de Courcelles, appointed delegate by the Council, there conferred with the Lord Bishop of Castres. Now in 1438 the Bishop of Castres was that elegant humanist, that zealous16 counsellor of the crown, who, in style truly Ciceronian, complained in his letters that so closely was he bound to his glebe, the court, that no time remained to him to visit his spouse17.[1087] He was none other than that Gérard Machet, the King's confessor, who had, in 1429, along with the clerks at Poitiers, pleaded the authority of prophecy in favour of the Maid, in whom he found nought18 but sincerity19 and goodness.[1088] Ma?tre Thomas de Courcelles at Rouen had urged the Maid's being tortured and delivered to the secular20 arm.[1089] At the Bourges assembly the two churchmen agreed touching21 the supremacy22 of General Councils, the freedom of episcopal elections, the suppression of annates and the rights of the Gallican Church. At that moment it was not likely that either one or the other remembered the poor Maid. From the deliberations of this assembly, in which Ma?tre Thomas played an important part, there issued the solemn edict promulgated23 by the King on the 7th of July, 1438; the Pragmatic[Pg ii.380] Sanction. By this edict the canons of Bale became the constitution of the Church of France.[1090]
The Emperor also agreed to the reforms of Bale. So audacious did the Fathers become that they summoned Pope Eugenius to appear before their tribunal. When he refused to obey their summons, they deposed24 him, declaring him to be disobedient, obstinate26, rebellious27, a breaker of rules, a perturber of ecclesiastical unity29, a perjurer30, a schismatic, a hardened heretic, a squanderer31 of the treasures of the Church, scandalous, simoniacal, pernicious and damnable.[1091] Such was the condemnation32 of the Holy Fathers pronounced among other doctors by Ma?tre Jean Beaupère, Ma?tre Thomas de Courcelles and Ma?tre Nicolas Loiseleur, who had all three so sternly reproached Jeanne with having refused to submit to the Pope.[1092] Ma?tre Nicolas had been extremely energetic throughout the Maid's trial, playing alternately the parts of the Lorraine prisoner and Saint Catherine; when she was led to the stake he had run after her like a madman.[1093] This same Ma?tre Nicolas now displayed great activity in the Council wherein he attained33 to some eminence34. He upheld the view that the General Council canonically35 convoked, was[Pg ii.381] superior to the Pope and in a position to depose25 him. And albeit36 this canon was a mere37 master of arts, he made such an impression on the Fathers at Bale that in 1439, they despatched him to act as juris-consult at the Diet of Mainz. Meanwhile his attitude was strongly displeasing38 to the chapter which had sent him as deputy to the Council. The canons of Rouen sided with the Sovereign Pontiff and against the Fathers, on this point joining issue with the University of Paris. They disowned their delegate and sent to recall him on the 28th of July, 1438.[1094]
Ma?tre Thomas de Courcelles, one of those who had declared the Pope disobedient, obstinate, rebellious and the rest, was nominated one of the commissioners39 to preside over the election of a new pope, and, like Loiseleur, a delegate to the Diet of Mainz. But, unlike Loiseleur, he was not disowned by those who had appointed him, for he was the deputy of the University of Paris who recognised the Pope of the Council, Felix, to be the true Father of the Faithful.[1095] In the assembly of the French clergy held at Bourges in the August of 1440, Ma?tre Thomas spoke40 in the name of the Fathers of Bale. He discoursed41 for two hours to the complete satisfaction of the King.[1096] Charles VII, while remaining loyal to Pope Eugenius, maintained the Pragmatic Sanction. Ma?tre Thomas de Courcelles was henceforth one of the pillars of the French Church.
Meanwhile the English government had declared for the Pope and against the Council.[1097] My Lord[Pg ii.382] Pierre Cauchon, who had become Bishop of Lisieux, was Henry VI's ambassador at the Council. And at Bale a somewhat unpleasant experience befell him. By reason of his translation to the see of Lisieux he owed Rome annates to the amount of 400 golden florins. In Germany he was informed by the Pope's Treasurer43 that by his failure to pay this sum, despite the long delays granted to him, he had incurred44 excommunication, and that being excommunicate, by presuming to celebrate divine service he had committed irregularity.[1098] Such accusations46 must have caused him considerable annoyance47. But after all, such occurrences were frequent and of no great consequence. On churchmen these thunderbolts fell but lightly, doing them no great hurt.
