How medical instruction was first given to the Romans cannot be ascertained1 with certainty; the want of it must have frequently been forced upon the attention of the authorities. It was the practice of the soldiers to dress each other’s wounds; they carried bandages with them for this purpose; but their surgery must have been very indifferent, for Livy tells us that, after the battle of Sutrium (b.c. 309), more soldiers were lost by dying of their wounds than were killed by the enemy.
As the Etruscans were famous for their knowledge of philosophy and medicine, the Romans probably acquired something of these sciences from this ancient people; but that they were more apt at learning their superstitions3 than their arts of healing, we have proof enough. Whether the Romans were more indebted to the Etruscans or to the Sabine people for their religion is a question which has been discussed. It would seem that Numa Pompilius, the legendary4 king of Rome, was of Sabine origin, and that he possessed5 some acquaintance with physical science and philosophy. He dissuaded6 the Romans from idolatry. Livy’s account of his experiments, in consequence of which he was struck by lightning, has been considered by some writers as evidence that he was acquainted with electricity.433
How intellectually inferior the ancient Romans were in comparison with the Greeks, may be learned from the fact that Pliny tells us that “The Roman people for more than 600 years were not, indeed, without medical art, but they were without physicians.” Such mental culture as the Romans possessed was imported from Greece, and until the Greeks instructed them in medicine they possessed nothing but a theurgic system of treating disease by prayers, charms, prescriptions7 from the Sibylline8 books, and the rude surgery and domestic medicine of the barbarians9. Guilty of degrading superstitions unknown to the Greeks, the list of their gods and goddesses of disease reads like the accounts206 of the healing art from some savage10 nation. Fever and stench were worshipped as the goddesses Febris and Mephitis; Fessonia helped the weary, says St. Augustine,434 and “sweet Cloacina” was invoked12 when the drains were out of order.435
The itch13 patients invoked the goddess Scabies and the plague-stricken the goddess Angeronia; women sought the aid of Fluonia and Uterina, and Ossipaga was goddess of the navel and bones of children. There were many goddesses of midwifery; Carna presided over the abdominal14 viscera, and sacrifices of beans and bacon were offered to her. St. Augustine pours his satire15 and contempt on the women’s goddesses in the eleventh chapter of the book from which we have quoted. The Romans were cosmopolitan16 in the way of divinities; Isis and Serapis were imported from Egypt, the Cabiri from the Ph?nicians, and the worship of ?sculapius was commenced by the Romans, b.c. 294.436
Certain facts in the history of the Romans prove that there was a profession of medicine in Rome even in very early times. Plutarch, in his Life of Cato the Censor17, speaks of a Roman ambassador who was sent to the king of Bithynia, and who had his skull18 trepanned. By the Lex Aquilia a doctor who neglected a slave after an operation was responsible if he died in consequence, and in the Twelve Tables of Numa mention is made of dental operations.
A college of ?sculapius and of Health was established in Rome 154 b.c. An inscription19 has been discovered in the excavations20 of the Palatine which has preserved the memorial of its foundation.437 The medical profession of ancient Rome was quite free, and such instruction as its followers22 considered it necessary to acquire could be obtained how and where they chose. There was no uniform system of education; the training was private in early times, and was imparted by such physicians as cared to take pupils for a certain specified23 honorarium24. It was not till later times that the Archiatri in their colleges, which were somewhat on the model of the medi?val guilds26, took pupils for instruction in medicine and surgery. Pure medical schools did not exist amongst the Romans.438 Pliny complained439 “that people believed in any one who gave himself out for a doctor, even if the falsehood directly entailed27 the greatest danger.”207 “Unfortunately there is no law which punishes doctors for ignorance, and no one takes revenge on a doctor if, through his fault, some one dies. It is permitted him by our danger to learn for the future, at our death to make experiments, and, without having to fear punishment, to set at naught28 the life of a human being.”
Cato hated physicians, partly because they were mostly Greeks, and, partly because he was himself an outrageous29 quack30, who thought himself equal to a whole college of physicians. Plutarch tells us440 that he had heard of the answer which Hippocrates gave the king of Persia, when he sent for him and offered him a reward of many talents: “I will never make use of my art in favour of barbarians who are enemies of the Greeks.” He affected31 to believe that all Greek physicians took a similar oath, and therefore advised his son to have nothing to do with them. But there is no doubt his objection to the faculty32 arose from the fact that he had “himself written a little treatise33 in which he had set down his method of cure.” Cato’s guide to domestic medicine was good enough for the Roman people; what did they want with Greek physicians? His system of diet, according to Plutarch, was peculiar34 for sick persons; he did not approve of fasting, he permitted his patients to eat ducks, geese, pigeons, hares, etc., because they are a light diet suitable for sick people. Plutarch adds, that he was not in his own household a very successful practitioner35, as he lost his wife and son. Pliny441 tells us all about Cato’s book of recipes, which the Roman father of a family consulted when any of his family or domestic animals were ill. The family doctor of those days was the father or the master of the household, and no doubt Cato was a very generous, if not a very skilful37 practitioner. Seneca sums up the healing art of the time thus: “Medicina quondam paucarum fuit scientia herbarum quibus sisteretur fluens sanguis, vulnera coirent.”442
Cato attempted to cure dislocations by magic songs (carmina): “Huat, hanat, ista, pista sista damniato damnaustra,” or nonsense simply. What his success in the treatment of luxations on this principle we are not informed. The practice of medicine and surgery before the time of C?sar was not an honourable38 one in Rome. This may possibly have arisen from the fact that the only professors of the art were Greeks, who for the most part left their country for their country’s good and went to Rome merely to make money, honestly if possible—perhaps—but at all events to make it. Rome offered greater facilities for doing this than their native land, and the process was doubtless very similar to that with which our own colonies and the United States of America have in the past been only too familiar.443
During the severe epidemics40 which often raged in ancient Rome the oracles41 were consulted as to the means to be adopted to be rid of208 them; prayers were offered up to the Greek gods of healing as well as those of the state. But Greece had done more for the art of healing by her physicians than her gods could do, and in process of time the Romans found this out, and the native doctors were compelled to yield before the advance of Greek science. The works of the Greek physicians and surgeons, who had done so much for medical knowledge and advancement42, gradually made their way amongst the Romans. These paved the way for Hellenic influence, in spite of the disreputable behaviour of some of the professors of the art of medicine, on whom the Romans with good excuse looked as quacks43 and foreigners whose only object was gain. We read of the erection at Rome of a temple in honour of Apollo the healer, 467 b.c., and of the building of a temple to ?sculapius of Epidaurus, 460 b.c. Ten years later the Romans built a temple to the goddess Salus when the pestilence45 raged in their city. Lucina was first worshipped there 400 b.c. In 399 b.c. the first lectisternium, a festival of Greek origin, was held in Rome by order of the Sybilline books; it was held on exceptional occasions, the present being a time of fresh public distress46 on account of a pestilence which was raging. The images of the gods were laid on a couch; a table spread with a meal was placed before them, and solemn prayers and sacrifices were offered. A third lectisternium was held at Rome 362 b.c. That he might obtain a cessation of the pestilence then raging in Rome, L. Manlius Imperiorus fixed47 a nail in the temple of Jupiter, b.c. 360. This holding of lectisternes and driving nails in the temple walls became the recognised method of dealing48 with such scourges50, and painfully exhibits the powerlessness of mankind to deal with disease by theurgic means. Science alone can combat disease, the bed and board offered to the gods who cannot use them are now bestowed52 on health officers who can; we no longer drive nails in temple walls to remind deities53 that we are in trouble, but we send memorials to our colleges of physicians demanding suggestions for escaping a visitation of cholera54; it is not sufficient to fix “a nail in a sure place,” it must be fixed in the right one. In the year 291 b.c., on the occasion of a pestilence in Rome, ten ambassadors were sent to Epidaurus to seek aid from the temple of ?sculapius. The god was sent to the afflicted55 city under the figure of a serpent. He comes to our towns now under the figure of a cask of carbolic acid.
