In the presidential canvass3 of 1848 he used his best efforts (and with success, so far as New Hampshire was concerned) in behalf of the candidate of his party. A truer and better speech has never been uttered on a similar occasion than one which he made (during a hurried half hour, snatched from the court rooms) in October of the above year, before the democratic state convention, then in session at Concord5. It is an invariable characteristic of General Pierce’s popular addresses, that they evince a genuine respect for the people; he makes his appeal to their intelligence, their patriotism6, and their integrity, and, never doubtful of their upright purpose, proves his faith in the great mind and heart of the country both by what he says and by what he refrains from saying. He never yet was guilty of an effort to cajole his fellow-citizens, to operate upon their credulity, or to trick them even into what was right; and therefore all the victories which he has ever won in popular assemblies have been triumphs doubly honored, being as creditable to his audiences as to himself.
When the series of measures known under the collective term of The Compromise were passed by Congress in 1850, and put to so searching a test here at the North the reverence7 of the people for the Constitution and their attachment8 to the union, General Pierce was true to the principles which he had long ago avowed9. At an early period of his congressional service he had made known, with the perfect frankness of his character, those opinions upon the slavery question which he has never since seen occasion to change in the slightest degree. There is an unbroken consistency10 in his action with regard to this matter. It is entirely11 of a piece, from his first entrance upon public life until the moment when he came forward, while many were faltering12, to throw the great weight of his character and influence into the scale in favor of those measures through which it was intended to redeem13 the pledges of the Constitution, and to preserve and renew the old love and harmony among the sisterhood of States. His approval embraced the whole series of these acts, as well those which bore hard upon northern views and sentiments as those in which the South deemed itself to have made more than reciprocal concessions15.
No friend nor enemy that know Franklin Pierce would have expected him to act otherwise. With his view of the whole subject, whether looking at it through the medium of his conscience, his feelings, or his intellect, it was impossible for him not to take his stand as the unshaken advocate of union, and of the mutual16 steps of compromise which that great object unquestionably demanded. The fiercest, the least scrupulous17, and the most consistent of those who battle against slavery recognize the same fact that he does. They see that merely human wisdom and human efforts cannot subvert19 it, except by tearing to pieces the Constitution, breaking the pledges which it sanctions, and severing21 into distracted fragments that common country which Providence22 brought into one nation, through a continued miracle of almost two hundred years, from the first settlement of the American wilderness23 until the Revolution. In the days when, a young member of Congress, he first raised his voice against agitation24, Pierce saw these perils25 and their consequences. He considered, too, that the evil would be certain, while the good was, at best, a contingency27, and (to the clear, practical foresight28 with which he looked into the future) scarcely so much as that, attended as the movement was and must be during its progress, with the aggravated29 injury of those whose condition it aimed to ameliorate, and terminating, in its possible triumph,—if such possibility there were,—with the ruin of two races which now dwelt together in greater peace and affection, it is not too much to say, than had ever elsewhere existed between the taskmaster and the serf.
Of course, there is another view of all these matters. The theorist may take that view in his closet; the philanthropist by profession may strive to act upon it uncompromisingly, amid the tumult30 and warfare31 of his life. But the statesman of practical sagacity—who loves his country as it is, and evolves good from things as they exist, and who demands to feel his firm grasp upon a better reality before he quits the one already gained— will be likely here, with all the greatest statesmen of America, to stand in the attitude of a conservative. Such, at all events, will be the attitude of Franklin Pierce. We have sketched32 some of the influences amid which he grew up, inheriting his father’s love of country, mindful of the old patriot’s valor33 in so many conflicts of the Revolution, and having close before his eyes the example of brothers and relatives, more than one of whom have bled for America, both at the extremest north and farthest south; himself, too, in early manhood, serving the union in its legislative34 halls, and, at a maturer age, leading his fellow-citizens, his brethren, from the widest-sundered states, to redden the same battle-fields with their kindred blood, to unite their breath into one shout of victory, and perhaps to sleep, side by side, with the same sod over them. Such a man, with such hereditary35 recollections, and such a personal experience, must not narrow himself to adopt the cause of one section of his native country against another. He will stand up, as he has always stood, among the patriots36 of the whole land. And if the work of antislavery agitation, which it is undeniable leaves most men who earnestly engage in it with only half a country in their affections,—if this work must be done, let others do it.