From 1444, the realm of France, disembarrassed alike of adversaries48 and of defenders49, was free to labour, to work at various trades, to engage in commerce and to grow rich. In the intervals51 between wars and during truces52, King Charles's government, by the interchange of natural products and of merchandise, also, we may add, by the abolition53 of tolls54 and dues on the Rivers Seine, Oise, and Loire, effected the actual conquest of Normandy. Thus, when the time for nominal55 conquest came, the French had only to take possession of the province. So easy had this become, that in the rapid campaign of 1449,[1099] even the Constable56 was not beaten, neither was the Duke of Alen?on. In his royal and peaceful manner Charles VII resumed possession of his town of Rouen, just as twenty years before he had taken[Pg ii.383] Troyes and Reims, as the result of an understanding with the townsfolk and in return for an amnesty and the grant of rights and privileges to the burghers. He entered the city on Monday, the 10th of November, 1449.
The French government felt itself strong enough even to attempt the reconquest of that essentially57 English province, Aquitaine. In 1451, my Lord the Bastard58, now Count of Dunois, took possession of the fortress59 of Blaye. Bordeaux and Bayonne surrendered in the same year. In the following manner did the Lord Bishop of Le Mans celebrate these conquests, worthy60 of the majesty61 of the most Christian62 King.
"Maine, Normandy, Aquitaine, these goodly provinces have returned to their allegiance to the King. Almost without the shedding of French blood hath this been accomplished63. It hath not been necessary to overthrow64 the ramparts of many strongly walled towns, or to demolish65 their fortifications or for the inhabitants to suffer either pillage66 or murder."[1100]
Indeed Normandy and Maine were quite content at being French once more. The town of Bordeaux was alone in regretting the English, whose departure spelt its ruin. It revolted in 1452; and then after considerable difficulty was reconquered once and for all.
King Charles, henceforth rich and victorious67, now desired to efface68 the stain inflicted69 on his reputation by the sentence of 1431. He wanted to prove to the whole world that it was no witch who had conducted him to his coronation. He was now eager to appeal against the condemnation of the Maid. But this[Pg ii.384] condemnation had been pronounced by the church, and the Pope alone could order it to be cancelled. The King hoped to bring the Pope to do this, although he knew it would not be easy. In the March of 1450, he proceeded to a preliminary inquiry70;[1101] and matters remained in that position until the arrival in France of Cardinal d'Estouteville, the legate of the Holy See. Pope Nicolas had sent him to negotiate with the King of France a peace with England and a crusade against the Turks. Cardinal d'Estouteville, who belonged to a Norman family, was just the man to discover the weak points in Jeanne's trial. In order to curry71 favour with Charles, he, as legate, set on foot a new inquiry at Rouen, with the assistance of Jean Bréhal, of the order of preaching friars, the Inquisitor of the Faith in the kingdom of France. But the Pope did not approve of the legate's intervention;[1102] and for three years the revision was not proceeded with. Nicolas V would not allow it to be thought that the sacred tribunal of the most holy Inquisition was fallible and had even once pronounced an unjust sentence. And there existed at Rome a stronger reason for not interfering72 with the trial of 1431: the French demanded revision; the English were opposed to it; and the Pope did not wish to annoy the English, for they were then just as good and even better Catholics than the French.[1103]
In order to relieve the Pope from embarrassment73 and set him at his ease, the government of Charles VII[Pg ii.385] invented an expedient74: the King was not to appear in the suit; his place was to be taken by the family of the Maid. Jeanne's mother, Isabelle Romée de Vouthon, who lived in retirement75 at Orléans,[1104] and her two sons, Pierre and Jean du Lys, demanded the revision.[1105] By this legal artifice76 the case was converted from a political into a private suit. At this juncture77 Nicolas V died, on the 24th of March, 1455. His successor, Calixtus III, a Borgia, an old man of seventy-eight, by a rescript dated the 11th of June, 1455, authorised the institution of proceedings78. To this end he appointed Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, Archbishop of Reims, Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of Paris, and Richard Olivier, Bishop of Coutances, who were to act conjointly with the Grand Inquisitor of France.[1106]