Archagathus was the first person who regularly practised medicine in Rome. He was a Peloponnesian who settled in the city b.c. 219, and was welcomed with great respect by the authorities, who purchased a surgery or shop for him at the public expense, and gave him the209 “Jus Quiritium.”
As he treated his patients chiefly with the knife and powerful caustics56, his severe remedies gave great offence to the people and brought the profession of surgery into contempt. He was called a “butcher,” and had to leave the city.444
Alexander Severus (225-235 a.d.) was the first who established public lecture rooms for teachers of medicine and granted stipends57 to them. In return they were compelled to teach poor state-supported students gratuitously58. Constantine demanded like services from the doctors in return for certain immunities59.445
There was no regular curriculum, nor period of studentship; everything depended upon the ability and industry of the individual pupil. Clinical instruction was given by the teachers, as Martial60 tells in a satirical verse:—
“Faint was I only, Symmachus, till thou,
Backed by an hundred students, throng’dst my bed;
An hundred icy fingers chilled my brow:
I had no fever; now I’m nearly dead!”
(Dr. Handerson’s Trans.)
Anatomy61 had been pretty thoroughly62 taught in the Roman Empire. Rufus of Ephesus, who lived probably in the reign44 of Trajan, a.d. 98-117, was a very famous anatomist. He considered the spleen to be absolutely useless: a belief which lasted to quite modern times. The nerves we call recurrent were probably then only recently discovered. He proved that the nerves proceed from the brain, and divided them into those of sensation and those of motion. He considered the heart to be the seat of life, and remarked that the left ventricle is smaller and thicker than the right. He discovered the crossing (decussation) of the optic nerves, and made several important researches in the anatomy of the eye. He wrote on diseases of the mind, and discussed medicines in poetry.
Marinus, a celebrated63 physician and anatomist, lived in the first or second century of our era. He wrote many anatomical treatises64, which Galen greatly praised, and he commented upon Hippocrates. He knew the seven cranial nerves, and discovered the inferior laryngeal nerve and the glands65 of the intestines66.
Quintus, Galen’s tutor, was one of his pupils. Lycus was a pupil of Quintus, who wrote anatomical books of some reputation. Pelops was also one of Galen’s earliest tutors, and was a famous anatomist and physician at Smyrna. ?schryon, a native of Pergamos was another of Galen’s tutors, and had a great knowledge of pharmacy67 and materia medica. He was the father of all those who invent superstitious210 remedies for the bite of a mad dog by means of cruelty. For this he directs crawfish to be caught at a time when the sun and moon were in a particular position, and to be baked alive. A worthy69 combination, it will be perceived, of superstition2, astrology, and purposeless cruelty.
Although anybody might practise medicine in Rome without let or hindrance70, the Lex Cornelia ordered the arrest of the doctor if the patient died through his negligence71 (88 b.c.).
There was a public sanitary72 service and other Government employments which demanded properly instructed doctors in ancient Rome, and the practice of specialism in the treatment of disease was carried to even greater lengths than at present. Martial satirises this.446
In the time of Strabo and in that of Trajan there were public medical officers in Gaul, Asia Minor73, and in Latium. In Rome there were district medical officers for every part of the city. They were permitted to engage in private practice, but were compelled to attend the poor gratuitously. Their salary, according to Puschmann,447 was paid chiefly in articles of natural produce.
The archiatri populares were the district physicians. The court physicians were called archiatri palatini. The archiatri municipales were municipal physicians. Their guild25 was the Collegium Archiatrorum, which in constitution was not unlike our Royal College of Physicians.
Different societies employed doctors; the theatres, gladiators, and the circus retained surgeons.
The art of ophthalmic surgery first became a separate branch of the medical profession in the city of Alexandria. Celsus states that Philoxenus, who lived two hundred and seventy years before Christ, was the most celebrated of the Alexandrian oculists.448
Oculists were a numerous but ignorant class of practitioners75 in ancient Rome; their treatment was almost always by salves, each eye-doctor having his own specialty76. Nearly two hundred seals with the proprietors’ names have been discovered which have been attached to the pots containing the ointments77. Galen speaks contemptuously of the science of the eye-doctors of his time. Martial satirises them. “Now you are a gladiator who once were an ophthalmist; you did as a doctor what you do as a gladiator.” In another epigram he says, “The blear-eyed Hylas would have paid you sixpence, O Quintus; one eye is gone, he will still pay threepence; make haste and take it, brief is your chance, when he is blind he will pay you nothing.” Under Nero, Demosthenes Philalethes, the famous doctor of211 Marseilles, was a celebrated oculist74, whose work on eye diseases was the chief authority on the subject until about a.d. 1000. Paulus ?gineta, in his treatise on Ophthalmology, recommends crocodile’s dung in opacity79 of the cornea, and bed-bugs’ and frogs’ blood in trichiasis; yet with all this absurdity80 he distinguished81 between cataract82 and amaurosis.
The ophthalmological literature of the Greeks and Romans has for the most part perished. Puschmann says that this branch of surgery must have been able to show remarkable84 results. “Not only trichiasis, hypopyon, leucoma, lachrymal fistula, and other affections of the external parts of the eye were subjected to operative treatment, but even cataract itself.”449
Although the surgeons of the time were ignorant of the true nature of some of the diseases which they treated, they could cure them. Cataract was treated by “couching,” or depressing the diseased lens by means of a needle, in order to extract it.450
A patient would sometimes require a consultation85, when several doctors would meet and discuss his case, with much difference of opinion more or less violently expressed. Regardless of the sufferings of the patient, they wrangled86 over his symptoms, and behaved as if they were engaged in a pugilistic encounter, each man far more anxious to exhibit his parts and display his dialectical skill than to alleviate87 the sufferings of the unfortunate client. Pliny, Galen, and Theodorus Priscianus have left realistic descriptions of these medical encounters.
