The connecting link between the ancient and the modern medicine was the school of Salerno. It is true that Hippocrates and Galen in Arabian costume re-entered Europe after a long absence in the East, when the Moors4 occupied a great part of Spain; but great as was this Saracenic influence on medical science, it was not to be compared with the powerful and permanent influence secured by the native growth of medical science which sprung up on Italian soil.
The origin of this celebrated5 medi?val institution is involved in obscurity; it has been generally understood to have sprung from the monastery6 of Monte Cassino, founded by St. Benedict in the sixth century. St. Benedict probably possessed8 some medical knowledge, and it is certain that many of his order did. The Benedictines had houses in La Cava and Salerno. The legends of the wonderful cures wrought9 by St. Benedict would naturally attract crowds of sufferers to the doors of the learned and charitable monks. There would consequently be abundant opportunities for the study of diseases and their remedies; and though there was probably little enough of what could strictly10 be called scientific medical practice, there was doubtless as much effort to cure or mitigate11 suffering as was consistent with the rule of a learned religious order. Some writers think that the famous school of Salerno existed as early as the seventh century, that Greek thought and traditions lingered there long after they had ceased to exist in other parts of Italy; and they argue that as it was, as is now clearly shown, a purely12 secular13 institution, it was independent in origin and constitution of any monastic connection. Others maintain that it was founded by the Arabs; but, as Daremberg points out,743 the first invasions of the Saracens in Sicily and Italy, dating from the middle of the ninth309 century, had for their objects simply pillage14 and slaughter15; and there is nothing whatever to show in the whole course of their devastations the slightest desire to found literary or scientific institutions. The Saracens never sojourned at Salerno, and before the end of the eleventh century there is no trace of Arabian medicine in the works written by the great teachers of Salerno. It is as unnecessary as it is unjust to seek any other origin for the Salernian school than that of the Benedictines of Monte Cassino.744 Bede, Cuthbert, Auperth, and Paul were brought up at that monastery, and we know that medicine was always cultivated to a certain extent in those ancient abodes16 of learning and religion. As Balmez says concerning Monte Cassino,745 “the sons of the most illustrious families of the empire are seen to come from all parts to that monastery; some with the intention of remaining there for ever, others to receive a good education, and some to carry back to the world a recollection of the serious inspirations which the holy founder17 had received at Subiaco.” It seems, therefore, that the origin of the medical school of Salerno was somewhat on this wise: a lay spirit of science was developed, and many young men having no aptitude18 for the monastic life, but desirous to devote themselves entirely19 to the healing art as an honourable20 and lucrative21 profession, doubtless desired to form themselves into a society or school for this end; they would receive encouragement from their more liberal and enlightened monastic teachers to settle in a beautiful and healthy resort of invalids22 such as Salerno had long been considered, and to pursue their medical studies under the supervision23 of the men most competent to instruct them. Dr. Puschmann, quoting from S. de Renzi,746 states that in documents of the years 848 and 855, Joseph and Joshua are named as doctors practising there. The Lombard Regenifrid lived there in the year 900; he was physician to Prince Waimar of Salerno. Fifty years later the doctor Petrus was raised to the bishopric of Salerno. Many doctors of this time were clerics, but there were also many who were Jews.747 This ancient people, hated and persecuted24 in every other relation of life, were popular as physicians in the Middle Ages. The books studied and expounded26 were Hippocrates and Galen, which were translated into Latin before a.d. 560.748
Its cosmopolitan27 sentiments probably gave rise to the story that is 310told in an ancient Salernian chronicle, rediscovered by S. de Renzi, to the effect that the school was founded by four doctors; namely, the Jewish Rabbi Elinus, the Greek Pontus, the Saracen Adala, and a native of Salerno, who each lectured in his native tongue.749
It is said that Charlemagne in 802 a.d. greatly encouraged this Salerno school by ordering Greek works of medicine to be translated from the Arabic into Latin. Salernum, in consequence of the medical and public instructions given by the monks in the neighbouring monastery, became known as a civitas Hippocratica.750
Bertharius, abbot from 856, was a very learned man; and it is stated that there are still in existence two manuscripts of his which contain a collection of hygienic and medicinal rules and prescriptions28.751
Alphanus (secundus) (flourished about 1050), a distinguished30 monastic philosopher and theologian, wrote a treatise31 on The union of the Soul and Body, and another on The Four Humours. He carried with him, when he removed to Florence, many manuscripts and a great quantity of medicines. During the eleventh century Salerno rose to great importance, not only from its situation as a port from which the Crusaders departed to the wars, but from the daily widening influence of its medical school.
Petrocellus wrote on the practice of medicine about 1035; he was the author of the Compendium32 of Medicine. Gariopontus (died before 1056) wrote a work entitled Passionarius Galeni. These are the two most ancient works of this school which have reached our times, says Daremberg. The medicine of Salerno before the year 1050 was a combination of methodism in its doctrines33 and of Galenisms in its prescriptions.752 We find, says Baas,753 in Gariopontus the first intimation of the inhalation of narcotic34 vapours in medicine, while the ancients could only produce an?sthesia by compression and the internal use of such drugs as mandragora and belladonna. Herodotus says754 that the Scythians used the vapour of hemp35 seed to intoxicate36 themselves by inhaling37 it, but this was not for medicinal purposes.