From the first it was agreed that certain of those concerned in the original trial were not now to be involved, "for they had been deceived." Notably it was admitted that the Daughter of Kings, the Mother of Learning, the University of Paris, had been led into error by a fraudulent indictment79 consisting of twelve articles. It was agreed that the whole responsibility should be thrown on to the Bishop of Beauvais and the Promoter, Guillaume d'Estivet, who were both deceased. The precaution was necessary. Had it not been taken, certain doctors very influential80 with the King and very dear to the Church of France would have been greatly embarrassed.[Pg ii.386]
On the 7th of November, 1455, Isabelle Romée and her two sons, followed by a long procession of innumerable ecclesiasties, laymen81, and worthy women, approached the church of Notre Dame82 in Paris to demand justice from the prelates and papal commissioners.[1107]
Informers and accusers in the trial of the late Jeanne were summoned to appear at Rouen on the 12th of December. Not one came.[1108] The heirs of the late Messire Pierre Cauchon declined all liability for the deeds of their deceased kinsman83, and touching the civil responsibility, they pleaded the amnesty granted by the King on the reconquest of Normandy.[1109] As had been expected, the proceedings went forward without any obstacle or even any discussion.
Inquiries84 were instituted at Domremy, at Orléans, at Paris, at Rouen.[1110] The friends of Jeannette's childhood, Hauviette, Mengette, either married or grown old; Jeannette, the wife of Thévenin; Jeannette, the widow of Estellin; Jean Morel of Greux; Gérardin of épinal, the Burgundian, and his wife Isabellette, who had been godmother to Jacques d'Arc's daughter; Perrin, the bell-ringer; Jeanne's uncle Lassois; the Leroyer couple and a score of peasants from Domremy all appeared. Bertrand de Poulengy, then sixty-three and gentleman of the horse to the King of France, was heard; likewise Jean de Novelompont, called Jean de Metz, who had been raised to noble rank and was now living at Vaucouleurs, where he held some military office. Gentlemen and ecclesiasties of Lorraine and Cham[Pg ii.387]pagne were examined.[1111] Burgesses of Orléans were also called, and notably Jean Luillier, the draper, who in June, 1429, had furnished fine Brussels cloth of purple for Jeanne's gown and ten years later had been present at the banquet given by the magistrates86 of Orléans in honour of the Maid who, as it was believed, had escaped burning.[1112] Jean Luillier was the most intelligent of the witnesses; as for the others, of whom there were about two dozen townsmen and townswomen, of between fifty and sixty years of age, they did little but repeat his evidence.[1113] He spoke well; but the fear of the English dazzled him and he saw many more of them than there had ever been.
Touching the examination at Poitiers there were called an advocate, a squire87, a man of business, Fran?ois Garivel, who was fifteen at the time of Jeanne's interrogation.[1114] The only cleric summoned was Brother Seguin of Limousin.[1115] The clerics of Poitiers were first as disinclined to risk themselves in this matter as were those of Rouen; a burnt child dreads88 the fire. La Hire and Poton of Saintrailles were dead. The survivors89 of Orléans and of Patay were called; the Bastard Jean, now Count of Dunois and Longueville, who gave his evidence like a clerk;[1116] the old Sire de Gaucourt, who in his eighty-fifth year made some effort of memory, and for the rest gave the same evidence as the Count of Dunois;[1117] the Duke of Alen?on, on the point of making an alliance with the English and of procuring90 a powder[Pg ii.388] with which to dry up the King,[1118] but who was none the less talkative and vain-glorious;[1119] Jeanne's steward91, Messire Jean d'Aulon, who had become a knight92, a King's Counsellor and Seneschal of Beaucaire,[1120] and the little page Louis de Coutes, now a noble of forty-two.[1121] Brother Pasquerel too was called; even in his old-age he remained superficial and credulous93.[1122] And there was heard also the widow of Ma?tre René de Bouligny, Demoiselle Marguerite la Toroulde, who delicately and with a good grace related what she remembered.[1123]