With respect to the professional income of the early Roman physicians, Pliny says451 that Albutius, Arruntius, Calpetanus, Cassius, and Rubrius gained 250,000 sesterces per annum, equal to ￡1,953 2s. 6d.; that Quintus Stertinius made it a favour that he was content to receive from the emperor 500,000 sesterces per annum, or ￡3,906 5s., as he might have made 600,000 sesterces, or ￡4,687 10s., by his private practice. He and his brother, also an Imperial physician, left between them at their death the sum of thirty millions of sesterces, or ￡234,375, notwithstanding the large sums they had spent on beautifying Naples.452 Galen’s fee for curing the wife of the consul36 Boethus, after a long illness, was about equal to ￡400 of our money.
Manlius Cornutus, according to Pliny, paid his doctor a sum amounting to ￡2,000 for curing him of a skin disease; and the doctors Crinas and Alcon, according to the same authority, were immensely rich men. But these were all exceptional cases, and there is no reason to suppose212 that Roman doctors made on the average more than sufficient to keep them decently.453
School of the Methodists.
Asclepiades, of Prusa, in Bithynia, was a physician of great celebrity88 and influence, who flourished at Rome in the beginning of the first century b.c. He passed his earlier years at Alexandria, then went to Athens, where he studied rhetoric89 and medicine. He is said to have travelled much. He ultimately settled at Rome as a rhetorician. He was the friend of Cicero. Being unsuccessful as a teacher of rhetoric, he devoted90 himself to medicine. He was a man of great natural ability, but he was quite ignorant of anatomy and physiology91; so he decried92 the labours of those who studied these sciences, and violently attacked Hippocrates. His conduct was that of an early Paracelsus. He had many pupils, and the school they founded was afterwards called that of the Methodists. His system was original, though it owed somewhat to the Epicurean philosophy. He conceived the idea that disease arose in the atoms and corpuscles composing the body, by a want of harmony in their motion. Harmony was health; discord93, disease. Naturally his treatment was as pleasant as that of the most fashionable modern physician. He paid great attention to diet, passive motions, frictions94 after the method now called massage95, and the use of cold sponging. He entirely96 rejected the humoral pathology of Hippocrates, and totally denied his doctrine97 of crises, declared that the physician alone cures, nature merely supplying the opportunities. His famous motto was that the physician should cure “tuto, celeriter, ac jucunde.” In the beginning of fevers he refused his patients permission even to rinse98 the mouth. He originated the method of cyclical cures by adopting certain methods of treatment at definite periods. He first applied99 the term “phrenitis” in the sense of mental disturbance100. In drugs he was a sceptic, but he allowed a liberal use of wine. He was said to have experimented in physiology, though he knew nothing of it. Tertullian ridicules101 him thus: “Asclepiades may investigate goats, which bleat102 without a heart, and drive away flies, which fly without a head.”
Asclepiades must have been a great deal more than a charlatan103, for many of his fundamental ideas have persisted even to the present time. He was the first to distinguish diseases into acute and chronic104.454 Acute diseases he supposed to depend “upon a constriction105 of the pores, or an obstruction106 of them by a superfluity of atoms; the chronic upon a relaxation107 of the pores, or a deficiency of the atoms.” Asclepiades was213 the inventor of many new methods in surgery and medicine. Amongst these was bronchotomy for the relief of suffocation108.455 He practised tracheotomy in angina, and scarification of the ankles in dropsy, and recommended tapping with the smallest possible wound. He also observed spontaneous dislocation of the hip11 joint109.456 Such things do not emanate110 from mere39 quacks.
It may be remarked that there were many physicians of the name of Asclepiades. It was a way they had of assuming a connection with the famous medical family of that name.
The disciples111 of Asclepiades were called Asclepiadists. A few of them became celebrities113 in their day.
Philonides of Dyrrachium lived in the first century, and wrote some forty-five works on medicine.
Antonius Musa lived at the beginning of the Christian114 era, and was a freedman and physician to the Emperor Augustus. When his Imperial patient was seriously ill and had been made worse by a hot regimen and treatment, Antonius cured him with cold bathing and cooling drinks. Augustus rewarded him with a royal fee and permission to wear a gold ring, and a statue was erected115 to him near that of ?sculapius by public subscription116. He wrote several works on pharmacy. He was also physician to Horace.
Musa introduced into medicine the use of adder’s flesh in the treatment of malignant117 ulcers118; he discovered some of the properties of lettuce119, chicory, and endive. Many of his medicines continued in use for ages. For colds he used the over-potent remedies henbane, hemlock120, and opium121. He was also celebrated for various antidotes122 which he discovered.457
His brother, named Euphorbius, was a physician also, and gave his name to a genus of plants, the Euphorbiace? (Plin., lib. xxv., c. 7).
Themison of Laodicea (b.c. 50) was the founder123 of the school known as the Methodical. This was a rival to that of the Hippocratic system, which had hitherto been the dominant124 one. Themison was the most important pupil of Asclepiades. He wrote on chronic diseases, and was the first to describe elephantiasis in a treatise. He would have written upon hydrophobia, but having in his youth once seen a case, it so frightened him that he was attacked with some of the symptoms, and dreaded125 a relapse if he set himself to write about it.458 He invented several famous remedies, such as diacodium, a preparation of poppies, and diagrydium, a purgative126 of scammony. Asclepiades had his “atoms,” Themison had his “pores.” You cannot214 found a medical system without flying a particular flag. Themison’s “flag” was the “status strictus,” or “laxus” of the pores; that is to say, disease is either a condition of increased or diminished tension. He was the first who described rheumatism127, and probably the first European physician who used leeches128.459
He is said to have been attacked with hydrophobia, and to have recovered. Juvenal satirised him (probably) in the lines—
“How many patients Themison dispatched
In one short autumn!”460
Themison’s principles differed from those of his master in many respects, and besides rectifying129 his errors he introduced a greater precision into his system.461
He chose a middle way between the doctrines130 of the Dogmatists and Empirics. Writing of the Methodists, Celsus says: “They assert that the knowledge of no cause whatever bears the least relation to the method of cure; and that it is sufficient to observe some general symptoms of distempers; and that there are three kinds of diseases, one bound, another loose, and the third a mixture of these.”462 Sometimes the excretions of the sick are too small, sometimes too large; one particular excretion may be in excess, another deficient131; the observation of these things constitutes the art of medicine, which they defined as a certain way of proceeding132, which the Greeks called Method. They deduced indications of treatment from analogies in symptoms, and made a bold classification of diseases; accurate as a rule in their diagnosis133, they were usually successful and rational in their therapeutics. They entirely ignored any consideration of the remote causes of diseases; their only object was to cure their patients without speculating as to the reasons why they had become sick. They repudiated134 the Vis medicatrix theory.