Those northern men, therefore, who deem the great causes of human welfare as represented and involved in this present hostility37 against southern institutions, and who conceive that the world stands still except so far as that goes forward,—these, it may be allowed, can scarcely give their sympathy or their confidence to the subject of this memoir38. But there is still another view, and probably as wise a one. It looks upon slavery as one of those evils which divine Providence does not leave to be remedied by human contrivances, but which, in its own good time, by some means impossible to be anticipated, but of the simplest and easiest operation, when all its uses shall have been fulfilled, it causes to vanish like a dream. There is no instance, in all history, of the human will and intellect having perfected any great moral reform by methods which it adapted to that end; but the progress of the world, at every step, leaves some evil or wrong on the path behind it, which the wisest of mankind, of their own set purpose, could never have found the way to rectify39. Whatever contributes to the great cause of good, contributes to all its subdivisions and varieties; and, on this score, the lover of his race, the enthusiast40, the philanthropist of whatever theory, might lend his aid to put a man, like the one before us, into the leadership of the world’s affairs.
How firm and conscientious41 was General Pierce’s support of The Compromise may be estimated from his conduct in reference to the Reverend John Atwood. In the foregoing pages it has come oftener in our way to illustrate42 the bland43 and prepossessing features of General Pierce’s character, than the sterner ones which must necessarily form the bones, so to speak, the massive skeleton, of any man who retains an upright attitude amidst the sinister44 influences of public life. The transaction now alluded45 to affords a favorable opportunity for indicating some of these latter traits.
In October, 1850, a democratic convention, held at Concord, nominated Mr. Atwood as the party’s regular candidate for governor. The Compromise, then recent, was inevitably46 a prominent element in the discussions of the convention; and a series of resolutions were adopted, bearing reference to this great subject, fully47 and unreservedly indorsing the measures comprehended under it, and declaring the principles on which the Democracy of the state was about to engage in the gubernatorial contest. Mr. Atwood accepted the nomination48, acceding49 to the platform thus tendered him, taking exceptions to none of the individual resolutions, and, of course, pledging himself to the whole by the very act of assuming the candidacy, which was predicated upon them.
The reverend candidate, we should conceive, is a well-meaning, and probably an amiable50 man. In ordinary circumstances, he would, doubtless, have gone through the canvass triumphantly51, and have administered the high office to which he aspired52 with no discredit53 to the party that had placed him at its head. But the disturbed state of the public mind on the Compromise question rendered the season a very critical one; and Mr. Atwood, unfortunately, had that fatal weakness of character, which, however respectably it may pass in quiet times, is always bound to make itself pitiably manifest under the pressure of a crisis. A letter was addressed to him by a committee, representing the party opposed to The Compromise, and with whom, it may be supposed, were included those who held the more thorough-going degrees of antislavery sentiment. The purpose of the letter was to draw out an expression of Mr. Atwood’s opinion on the abolition54 movement generally, and with an especial reference to the Fugitive55 Slave Law, and whether, as chief magistrate56 of the state, he would favor any attempt for its repeal57. In an answer of considerable length the candidate expressed sentiments that brought him unquestionably within the free soil pale, and favored his correspondents, moreover, with a pretty decided58 judgment59 as to the unconstitutional, unjust, and oppressive character of the Fugitive Slave Law.
During a space of about two months, this very important document was kept from the public eye. Rumors60 of its existence, however, became gradually noised abroad, and necessarily attracted the attention of Mr. Atwood’s democratic friends. Inquiries61 being made, he acknowledged the existence of the letter, but averred62 that it had never been delivered, that it was merely a rough draught63, and that he had hitherto kept it within his own control, with a view to more careful consideration. In accordance with the advice of friends, he expressed a determination, and apparently64 in good faith, to suppress the letter, and thus to sever20 all connection with the antislavery party. This, however, was now beyond his power. A copy of the letter had been taken; it was published, with high commendations, in the antislavery newspapers; and Mr. Atwood was exhibited in the awkward predicament of directly avowing65 sentiments on the one hand which he had implicitly66 disavowed on the other, of accepting a nomination based on principles diametrically opposite.