Care was taken not to summon the Lord Archbishop of Rouen, Messire Raoul Roussel, as a witness of the actual incidents of the trial, albeit he had sat in judgment on the Maid, side by side with my Lord of Beauvais. As for the Vice45 Inquisitor of Religion, Brother Jean Lemaistre, he might have been dead, so completely was he ignored. Nevertheless, certain of the assessors were called: Jean Beaupère, canon of Paris, of Besan?on and of Rouen; Jean de Mailly, Lord Bishop of Noyon; Jean Lefèvre, Bishop of Démétriade; divers94 canons of Rouen, sundry95 ecclesiastics96 who appeared some unctuous97, others stern and frowning;[1124] and, finally, the most[Pg ii.389] illustrious Thomas de Courcelles, who, after having been the most laborious98 and assiduous collaborator99 of the Bishop of Beauvais, recalled nothing when he came before the commissioners for the revision.[1125]
Bastard of Orleans
THE BASTARD OF ORLEANS
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Among those who had been most zealous to procure101 Jeanne's condemnation were those who were now most eagerly labouring for her rehabilitation. The registrars102 of the Lord Bishop of Beauvais, the Boisguillaumes, the Manchons, the Taquels, all those ink-pots of the Church who had been used for her death sentence, worked wonders when that sentence had to be annulled103; all the zeal they had displayed in the institution of the trial they now displayed in its revision; they were prepared to discover in it every possible flaw.[1126]
And in what a poor and paltry104 tone did these benign105 fabricators of legal artifices106 denounce the cruel iniquity107 which they had themselves perpetrated in due form! Among them was the Usher108, Jean Massieu, a dissolute priest,[1127] of scandalous morals, but a kindly109 fellow for all that, albeit somewhat crafty110 and the inventor of a thousand ridiculous stories against Cauchon, as if the old Bishop were not black enough already.[1128] The revision commissioners produced a couple of sorry monks111, Friar Martin Ladvenu and Friar Isambart de la Pierre, from the monastery112 of the preaching friars at Rouen. They wept in a heart-rending manner as they told of the pious113 end of that poor Maid, whom they had declared a heretic, then a relapsed heretic, and had finally burned alive.[Pg ii.390] There was not one of the clerks charged with the examination of Jeanne but was touched to the heart at the memory of so saintly a damsel.[1129]
Huge piles of memoranda114 drawn115 up by doctors of high repute, canonists, theologians and jurists, both French and foreign, were furnished for the trial. Their chief object was to establish by scholastic116 reasoning that Jeanne had submitted her deeds and sayings to the judgment of the Church and of the Holy Father. These doctors proved that the judges of 1431 had been very subtle and Jeanne very simple. Doubtless, it was the best way to make out that she had submitted to the Church; but they over-reached themselves and made her too simple. According to them she was absolutely ignorant, almost an idiot, understanding nothing, imagining that the clerics who examined her in themselves alone constituted the Church Militant117. This had been the impression of the doctors on the French side in 1429. La Pucelle, "une puce," said the Lord Archbishop of Embrun.[1130]
But there was another reason for making her appear as weak and imbecile as possible. Such a representation exalted118 the power of God, who through her had restored the King of France to his inheritance.
Declarations confirming this view of the Maid were obtained by the commissioners from most of the witnesses. She was simple, she was very simple, she was absolutely simple, they repeated one after the other. And they all in the same words added: "Yes, she was simple, save in deeds of war, wherein she was well skilled."[1131] Then the captains said how clever[Pg ii.391] she was in placing cannon119, albeit they knew well to the contrary. But how could she have failed to be well versed120 in deeds of war, since God himself led her against the English? And in this possession of the art of war by an unskilled girl lay the miracle.