Eudemus (b.c. 15) was a disciple112 of Themison. C?lius Aurelianus says of him that in his practice he used to order clysters of cold water for patients suffering from the iliac passion. It is probable that he was the friend and physician of Livilla, and the man who poisoned her husband Drusus. Tacitus speaks of him, saying that he made a great parade of many secret remedies, with a view to extol135 his own abilities as a doctor. It is possible, however, that this may not have been the same Eudemus as the disciple of Themison the Methodist, as there were several other physicians of that name. Our Eudemus made many215 observations on hydrophobia, and remarked how rarely any sufferer recovered who was attacked by it. He was put to death by order of Tiberius.
Meges, of Sidon (b.c. 20), was a famous surgeon, and a follower21 of Themison. He invented instruments used in cutting for the stone. He made observations on tumours136 of the breast and forward dislocations of the knee. He was regarded by Celsus as the most skilful of those who exercised the art of surgery.
Vectius Vallens (circ. a.d. 37) was a pupil of Apuleius Celsus, and was well known for his connection with Messalina, the wife of Claudius. He belonged to Themison’s sect137, and is introduced by Pliny in fact as the author of an improvement upon it. It was the practice of all the adherents138 of the Methodist school of medicine to pretend that by the changes they had introduced into the system they had originated a new one.463
Scribonius Largus (a.d. 45) is said to have been physician to Claudius, and to have accompanied him to Britain. He wrote several medical works in Latin. He was the first to prescribe the electricity of the electric ray in cases of headache.464
A. Cornelius Celsus, who flourished between b.c. 50 and a.d. 7, was a celebrated patrician139 Roman writer on medicine, and an encyclop?dic compiler of a very high order. It is disputed whether he was or was not a physician in actual practice; probably he was not. He practised certainly, but on his friends and servants, and not professionally. The medical practice of the period was for the most part in the hands of the Greeks. We owe little to the Romans that was original or important in connection with the healing art, yet in Celsus we have an elegant and accomplished140 historian of the medical art as it was practised in ancient Rome; he wrote not so much for doctors as for the instruction of the world at large. His works were not studied by medical men, at any rate, as anything more than mere literature. No medical writer of the old world quotes Celsus. Pliny merely refers to him as an author. Very probably he merely compiled his treatises, of which the most celebrated is his De Medicina, in the introductions to the 4th and 8th books of which there is evidence of his considerable knowledge of anatomy. He seems to have understood the anatomy of the chest and the situation of the greater viscera especially well, though of course in this respect falling far short of our present knowledge of the science, and not in every case fully51 up to that of the Greeks. His knowledge of surgery was considerable, especially that of the pelvic organs of the216 female. In osteology, or the science of the bones, he excelled. He accurately141 describes the bones of the skull, their sutures, and the teeth. His descriptions of the vertebr? and ribs142, the bones of the pelvis and the upper and lower extremities143, are accurate and careful. He understood the articulations, and is careful to emphasize the fact that cartilage is always found in their formation. He must have been acquainted with the perforated plate of the ethmoid bone, as he speaks of the many minute holes in the recess144 of the nasal cavities, and it is even inferred by Portal that he knew the semicircular canals.465
The 7th and 8th books of the De re Medicina relate entirely to surgery; this is of course Greek, which in its turn was probably of Egyptian and Indian origin. He describes operations such as we now call “plastic,” for restoring lost or defective145 portions of the nose, lips, and ears. These are constantly claimed as triumphs of modern surgery, and have been asserted to have been successful as the result of information derived146 from experiments on living animals. His description of lithotomy is that which was anciently practised in Alexandria, and was doubtless derived from India. Trephining the skull is described, and this again is proved not to have been invented in modern times, as some have thought. Even subcutaneous urethrotomy was a practice followed in the time of Celsus. We have also the first detailed147 description of the amputation148 of an extremity149. Many ophthalmic operations are described according to the methods followed by the eye specialists of Alexandria.466
In his eight books on medicine the first four deal with internal complaints, such as usually yield to careful dieting. The fifth and sixth are concerned with external disorders150, and contain many prescriptions for their treatment. The seventh and eighth, as we have seen, are exclusively surgical151. Celsus followed principally Hippocrates and Asclepiades as his authorities. He transfers many passages from the Father of Medicine word for word. His favourite author was Asclepiades, and it is for that reason that he is held to be of the Methodical school of medicine. He was no believer in the mysterious numbers of the Pythagorean, and was evidently quite free from slavish devotion, even to his great authorities in medicine.
He recommends that dislocations should be reduced before inflammation sets in. When fractures fail to unite, he recommends extension and rubbing together of the ends of the bone. He goes so far as to advise cutting down to the bone, and letting the fracture and wound heal together. He cautions against the use of purgatives152 in strangu217lated hernia, and gives directions for extracting foreign bodies from the ears.
Had it not been for the works of Celsus, many operations of ancient surgery would have remained to us undescribed. He writes at length on bleeding, and describes the double ligation (or tying) of bleeding vessels153, and the division of the vessels between the ligatures: an operation which the defenders154 of experiments on animals claim to have been discovered by vivisection. His method of amputation in gangrene by a single circular cut was followed down to the seventeenth century. He describes the process of catheterization, operations for goitre (or Derbyshire neck), the resection of the ribs, the use of enemas, and artificial feeding by them, an operation for cataract, ear diseases which are curable by the use of the ear syringe, extraction of teeth by forceps, fastening loose teeth by means of gold wire, and bursting hollow teeth by peppercorns pressed into them. He describes many of the most difficult subjects of operative midwifery, and discriminates155 in various mental diseases. Sleep must be induced, he says, in cases of insanity156, by narcotics158, if it is absent. He treats eye diseases with mild lotions159 and salves, and is the first writer to distinguish hallucinations of vision. He copies from Asclepiades his valuable rules of diet and simple methods of treatment, and from Hippocrates his methods of recognising the signs of diseases and their prognosis.
(I am indebted to the great work of Dr. Hermann Baas467 for much of the above digest of the writings of Celsus.)
At the time when Celsus described the practice of medicine in Europe, bleeding was practised more freely than was the custom in the days of the great Greek physicians. The Romans went far beyond these. “It is not,” said Celsus, “a new thing to let blood from the veins160, but it is new that there is scarcely any malady161 in which blood is not drawn162. Formerly163 they bled young men, and women who were not pregnant, but it had not been seen till our days that children, pregnant women, and old men were bled.” And it would seem that already doctors had begun to bleed in almost every case, in every time of life, with or without reason, the unfortunate people who were under their care. They bled for high fever, when the body was flushed and the veins too full of blood; and they bled in cachexia and an?mia, when they had not enough blood, but were full of “ill humours.” They bled in pleurisy and pneumonia164, and they bled in paralysis165, and cases where there was severe pain.