The candidate appears to have apprehended67 this disclosure, and he hurried to Concord, and sought counsel of General Pierce, with whom he was on terms of personal kindness, and between whom and himself, heretofore, there had never been a shade of political difference. An interview with the general and one or two other gentlemen ensued. Mr. Atwood was cautioned against saying or writing a word that might be repugnant to his feelings or his principles; but, voluntarily, and at his own suggestion, he now wrote for publication a second letter, in which he retracted68 every objectionable feature of his former one, and took decided ground in favor of The Compromise, including all its individual measures. Had he adhered to this latter position, he might have come out of the affair, if not with the credit of consistency, yet, at least, as a successful candidate in the impending69 election. But his evil fate, or, rather, the natural infirmity of his character, was not so to be thrown off. The very next day, unhappily, he fell into the hands of some of his antislavery friends, to whom he avowed a constant adherence70 to the principles of his first letter, describing the second as having been drawn71 from him by importunity72, in an excited state of his mind, and without a full realization73 of its purport74.
It would be needlessly cruel to Mr. Atwood to trace with minuteness the further details of this affair. It is impossible to withhold75 from him a certain sympathy, or to avoid feeling that a very worthy76 man, as the world goes, had entangled77 himself in an inextricable knot of duplicity and tergiversation, by an ill-advised effort to be two opposite things at once. For the sake of true manhood, we gladly turn to consider the course adopted by General Pierce.
The election for governor was now at a distance of only a few weeks; and it could not be otherwise than a most hazardous78 movement for the democratic party, at so late a period, to discard a candidate with whom the people had become familiar. It involved nothing less than the imminent79 peril26 of that political supremacy80 which the party had so long enjoyed. With Mr. Atwood as candidate, success might be considered as certain. To a short-sighted and a weak man, it would have appeared the obvious policy to patch up the difficulty, and, at all events, to conquer, under whatever leadership, and with whatever allies. But it was one of those junctures81 which test the difference between the man of principle and the mere18 politician—the man of moral courage and him who yields to temporary expediency82. General Pierce could not consent that his party should gain a nominal83 triumph, at the expense of what he looked upon as its real integrity and life. With this view of the matter, he had no hesitation84 in his course; nor could the motives85 which otherwise would have been strongest with him—pity for the situation of an unfortunate individual, a personal friend, a Democrat4, as Mr. Atwood describes himself, of nearly fifty years’ standing86—incline him to mercy where it would have been fatal to his sense of right. He took decided ground against Mr. Atwood. The convention met again, and satisfactory to all parties; and one of his political opponents (Professor Sanborn, of Dartmouth College) has ably sketched him, both in that aspect and as a debater.
“In drawing the portraits of the distinguished87 members of the constitutional convention,” writes the professor, “to pass Frank Pierce unnoticed would be as absurd as to enact88 one of Shakespeare’s dramas without its principal hero. I give my impressions of the man as I saw him in the convention; for I would not undertake to vouch89 for the truth or falsehood of those veracious90 organs of public sentiment, at the capital, which have loaded him in turn with indiscriminate praise and abuse. As a presiding officer, it would be difficult to find his equal. In proposing questions to the house, he never hesitates or blunders. In deciding points of order, he is both prompt and impartial91. His treatment of every member of the convention was characterized by uniform courtesy and kindness. The deportment of the presiding officer of a deliberative body usually gives tone to the debates. If he is harsh, morose92, or abrupt93 in his manner, the speakers are apt to catch his spirit by the force of involuntary sympathy. The same is true, to some extent, of the principal debaters in such a body. When a man of strong prejudices and harsh temper rises to address a public assembly, his indwelling antipathies94 speak from every feature of his face and from every motion of his person. The audience at once brace14 themselves against his assaults, and condemn95 his opinions before they are heard. The well-known character of an orator96 persuades or dissuades97 quite as forcibly as the language he utters. Some men never rise to address a deliberative assembly without conciliating good will in advance. The smile that plays upon the speaker’s face awakens98 emotions of complacency in those who hear, even before he speaks. So does that weight of character, which is the matured fruit of long public services and acknowledged worth, soothe99, in advance, the irritated and angry crowd.