The Grand Inquisitor of France, Jean Bréhal, in his reminiscence enumerates121 the reasons for believing that Jeanne came from God. One of the proofs which seems to have struck him most forcibly is that her coming is foretold122 in the prophecies of Merlin, the Magician.[1132]
Believing that he could prove from one of Jeanne's answers that her first apparitions123 were in her thirteenth year, Brother Jean Bréhal argues that the fact is all the more credible124 seeing that this number 13, composed of 3, which indicates the Blessed Trinity, and of 10, which expresses the perfect observation of the Decalogue, is marvellously favourable125 to divine visitations.[1133]
On the 16th of June, 1455, the sentence of 1431 was declared unjust, unfounded, iniquitous126. It was nullified and pronounced invalid127.
Thus was honour restored to the messenger of the coronation, thus was her memory reconciled with the Church. But that abundant source whence on the appearance of this child there had flowed so many pious legends and heroic fables128 was henceforth dried up. The rehabilitation trial added little to the popular legend. It rendered it possible to connect with Jeanne's death the usual incidents narrated129 of the martyrdom of virgins131, such as the dove taking flight from the stake, the name of Jesus written in letters of[Pg ii.392] flame, the heart intact in the ashes.[1134] The miserable132 deaths of the wicked judges were insisted upon. True it is that Jean d'Estivet, the Promoter, was found dead in a dove-cot,[1135] that Nicolas Midi was attacked by leprosy, that Pierre Cauchon died when he was being shaved.[1136] But, among those who aided and accompanied the Maid, more than one came to a bad end. Sire Robert de Baudricourt, who had sent Jeanne to the King, died in prison, excommunicated for having laid waste the lands of the chapter of Toul.[1137] The Maréchal de Rais was sentenced to death.[1138] The Duke of Alen?on, convicted of high treason, was pardoned only to fall under a new condemnation and to die in captivity133.[1139]
Two years after Charles VII had ordered the preliminary inquiry into the trial of 1431, a woman, following the example of la Dame des Armoises, passed herself off as the Maid Jeanne.
At this time there lived in the little town of Sarmaize, between the Marne and the Meuse, two cousins german of the Maid, Poiresson and Périnet, both sons of the late Jean de Vouthon, Isabelle Romée's brother, who in his lifetime had been a thatcher134 by trade. Now, on a day in 1452, it befell that the curé of Notre Dame de Sarmaize, Simon Fauchard, being in the market-house of the town, there came to him a woman dressed as a youth who asked him to play at tennis with her.
He consented, and when they had begun their[Pg ii.393] game the woman said to him, "Say boldly that you have played tennis with the Maid." And at these words Simon Fauchard was right joyful135.
The woman afterwards went to the house of Périnet, the carpenter, and said, "I am the Maid; I come to visit my Cousin Henri."
Périnet, Poiresson, and Henri de Vouthon made her good cheer and kept her in their house, where she ate and drank as she pleased.[1140]
Then, when she had had enough, she went away.
Whence came she? No one knows. Whither did she go? She may probably be recognised in an adventuress, who not long afterwards, with her hair cut short and a hood85 on her head, wearing doublet and hose, wandered through Anjou, calling herself Jeanne the Maid. While the doctors and masters, engaged in the revision of the trial, were gathering137 evidence of Jeanne's life and death from all parts of the kingdom, this false Jeanne was finding credence138 with many folk. But she became involved in difficulties with a certain Dame of Saumoussay,[1141] and was cast into the prison of Saumur, where she lay for three months. At the end of this time, having been banished139 from the dominions140 of the good King René, she married one Jean Douillet; and, by a document dated the 3rd day of February, 1456, she received permission to return to Saumur, on condition of living there respectably and ceasing to wear man's apparel.[1142]
About this time there came to Laval in the diocese[Pg ii.394] of Le Mans, a damsel between eighteen and twenty-two, who was a native of a neighbouring place called Chassé-les-Usson. Her father's name was Jean Féron and she was commonly called Jeanne la Férone.
She was inspired from heaven, and the names Jesus and Mary were for ever on her lips; yet the devil cruelly tormented141 her. The Dame de Laval, mother of the Lords André and Guy, being now very aged136, marvelled142 at the piety143 and the sufferings of the holy damsel; and she sent her to Le Mans, to the Bishop.