Celsus has given us a good description of the qualities which a surgeon ought to possess: he should be young, or at any rate not very old; his218 hand should be firm and steady, and never shake; he should be able to use his left hand with as much dexterity166 as his right; his sight should be acute and clear; his mind intrepid167 and pitiless, so that when he is engaged in doing anything to a patient, he may not hurry, nor cut less than he ought, but finish the operation just as if the cries of the patient made no impression upon him.468
Celsus said,469 “It is both cruel and superfluous168 to dissect169 the bodies of the living, but to dissect those of the dead is necessary for learners, for they ought to know the position and order, which dead bodies show better than a living and wounded man. But even the other things, which can only be observed in the living, practice itself will show in the cures of the wounded, a little more slowly, but somewhat more tenderly.”
He wrote on history, philosophy, oratory170, and jurisprudence, and this in the most admirable style.
Thessalus of Tralles (a.d. 60) was the talented son of a weaver171, who became a “natural” doctor. He was an utterly172 ignorant, bragging173 charlatan, with great natural ability. Had Paracelsus received no education, he might have practised medicine as a second Thessalus of Tralles. He scorned science as much as Paracelsus loved it, but like him he abused in the most violent manner all the physicians of antiquity174. He called them all bunglers, and himself the “Conqueror of Physicians” (?ατρο?κη?). He declared to Nero that his predecessors175 had contributed nothing to the progress of the science. He flattered the great and wealthy, and vaunted his ability to teach anybody the healing art in six months. He surrounded himself with a great crowd of disciples—rope-makers, cooks, butchers, weavers176, tanners, artisans of all sorts. All these he permitted to practise on his patients, and to kill them with impunity177. Since his time, says Sprengel, the Roman physicians gave up the custom of visiting their patients when accompanied by their pupils.470 He used colchicum in the treatment of gout.
Philumenus (about a.d. 80) was a famous writer on obstetrics, and described the appropriate treatment for the various kinds of diarrh?a.
Andromachus the Elder (a.d. 60) of Crete was the inventor of a famous cure-all called Theriaca. It was compounded of some sixty drugs. He was physician to Nero, and his two works περ? συνθεσ?ω? φαρμ?κων were greatly praised by Galen.
Soranus of Ephesus, the son of Menandrus, was educated at Alexandria. He practised at Rome in the reigns178 of Trajan and Hadrian. He was one of the most eminent179 physicians of the Methodi219cal school, and was mentioned with praise by Tertullian and St. Augustine. He wrote the only complete treatise on the diseases of women which antiquity has given to us. We find from this work that a valuable instrument used in gyn?cology, and thought by many to be of modern invention—the speculum—was mentioned by Soranus as used by him. Amongst the articles used by surgeons which have been recovered from the ruins of Pompeii, these instruments have been discovered, showing that they were in regular use in ancient times. He seems to have had a complete knowledge of human anatomy, for he describes the uterus in such a manner as to show that his knowledge was acquired by dissecting180 the human body, and not merely from that of animals. He explained the changes induced by pregnancy181, and spoke182 of the sympathy existing between the uterus and the breasts, which is so important for the physician to know. He must have had a greater knowledge of the scourge49 of leprosy than his contemporaries.
Soranus, in his work on gyn?cology, advises that midwives should be temperate183, trustworthy, not avaricious185, superstitious68, or liable to be induced to procure186 abortion187 for the sake of gain. They were to be instructed in dietetics188, materia medica, and minor surgical manipulations. Soranus did not think it was requisite189 for them to know much about the anatomy of the pelvic organs, but they were to be able to undertake the operation of turning in faulty presentations. Only when all attempts to deliver a living child had failed was embryotomy to be performed. Juvenal and other writers intimate that these accomplished accoucheuses often developed into regular doctresses. In difficult cases they called in the assistance of physicians or surgeons.
Julian (a.d. 140) was the pupil of Apollinides of Cyprus. He was at Alexandria when Galen studied there. He wrote an introduction to the study of medicine, and opposed the principles of Hippocrates. Like the greater number of the Methodists he was ill-read, and Galen blamed him for having neglected the humoral pathology.471
C?lius Aurelianus was a celebrated Latin physician, who is supposed to have lived in Rome about the first or second century. Very little is known about him, but the fact that he belonged to the Methodical school, and showed great skill in the art of diagnosis.
He wrote treatises on acute and chronic diseases, and a dialogue on the science of medicine. Next to Celsus, he is considered the greatest writer of his school. His works are based entirely on the Greek of Soranus.
He was a popular writer, as is proved by the fact that in the sixth century his works were text-books on medicine in the Benedictine220 monasteries190. He has well described gout and hydrophobia, and, according to Baas, was the inventor of condensed milk (!). Even auscultation is hinted at in his works, and he recommends the air of pine forests in chest diseases. His suggestions for the treatment of nervous and insane patients were far in advance of his age, as he disapproves191 of restraint.472
Greek and Roman Pharmacy.
It is very difficult to decide with certainty what the ancients actually intended by the names they gave their medicines. Exact as Hippocrates and Galen usually are in their terminology192, we are often at a loss to know precisely193 what was the nature of the remedies they employed. Alum, for example, as we understand it, is a very different thing from the alum of the ancients. What the Greeks and Romans called alumen and στυπτηρ?α, says Beckmann, was vitriol, or rather a kind of vitriolic194 earth. They were very deficient in the knowledge of saline substances. Hemlock, which is called also Conium, Κ?νειον, or Cicuta, was probably not the poison employed at Athenian executions. Pliny says that the word Cicuta did not indicate any particular species of plant, but was used for vegetable poisons in general. Dr. Mead473 considers that the Athenian poison was a combination of deadly drugs; it killed without pain, and probably opium was combined with the hemlock.474 Hellebore was of two kinds, white and black, or Veratrum album and Helleborus niger respectively. Galen says we are always to understand veratrum when the word ?λλ?βορο? is used alone. White hellebore was used by the Greeks, says Stillé,475 in the treatment of chronic diseases, especially melancholy195, insanity, dropsy, skin diseases, gout, tetanus, hydrophobia, tic doloureux, etc. It was mixed with other drugs to moderate the violence of its action. It fell into disuse, and is now hardly ever employed internally. It is an exceedingly dangerous drug, and was doubtless used on the “kill or cure” principle. Black hellebore was given as a purgative. Healthy people took the white variety to clear and sharpen their faculties196. It fell into disuse about the fifth century after Christ. A very celebrated medicine in popular use even in modern times was Theriaca. Galen says that the term was properly applied to such medicines as would cure the bite of wild beasts (θηρ?ων), as those which were antidotes to other poisons (το?? δηλητηρ?υι?) were properly called ?λεξιφ?ρμακα.476
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Andromachus, physician to the emperor Nero, invented the most celebrated of these preparations; it was known as the Theriaca Andromachi, and was very similar to that of Mithridates, king of Pontus, the recipe for which was said to have been found amongst his papers after his death by Pompey. This was known to the Roman physicians under the name of Antidotum Mithridatium. The composition of this medicine was varied197 greatly in the hands of its different preparers, and it underwent considerable alterations198 from age to age. Celsus first described it, with its thirty-six ingredients; then Andromachus added to it the flesh of vipers199, and increased the number of ingredients to seventy-five. He described the whole process of manufacture in a Greek poem, which has been handed down to us by Galen. Damocrates varied some of the proportions of the compound, and wrote another poem upon it, also preserved by Galen.