“Mr. Pierce possesses unquestionable ability as a public speaker. Few men, in our country, better understand the means of swaying a popular assembly, or employ them with greater success. His forte100 lies in moving the passions of those whom he addresses. He knows how to call into vigorous action both the sympathies and antipathies of those who listen to him. I do not mean to imply by these remarks that his oratory101 is deficient102 in argument or sound reasoning. On the contrary, he seizes with great power upon the strong points of his subject, and presents them clearly, forcibly, and eloquently103. As a prompt and ready debater, always prepared for assault or defence, he has few equals. In these encounters, he appears to great advantage, from his happy faculty104 of turning little incidents, unexpectedly occurring, to his own account. A word carelessly dropped, or an unguarded allusion105 to individuals or parties by an opponent, is frequently converted into a powerful weapon of assault, by this skilful106 advocate. He has been so much in office that he may be said to have been educated in public life. He is most thoroughly107 versed108 in all the tactics of debate. He is not only remarkably109 fluent in his elocution, but remarkably correct. He seldom miscalls or repeats a word. His style is not overloaded110 with ornament111, and yet he draws liberally upon the treasury112 of rhetoric113. His figures are often beautiful and striking, never incongruous. He is always listened to with respectful attention, if he does not always command conviction. From his whole course in the convention, a disinterested114 spectator could not fail to form a very favorable opinion, not only of his talent and eloquence115, but of his generosity116 and magnanimity.”
Among other antiquated117 relics118 of the past, and mouldy types of prejudices that ought now to be forgotten, and of which it was the object of the present convention to purge119 the Constitution of New Hampshire, there is a provision that certain state offices should be held only by Protestants. Since General Pierce’s nomination for the presidency120, the existence of this religious test has been brought as a charge against him, as if, in spite of his continued efforts to remove it, he were personally responsible for its remaining on the statute121 book.
General Pierce has naturally a strong endowment of religious feeling. At no period of his life, as is well known to his friends, have the sacred relations of the human soul been a matter of indifference122 with him; and, of more recent years, whatever circumstances of good or evil fortune may have befallen him, they have alike served to deepen this powerful sentiment. Whether in sorrow or success, he has learned, in his own behalf, the great lesson, that religious faith is the most valuable and most sacred of human possessions; but, with this sense, there has come no narrowness or illiberality123, but a wide-embracing sympathy for the modes of Christian124 worship, and a reverence for individual belief, as a matter between the Deity125 and man’s soul, and with which no other has a right to interfere126. With the feeling here described, and with his acute intellectual perception of the abortive127 character of all intolerant measures, as defeating their own ends, it strikes one as nothing less than ludicrous that he should be charged with desiring to retain this obsolete128 enactment129, standing, as it does, as a merely gratuitous130 and otherwise inoperative stigma131 upon the fair reputation of his native state. Even supposing no higher motives to have influenced him, it would have sufficed to secure his best efforts for the repeal of the religious test that so many of the Catholics have always been found in the advance-guard of freedom, marching onward132 with the progressive party; and that, whether in peace or war, they have performed for their adopted country the hard toil133 and the gallant134 services which she has a right to expect from her most faithful citizens.
The truth is that, ever since his entrance upon public life, on all occasions,—and often making the occasion where he found none,—General Pierce has done his utmost to obliterate135 this obnoxious136 feature from the Constitution. He has repeatedly advocated the calling of a convention mainly for this purpose. In that of 1850, he both spoke137 and voted in favor of the abolition of the test, and, with the aid of Judge Woodbury and other democratic members, attained138 his purpose, so far as the convention possessed139 any power or responsibility in the matter. That the measure was ultimately defeated is due to other causes, either temporary or of long continuance; and to some of them it is attributable that the enlightened public sentiment of New Hampshire was not, long since, made to operate upon this enactment, so anomalous140 in the fundamental law of a free state.
In order to the validity of the amendments141 passed by the convention, it was necessary that the people should subsequently act upon them, and pass a vote of two thirds in favor of their adoption143. The amendments proposed by the convention of 1850 were numerous. The Constitution had been modified in many and very important particulars, in respect to which the popular mind had not previously144 been made familiar, and on which it had not anticipated the necessity of passing judgment. In March, 1851, when the vote of the people was taken upon these measures, the Atwood controversy145 was at its height, and threw all matters of less immediate146 interest into the background. During the interval147 since the adjournment148 of the convention, the whig newspapers had been indefatigable149 in their attempts to put its proceedings150 in an odious151 light before the people. There had been no period, for many years, in which sinister influences rendered it so difficult to draw out an efficient expression of the will of the Democracy as on this occasion. It was the result of all these obstacles that the doings of the constitutional convention were rejected in the mass.
In the ensuing April, the convention reassembled, in order to receive the unfavorable verdict of the people upon its proposed amendments. At the suggestion of General Pierce, the amendment142 abolishing the religious test was again brought forward, and, in spite of the opposition152 of the leading whig members, was a second time submitted to the people. Nor did the struggle in behalf of this enlightened movement terminate here.