Since 1449, the see of Le Mans had been held by Messire Martin Berruyer of Touraine. In his youth he had been professor of philosophy and rhetoric144 at the University of Paris. Later he had devoted145 himself to theology and had become one of the directors of the College of Navarre. Although he was infirm with age, his learning was such that he was consulted by the commissioners for the rehabilitation trial,[1143] whereupon he drew up a memorandum146 touching the Maid. Herein he believes her to have been verily sent of God because she was abject147 and very poor and appeared well nigh imbecile in everything that did not concern her mission. Messire Martin argues that it was by reason of the King's virtues148 that God had vouchsafed149 to him the help of the Maid.[1144] Such an idea found favour with the theologians of the French party.
The Lord Bishop, Martin Berruyer, heard Jeanne la Férone in confession150, renewed her baptism, confirmed her in the faith and gave her the name of Marie, in gratitude151 for the abounding152 grace which the most Holy Virgin130, Mother of God, had granted to his servant.[Pg ii.395]
This maid was subject to the violent attacks of evil spirits. Many a time did my Lord of Mans behold153 her covered with bleeding wounds, struggling in the grasp of the enemy, and on several occasions he delivered her by means of exorcisms. Greatly was he edified154 by this holy damsel, who made known unto him marvellous secrets, who abounded155 in pious revelations and noble Christian utterances156. Wherefore in praise of La Férone he wrote many letters[1145] to princes and communities of the realm.
The Queen of France, who was then very old and whose husband had long ago deserted157 her, heard tell of the Maid of Le Mans, and wrote to Messire Martin Berruyer, requesting him to make the damsel known unto her.
Thus there befel, what we have seen happening over and over again in this history, that when a devout158 person, leading a contemplative life uttered prophecies, those in places of authority grew curious concerning her and desired to submit her to the judgment of the Church that they might know whether the goodness that appeared in her were true or false. Certain officers of the King visited La Férone at Le Mans.
As revelations touching the realm of France had been vouchsafed to her, she spoke to them the following words:
"Commend me very humbly159 to the King and bid him recognise the grace which God granteth unto him, and lighten the burdens of his people."[Pg ii.396]
In the December of 1460, she was summoned before the Royal Council, which was then sitting at Tours, while the King, who was sick of an ulcer160 in the leg, was residing in the Chateau161 of Les Montils.[1146] The Maid of Le Mans was examined in like manner as the Maid Jeanne had been, but the result was unfavourable; she was found wanting in everything. Brought before the ecclesiastical court she was convicted of imposture162. It appeared that she was no maid, but was living in concubinage with a cleric, that certain persons in the service of my Lord of Le Mans instructed her in what she was to say, and that such was the origin of the revelations she made to the Reverend Father in God, Messire Martin Berruyer, under the seal of the confession. Convicted of being a hypocrite, an idolatress, an invoker163 of demons164, a witch, a magician, lascivious165, dissolute, an enchantress, a mine of falsehood, she was condemned166 to have a fool's cap put on her head and to be preached at in public, in the towns of Le Mans, Tours and Laval. On the 2nd of May, 1461, she was exhibited to the folk at Tours, wearing a paper cap and over her head a scroll167 on which her deeds were set forth42 in lines of Latin and of French. Ma?tre Guillaume de Chateaufort, Grand Master of the Royal College of Navarre, preached to her. Then she was cast into close confinement168 in a prison, there to weep over her sins for the space of seven years, eating the bread of sorrow and drinking the water of affliction;[1147] at the end of which time she rented a house of ill fame.[1148]
On Wednesday, the 22nd of July, 1461, covered with ulcers169 internal and external, believing himself poisoned and perhaps not without reason, Charles VII died, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, in his Chateau of Mehun-sur-Yèvre.[1149]
On Thursday, the 6th of August, his body was borne to the Church of Saint-Denys in France and placed in a chapel15 hung with velvet170; the nave171 was draped with black satin, the vault172 was covered with blue cloth embroidered173 with flowers-de-luce.[1150] During the ceremony, which took place on the following day, a funeral oration174 was delivered on Charles VII. The preacher was no less a personage than the most highly renowned175 professor at the University of Paris, the doctor, who according to the Princes of the Roman Church was ever aimable and modest, he who had been the stoutest176 defender50 of the liberties of the Gallican Church, the ecclesiastic28 who, having declined a Cardinal's hat, bore to the threshold of an illustrious old age none other title than that of Dean of the Canons of Notre Dame de Paris, Ma?tre Thomas de Courcelles.[1151] Thus it befell that the assessor of Rouen, who had been the most bitterly bent177 on procuring Jeanne's cruel condemnation, celebrated178 the memory of the victorious King whom the Maid had conducted to his solemn coronation.