The medicines prescribed by the Greek and Roman physicians were all prepared by themselves. At that time materia medica consisted chiefly of herbs; some of these plants were used not only for medicinal, but also for culinary purposes, and were collected by other than practitioners of medicine. Many plants were used also for cosmetic200 purposes and in the baths, so that there must have been numerous collectors and dealers201 in herbs. Just as in our time dispensing202 chemists and others have acquired a certain knowledge of the medicinal virtues203 of the things they sell, so the pigmentarii, seplasiarii, pharmacopol?, and medicamentarii possessed themselves of medical secrets, and thus invaded the territory of the doctors.
Beckmann says477 that the pigmentarii dealt in medicines, and sometimes sold poison by mistake.
The seplasiarii sold veterinary medicines and compounded drugs for physicians.478
The pharmacopol?, according to Beckmann, were an ignorant and boasting class of drug-sellers. The medicamentarii seem to have been a still more worthless class, for in the Theodosian code poisoners are called medicamentarii.
A great number of the medical plants mentioned by Pliny, Dioscorides, and other writers on materia medica were used for quite other purposes than those for which we employ them now. Some drugs, however, were apparently204 given on what we must admit to be correct scientific principles. Thus Melampus of Argos, one of the oldest Greek physicians of whom we have any knowledge, is said to have cured Iphiclus of sterility205 by administering rust184 of iron in wine for ten days.
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He gave black hellebore as a purgative to the daughters of Proetus when they were afflicted with melancholy. Preparations of the poppy were known to have a narcotic157 influence, and the uses of prussic acid—in the form of cherry laurel water—stramonium, and lettuce-opium were well understood. Squill was employed as a diuretic in dropsy by the Egyptians.
The following list from the article on “Pharmaceutica” in Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities206 contains probably the titles of all the ancient treatises on drugs that are extant: “1. Περ? Φαρμ?κων, De Remediis Purgantibus; 2. Περ? ?λλεβορισμο?, De Veratri Usu (these two works are found among the collection that goes under the name of Hippocrates, but are both spurious); 3. Dioscorides, Περ? ?λη? ?ατρικ??, De Materia Medica, in five books (one of the most valuable and celebrated medical treatises of antiquity); 4. id. Περ? Ε?πορ?στων, ?πλ?ν τε κα? Συνθ?των, Φαρμ?κων, De Facile Parabilibus, tam Simplicibus quam Compositis, Medicamentis, in two books (perhaps spurious); 5. Marcellus Sideta, ?ατρικ? περ? ?χθ?ων, De Remediis ex Piscibus; 6. Galen, Περ? Κρ?σεω? κα? Δυν?μεω? τ?ν ?πλ?ν Φαρμ?κων, De Simplicium Medicamentorum Temperamentis et Facultatibus, in eleven books; 7. id. Περ? Συνθ?σεω? Φαρμ?κων τ?ν κατ? Τ?που?, De Compositione Medicamentorum secundum Locos, in ten books; 8. id. Περ? Συνθ?σεω? Φαρμ?κων τ?ν κατ? Γ?νη, De Compositione Medicamentorum secundum Genera, in seven books; 9. id. Περ? τ?? τ?ν Καθαιρ?ντων Φαρμ?κων Δυν?μεω?, De Purgantium Medicamentorum Facultate (perhaps spurious); 10. Oribasius, Συναγωγα? ?ατρικα?, Collecta Medicinalia, consisting originally of seventy books, of which we possess now only about one third; 11. id. Ε?π?ριστα, Euporista ad Eunapium, or De facile Parabilibus, in four books, of which the second contains an alphabetical207 list of drugs; 12. id. Σ?νοψι?, Synopsis208 ad Eustathium, an abridgment209 of his larger work in nine books, of which the second, third, and fourth are upon the subject of external and internal remedies; 13. Paulus ?gineta, ?πιτομ?? ?ατρικ?? Βιβλ?α ?πτα, Compendii Medici Libri Septem, of which the last treats of medicines; 14. Joannes Actuarius, De Medicamentorum Compositione; 15. Nicolaus Myrepsus, Antidotarium; 16. Cato, De Re Rustica; 17. Celsus, De Medicina Libri Octo, of which the fifth treats of different sorts of medicines; 18. Twelve books of Pliny’s, Historia Naturalis (from the twentieth to the thirty-second), are devoted to Materia Medica; 19. Scribonius Largus, Compositiones Medicamentorum; 20. Apuleius Barbarus, Herbarium, seu de Medicaminibus Herbarum; 21. Sextus Placitus Papyriensis, De Medicamentis ex Animalibus; 22. Marcellus Empiricus, De Medicamentis Empiricis, Physicis, ac Rationalibus.”
Although the Greeks and Romans knew little of chemistry as we understand the term, they must have possessed considerable skill in the art of secret poisoning, either with intent to kill or to obtain undue210 influence over certain persons.
Poisonous drugs were used as philtres or love-potions, and we know from Demosthenes479 that drugs were administered in Athens to influence men to make wills in a desired manner. Women were most addicted211 to the crime of poisoning amongst the Greeks. They were called φαρμακ?δε? and φαρμακευτρ?αι. By the Romans the crime of poisoning was called Veneficium; and here again, as in other times and places,223 it was most usually practised by women. It lent itself to the weakness of the gentler sex, who could not avenge212 their injuries by arms, and there is little doubt that many women were as unjustly suspected of poisoning as we know they were of witchcraft213 in an ignorant age when pestilence and obscure diseases filled the minds of the people with fear and suspicion. Thucydides tells us480 the Athenians in the time of the great pestilence believed that their wells had been poisoned by their enemies. When the city of Rome was visited by a pestilence in the year 331 b.c., a slave girl informed the curule aediles that the Roman matrons had caused the deaths of many of the leading men of the State by poisoning them. On this information about twenty matrons, some of whom, as Cornelia and Sergia, belonged to patrician families, were detected in the act of preparing poisonous compounds over a fire. They protested that they were innocent concoctions214; the magistrates215 compelling them to drink these in the Forum216, they suffered the death they had prepared for others. Locusta was a celebrated female poisoner under the Roman emperors. She poisoned Claudius at the command of Agrippina, and Britannicus at that of Nero, who even provided her with pupils to be instructed in her deadly art. Tacitus tells the story,481 Suetonius says,482 that the poison she administered to Britannicus being too slow in its action, Nero forced her by blows and threats to make a stronger draught217 in his presence, which killed the victim immediately. She was executed under the emperor Galba.