At the democratic caucus153, in Concord, preliminary to the town meeting, he urged upon his political friends the repeal of the test, as a party measure; and again, at the town meeting itself, while the balloting154 was going forward, he advocated it on the higher ground of religious freedom, and of reverence for what is inviolable in the human soul. Had the amendment passed, the credit would have belonged to no man more than to General Pierce; and that it failed, and that the free Constitution of New Hampshire is still disgraced by a provision which even monarchical155 England has cast off, is a responsibility which must rest elsewhere than on his head.
In September, 1851, died that eminent156 statesman and jurist, Levi Woodbury, then occupying the elevated post of judge of the Supreme157 Court of the United States. The connection between him and General Pierce, beginning in the early youth of the latter, had been sustained through all the subsequent years. They sat together, with but one intervening chair between, in the national Senate; they were always advocates of the same great measures, and held, through life, a harmony of opinion and action, which was never more conspicuous158 than in the few months that preceded Judge Woodbury’s death. At a meeting of the bar, after his decease, General Pierce uttered some remarks, full of sensibility, in which he referred to the circumstances that had made this friendship an inheritance on his part. Had Judge Woodbury survived, it is not improbable that his more advanced age, his great public services, and equally distinguished zeal159 in behalf of the union might have placed him in the position now occupied by the subject of this memoir. Fortunate the state which, after losing such a son, can still point to another, not less worthy to take upon him the charge of the nation’s welfare.
We have now finished our record of Franklin Pierce’s life, and have only to describe the posture160 of affairs which, without his own purpose and against his wish, has placed him before the people of the United States as a candidate for the presidency.
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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faltering
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| 犹豫的，支吾的，蹒跚的 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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brace
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| n. 支柱,曲柄,大括号; v. 绷紧,顶住,(为困难或坏事)做准备 | |
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concessions
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mutual
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scrupulous
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mere
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subvert
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sever
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severing
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providence
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wilderness
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agitation
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perils
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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contingency
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foresight
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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tumult
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warfare
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sketched
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valor
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legislative
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hereditary
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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hostility
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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rectify
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enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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bland
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| adj.淡而无味的，温和的，无刺激性的 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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47
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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48
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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49
acceding
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的现在分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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50
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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51
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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52
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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54
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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55
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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56
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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57
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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58
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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59
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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60
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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61
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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62
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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63
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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64
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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65
avowing
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的现在分词 ) | |
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66
implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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67
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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68
retracted
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| v.撤回或撤消( retract的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝执行或遵守；缩回；拉回 | |
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69
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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70
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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71
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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72
importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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73
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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74
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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75
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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76
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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77
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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79
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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80
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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81
junctures
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| n.时刻，关键时刻( juncture的名词复数 )；接合点 | |
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82
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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83
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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84
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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85
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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86
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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87
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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88
enact
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| vt.制定(法律)；上演，扮演 | |
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89
vouch
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| v.担保；断定；n.被担保者 | |
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90
veracious
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| adj.诚实可靠的 | |
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91
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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92
morose
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| adj.脾气坏的，不高兴的 | |
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93
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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94
antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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95
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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96
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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97
dissuades
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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98
awakens
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的第三人称单数 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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99
soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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100
forte
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| n.长处，擅长；adj.(音乐)强音的 | |
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101
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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102
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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103
eloquently
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| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
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104
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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105
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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106
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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107
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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108
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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109
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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110
overloaded
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| a.超载的，超负荷的 | |
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111
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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112
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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113
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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114
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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115
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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116
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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117
antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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118
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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119
purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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120
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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121
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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122
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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123
illiberality
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| n.吝啬，小气 | |
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124
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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125
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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126
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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127
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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128
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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129
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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130
gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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131
stigma
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| n.耻辱，污名；(花的)柱头 | |
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132
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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133
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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134
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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135
obliterate
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| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
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136
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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137
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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138
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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139
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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140
anomalous
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| adj.反常的；不规则的 | |
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141
amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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142
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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143
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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144
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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145
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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146
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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147
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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148
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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149
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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150
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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151
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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152
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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153
caucus
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| n.秘密会议；干部会议；v.（参加）干部开会议 | |
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154
balloting
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| v.（使）投票表决( ballot的现在分词 ) | |
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155
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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156
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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157
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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158
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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159
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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160
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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