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rehabilitation
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| n.康复，悔过自新，修复，复兴，复职，复位 | |
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lengthy
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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17
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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18
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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19
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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20
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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21
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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22
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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23
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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24
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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25
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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26
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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27
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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28
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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29
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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30
perjurer
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| n.伪誓者，伪证者 | |
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31
squanderer
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|
| n.浪费者，放荡者 | |
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32
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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33
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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34
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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35
canonically
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| adv.照宗规地，宗规上地 | |
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36
albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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37
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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38
displeasing
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| 不愉快的，令人发火的 | |
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39
commissioners
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|
| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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40
spoke
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|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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41
discoursed
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| 演说（discourse的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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42
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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43
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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44
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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45
vice
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|
| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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46
accusations
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|
| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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47
annoyance
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|
| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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48
adversaries
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|
| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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49
defenders
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|
| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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50
defender
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|
| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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51
intervals
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|
| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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52
truces
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| 休战( truce的名词复数 )； 停战（协定）； 停止争辩（的协议）； 中止 | |
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53
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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54
tolls
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| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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55
nominal
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|
| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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56
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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57
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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58
bastard
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|
| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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59
fortress
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|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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60
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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61
majesty
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|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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62
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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63
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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64
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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65
demolish
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| v.拆毁(建筑物等)，推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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66
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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67
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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68
efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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69
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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71
curry
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|
| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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72
interfering
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|
| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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73
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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74
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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75
retirement
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|
| n.退休，退职 | |
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76
artifice
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|
| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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77
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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78
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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79
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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80
influential
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|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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81
laymen
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|
| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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82
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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83
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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84
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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85
hood
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|
| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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86
magistrates
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|
| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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87
squire
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|
| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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88
dreads
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|
| n.恐惧，畏惧( dread的名词复数 )；令人恐惧的事物v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的第三人称单数 ) | |
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89
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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90
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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91
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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92
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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93
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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94
divers
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|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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95
sundry
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|
| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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96
ecclesiastics
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|
| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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97
unctuous
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| adj.油腔滑调的，大胆的 | |
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98
laborious
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|
| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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99
collaborator
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| n.合作者，协作者 | |
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100
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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101
procure
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|
| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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102
registrars
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| n.主管注册者( registrar的名词复数 )；记录者；登记员；注册主任 | |
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103
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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104
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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105
benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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106
artifices
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|
| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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107
iniquity
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|
| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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108
usher
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|
| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
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109
kindly
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|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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110
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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111
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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112
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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113
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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114
memoranda
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| n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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115
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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116
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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117
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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118
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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119
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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120
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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121
enumerates
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
apparitions
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| n.特异景象( apparition的名词复数 )；幽灵；鬼；（特异景象等的）出现 | |
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124
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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125
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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126
iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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127
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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128
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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129
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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131
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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132
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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133
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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134
thatcher
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| n.茅屋匠 | |
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135
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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136
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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137
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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138
credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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139
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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141
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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142
marvelled
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| v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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144
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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145
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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146
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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147
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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148
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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149
vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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150
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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151
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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152
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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153
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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154
edified
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| v.开导，启发( edify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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157
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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158
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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159
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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160
ulcer
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| n.溃疡，腐坏物 | |
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161
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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162
imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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163
invoker
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| 祈求者 | |
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164
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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165
lascivious
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| adj.淫荡的，好色的 | |
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166
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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167
scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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168
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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169
ulcers
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| n.溃疡( ulcer的名词复数 )；腐烂物；道德败坏；腐败 | |
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170
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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171
nave
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| n.教堂的中部；本堂 | |
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172
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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173
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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174
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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175
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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176
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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177
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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178
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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