Clement218 of Alexandria refers to the Susinian ointment78 in use in his time, which was made from lilies, and was “warming, aperient, drawing, moistening, abstergent, antibilious, and emollient,” a truly marvellous unguent219 indeed if it possessed only half of these virtues. He tells of another ointment called the Myrsinian, which was made from myrtle berries, and was “a styptic, stopping effusions from the body; and that from roses is refrigerating.”483
Rufus of Ephesus, the anatomist, has left us in his works interesting details concerning the state of anatomical science at Alexandria before the time of Galen. In one of his works he says,224 “The ancients called the arteries220 of the neck carotids, because they believed that, when pressed hard, the animal became sleepy and lost its voice; but in our age it has been discovered that this accident does not proceed from pressing upon these arteries, but upon the nerves contiguous to them.” He is said to have practised the twisting of arteries for arresting h?morrhage, a method universally followed at the present day. It is curious that though the ligature and this valuable method of torsion were both known to the ancients, they fell into abeyance221 in favour of the actual cautery.
Seneca, the philosopher (a.d. 3-65), had a very high opinion of the healing art. Perhaps no one has said truer and kinder things of doctors than this philosopher. “People pay the doctor for his trouble; for his kindness they still remain in his debt.” “Thinkest thou that thou owest the doctor and the teacher nothing more than his fee? We think that great reverence222 and love are due to both. We have received from them priceless benefits: from the doctor, health and life; from the teacher, the noble culture of the soul. Both are our friends, and deserve our most sincere thanks, not so much by their merchantable art, as by their frank good will.”484
Apollonius of Tyana, the Pythagorean philosopher, was born four years before Christ. His reputation as a miracle-worker and healer was used by the enemies of the Christian faith in ancient times to bring him forward as a rival to the Author of our Religion.485 The attempt to make him appear a pagan Christ has since been revived.486 He adopted the Pythagorean philosophy at the age of sixteen. He renounced223 animal food and wine, used only linen224 garments and sandals made of bark, suffered his hair to grow, and betook himself to the temple of ?sculapius, who appears to have regarded him with peculiar favour. He observed the silence of five years, which was one of the methods of initiation225 into the esoteric doctrines of the Pythagoreans. He travelled in India, and learned the valuable theurgic secrets of the Brahmans; in the cities of Asia Minor he had some interviews with the Magi; visited the temples and oracles of Greece, where he sometimes exercised his skill in healing; then he went to Rome, where he was brought before Nero on the charge of magical practices, which was not sustained. In his seventy-third year he attracted the notice of Vespasian. Afterwards he travelled in Ethiopia. Returning to Rome, he was imprisoned226 by Domitian, and had his hair cut short, because he had foretold227 the pestilence at Ephesus. He died at the age of an hundred years. It is to be remarked that he never put forward any miraculous228 pretensions229 himself; he seems merely to have been a learned philosopher who had travelled widely and acquired vast information from distant sources. The history manufac225tured for him is plainly an imitation from that of our Lord, concocted230 by persons interested in degrading the character of Christ.487
Pliny the Elder (23-79 a.d.), the author of the immense encyclop?dic work, his famous Natural History, was not a man of genius, nor even an original observer, his work is but a compilation231, and contains more falsehood than fact, and more absurdities232 than either. He cannot be called a naturalist233, though he wrote on natural history; nor a physician, though he wrote of diseases and their remedies. His work is valuable chiefly as a picture of the general knowledge of his time. The following is an example of the medical lore234 of the period. Pliny says that a woman dreamt that some one was directed to send to her son, a soldier in Spain, some roots of the dog-rose. It happened that exactly at that time her son had been bitten by a mad dog, and had received a letter from his mother, who had dreamt about him, and she begged him to use these roots as she directed. He did so, and was “protected” from hydrophobia, as were many others of his friends who adopted the same treatment. Thus it was that the wild-rose was called the dog-rose.
Dioscorides lived in the first or second century of our era. He was a physician who rendered greater services than any other to Materia Medica. His work on this subject was the result of immense labour and research, and remained for ages the standard authority; it contained a description of everything used in medicine, and is a most valuable document for the historian of the healing art of the period. Galen highly valued the work of Dioscorides, which must have been of the greatest use to the doctors of the time, who were obliged to prepare their own medicines. Drugs were so much adulterated that it was unsafe to procure them from the stores in Rome.
Marinus was a famous anatomist, who lived in the first and second centuries after Christ. Galen’s tutor Quintus was one of his pupils. He wrote many works on anatomy, which Galen abridged235 and praised, saying that he was one of the restorers of anatomical science.
Quintus, an eminent Roman physician of the second century, was a pupil of Marinus. He was celebrated for his knowledge of anatomy.
Zenon lived in the fourth century, and taught medicine at Alexandria. Julian (a.d. 361 circ.) wrote in very high terms of the medical skill of this physician.
Magnus of Alexandria was a pupil of the above, who lectured on medicine at Alexandria, where he was very famous. He wrote a work on the urine.
Ionicus of Sardis studied under Zenon. He was not only distin226guished in all branches of medicine, but was versed236 in rhetoric, logic83, and poetry.
Theon of Alexandria, of very uncertain period, probably in the fourth century after Christ, wrote a celebrated book on Man, in which he treated of diseases in a systematic237 order, and also of pharmacy.
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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sibylline
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| adj.预言的；神巫的 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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hip
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| n.臀部，髋；屋脊 | |
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invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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itch
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| n.痒，渴望，疥癣；vi.发痒，渴望 | |
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abdominal
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| adj.腹（部）的，下腹的；n.腹肌 | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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excavations
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| n.挖掘( excavation的名词复数 )；开凿；开凿的洞穴（或山路等）；（发掘出来的）古迹 | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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honorarium
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| n.酬金，谢礼 | |
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guild
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| n.行会，同业公会，协会 | |
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guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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quack
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| n.庸医；江湖医生；冒充内行的人；骗子 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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practitioner
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| n.实践者，从事者；(医生或律师等)开业者 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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epidemics
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| n．流行病 | |
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oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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quacks
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| abbr.quacksalvers 庸医，骗子(16世纪习惯用水银或汞治疗梅毒的人)n.江湖医生( quack的名词复数 )；江湖郎中；（鸭子的）呱呱声v.（鸭子）发出嘎嘎声( quack的第三人称单数 ) | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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49
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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50
scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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51
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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52
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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54
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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55
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
caustics
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| n.苛性的( caustic的名词复数 )；腐蚀性的；尖刻的；刻薄的 | |
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57
stipends
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| n.（尤指牧师的）薪俸( stipend的名词复数 ) | |
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58
gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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59
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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60
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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61
anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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62
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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63
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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64
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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65
glands
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| n.腺( gland的名词复数 ) | |
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66
intestines
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| n.肠( intestine的名词复数 ) | |
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67
pharmacy
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|
| n.药房，药剂学，制药业，配药业，一批备用药品 | |
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68
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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69
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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70
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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71
negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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72
sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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73
minor
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|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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74
oculist
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| n.眼科医生 | |
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75
practitioners
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|
| n.习艺者，实习者( practitioner的名词复数 )；从业者（尤指医师） | |
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76
specialty
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| n.(speciality)特性，特质；专业，专长 | |
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77
ointments
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|
| n.软膏( ointment的名词复数 )；扫兴的人；煞风景的事物；药膏 | |
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78
ointment
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| n.药膏，油膏，软膏 | |
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79
opacity
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| n.不透明；难懂 | |
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80
absurdity
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|
| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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81
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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82
cataract
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|
| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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83
logic
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|
| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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84
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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85
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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86
wrangled
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
alleviate
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|
| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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88
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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89
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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90
devoted
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|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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91
physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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92
decried
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|
| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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94
frictions
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|
| n.摩擦( friction的名词复数 )；摩擦力；冲突；不和 | |
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95
massage
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|
| n.按摩，揉；vt.按摩，揉，美化，奉承，篡改数据 | |
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96
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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97
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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98
rinse
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|
| v.用清水漂洗，用清水冲洗 | |
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99
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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100
disturbance
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|
| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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101
ridicules
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|
| n.嘲笑( ridicule的名词复数 )；奚落；嘲弄；戏弄v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的第三人称单数 ) | |
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102
bleat
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|
| v.咩咩叫，(讲)废话，哭诉；n.咩咩叫，废话，哭诉 | |
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103
charlatan
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|
| n.骗子；江湖医生；假内行 | |
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104
chronic
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|
| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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105
constriction
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|
| 压缩； 紧压的感觉； 束紧； 压缩物 | |
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106
obstruction
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|
| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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107
relaxation
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|
| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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108
suffocation
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|
| n.窒息 | |
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109
joint
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|
| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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110
emanate
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|
| v.发自，来自，出自 | |
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111
disciples
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|
| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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112
disciple
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|
| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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113
celebrities
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|
| n.（尤指娱乐界的）名人( celebrity的名词复数 )；名流；名声；名誉 | |
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114
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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115
ERECTED
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|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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116
subscription
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|
| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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117
malignant
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|
| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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118
ulcers
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|
| n.溃疡( ulcer的名词复数 )；腐烂物；道德败坏；腐败 | |
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119
lettuce
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|
| n.莴苣；生菜 | |
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120
hemlock
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|
| n.毒胡萝卜，铁杉 | |
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121
opium
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|
| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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122
antidotes
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| 解药( antidote的名词复数 )； 解毒剂； 对抗手段； 除害物 | |
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123
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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124
dominant
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|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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125
dreaded
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|
| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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126
purgative
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|
| n.泻药；adj.通便的 | |
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127
rheumatism
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|
| n.风湿病 | |
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128
leeches
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|
| n.水蛭( leech的名词复数 )；蚂蟥；榨取他人脂膏者；医生 | |
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129
rectifying
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| 改正，矫正( rectify的现在分词 )； 精馏； 蒸流； 整流 | |
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130
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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131
deficient
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|
| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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132
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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133
diagnosis
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| n.诊断，诊断结果，调查分析，判断 | |
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134
repudiated
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|
| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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135
extol
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|
| v.赞美，颂扬 | |
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136
tumours
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| 肿瘤( tumour的名词复数 ) | |
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137
sect
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|
| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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138
adherents
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|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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139
patrician
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|
| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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140
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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141
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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142
ribs
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|
| n.肋骨( rib的名词复数 )；（船或屋顶等的）肋拱；肋骨状的东西；（织物的）凸条花纹 | |
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143
extremities
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|
| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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144
recess
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|
| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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145
defective
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|
| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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146
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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147
detailed
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|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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148
amputation
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| n.截肢 | |
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149
extremity
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|
| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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150
disorders
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|
| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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151
surgical
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|
| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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152
purgatives
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| 泻剂( purgative的名词复数 ) | |
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153
vessels
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|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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154
defenders
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|
| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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155
discriminates
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| 分别，辨别，区分( discriminate的第三人称单数 )； 歧视，有差别地对待 | |
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156
insanity
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|
| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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157
narcotic
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|
| n.麻醉药，镇静剂；adj.麻醉的，催眠的 | |
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158
narcotics
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|
| n.麻醉药( narcotic的名词复数 )；毒品；毒 | |
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159
lotions
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|
| n.洗液，洗剂，护肤液( lotion的名词复数 ) | |
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160
veins
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|
| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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161
malady
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|
| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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162
drawn
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|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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163
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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164
pneumonia
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| n.肺炎 | |
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165
paralysis
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|
| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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166
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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167
intrepid
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|
| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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168
superfluous
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|
| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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169
dissect
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| v.分割；解剖 | |
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170
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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171
weaver
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| n.织布工；编织者 | |
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172
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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173
bragging
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| v.自夸，吹嘘( brag的现在分词 )；大话 | |
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174
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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175
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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176
weavers
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| 织工，编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
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177
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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178
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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179
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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180
dissecting
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| v.解剖（动物等）( dissect的现在分词 )；仔细分析或研究 | |
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181
pregnancy
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| n.怀孕，怀孕期 | |
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182
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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183
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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184
rust
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| n.锈；v.生锈；(脑子)衰退 | |
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185
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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186
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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187
abortion
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| n.流产，堕胎 | |
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188
dietetics
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| n.营养学 | |
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189
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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190
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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191
disapproves
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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192
terminology
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| n.术语；专有名词 | |
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193
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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194
vitriolic
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| adj.硫酸的，尖刻的 | |
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195
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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196
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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197
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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198
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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199
vipers
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| n.蝰蛇( viper的名词复数 )；毒蛇；阴险恶毒的人；奸诈者 | |
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200
cosmetic
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| n.化妆品；adj.化妆用的；装门面的；装饰性的 | |
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201
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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202
dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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203
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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204
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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205
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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206
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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207
alphabetical
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| adj.字母（表）的，依字母顺序的 | |
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208
synopsis
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| n.提要，梗概 | |
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209
abridgment
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| n.删节，节本 | |
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210
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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211
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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212
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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213
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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214
concoctions
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| n.编造，捏造，混合物( concoction的名词复数 ) | |
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215
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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216
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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217
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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218
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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219
unguent
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| n.（药）膏；润滑剂；滑油 | |
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220
arteries
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| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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221
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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222
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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223
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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224
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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225
initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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226
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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228
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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229
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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230
concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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231
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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232
absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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233
naturalist
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| n.博物学家(尤指直接观察动植物者) | |
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234
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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235
abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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236
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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237
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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