Desiderius was abbot of Salerno, and afterwards became Pope Victor III. in 1085. He is said to have been medicin? peritissimus.755
About this time flourished Constantine, the Carthaginian Christian38, whose fame was European, and who finally placed Salerno in the front as a great and specialized39 public school of medicine. He travelled far in the East, and is said to have learned mathematics, necromancy40, and the sciences in Babylon. He visited India and Egypt, and when he returned to Carthage he was the most learned man of his time in all311 that related to medical science. Naturally he was suspected of witchcraft41, and he fled for refuge to Salerno. Robert Guiscard the Norman held him in the highest favour, and under his protection he published many works of medicine of his own, and made many translations of medical books from the Arabic. He ultimately retired42 to the monastery of Monte Cassino, where he died in 1087. We may safely date the establishment of the splendid reputation of the Salerno school from the time of his settlement there.756
Daremberg does not allow that the influence of Constantine was so great as is generally supposed. He points out that it was not in the middle of the eleventh but at the end of the twelfth century that Arabian medicine was substituted in the school of Salerno, as in the West generally, for the Gr?co-Latin. And it is perfectly43 true that if we examine the medical writings of this period we find very little progress from the times of the ancients, except in pharmacy44 and the knowledge of drugs and their properties. Daremberg’s researches go to prove that many of Constantine’s works, previously45 supposed to have been original, were but cunningly disguised translations from the Arabic. By altering the phraseology, and suppressing such proper names as would have led to suspicion of the origin of his treatises46, he obtained credit for a great mass of literary work which had really another source.757
Jean Afflacius, a disciple47 of Constantine, wrote The Golden Book on the Treatment of Diseases, and another work On the Treatment of Fevers.758 Daremberg says that these works of Afflacius show no more traces of Arabian influence than the works of his contemporaries.
He advised that the air of the sick-room should be kept cool by the evaporation48 of water, and he administered iron in enlargement of the spleen.
archimatth?us lived soon after Constantine; his name occurs about the year 1100 as the author of two important books on medicine, The Instruction of the Physician and The Practice. The former work is occupied with advice, sometimes exaggerated, on the dignity of the healing art; and though it appears childish enough to our more sophisticated age, it is not without evidence of a desire to instruct the doctor in all that relates to the welfare of the patient and the dangers incurred49 by any deviation50 from the strictest code of professional rectitude. It is unfortunately, however, blended with so much that is crafty51 and sly that it approaches in some directions very closely to312 charlatanism52. Archimatth?us very minutely instructs the doctor how to comport53 himself when called to visit a patient.759
He should place himself under the protection of God and under the care of the angel who accompanied Tobias. On the way to the patient’s home he should take care to learn from the messenger sent for him the state of the patient, so that he may be, on reaching the bedside, well posted in all that concerns the case; then if, after he has examined the urine and the state of the pulse, he is not able to make an accurate diagnosis54, he will at least be able, thanks to his previous information, to impress the patient with the conviction that he completely understands his case, and so will gain his confidence. The author considers it very important that the sick person, before the arrival of the physician, should send for a priest to hear his confession55, or at least promise to do so; for if the doctor were to see reason to suggest this himself, it would give the patient cause to suppose that his case was hopeless. “Upon entering the house of his patient, the physician should salute56 all with a grave and modest air, not exhibiting any eagerness, but seating himself to take breath; he should praise the beauty of the situation,760 the good arrangements of the house, the generosity57 of the family; by this means he wins the good opinion of the household, and gives the sick person time to recover himself a little.” After the most careful directions as to the examination of the patient, the author takes the doctor from the house with as much artfulness as he has brought him hither. He is to promise the patient a good recovery, but privately58 to the friends he is to explain that the illness is a very serious one: “if he recovers, your reputation is increased; if he succumbs59, people will not fail to remember that you foresaw the fatal termination of the disease.” If he is asked to dine, “as is the custom,” he is to show himself neither indiscreet nor over-nice. If the table is delicate, he is not to become absorbed in its pleasures, but to leave the table every now and then to see how the patient progresses, so as to show that he has not been forgotten while the doctor was feasting. He is honestly to demand his fee, and then go in peace, his heart content and his purse full. In the Practice of the same author, we have, says Daremberg, a true Clinic, the first work of the kind since the Epidemics60 of Hippocrates; it exhibits a skilful61 practitioner62, a good observer, and a bold therapeutist63. The doctrines and methods are those of Hippo313crates and Galen, but not of the Arabs. It is also interesting as proving that at this period the distinction was established between the true physicians and the common physicians, or the specialists and the general practitioners64 or physician-apothecaries65.
A remarkable66 and interesting feature in the history of the school of Salerno is the fact that some of its most famous professors of medicine were ladies. About the year 1059, Trotula, a female physician, wrote a well-known book on the diseases of women, and their treatment before, during, and after labour. She discusses all branches of pathology, even of the male sexual organs.761 It was supposed that she was the wife of John Platearius the elder, and that she belonged to the noble family of Roger. Her person and name were at one time considered legend and myth, but M. Renzi’s investigations67 have proved her to be sufficiently68 historical. Trotula lived at Salerno, as is shown by the Compendium Salernitanum, and she practised in that city, as is clear from her work on the diseases of women. Her name occurs variously as Trotula, Trotta, and Trocta.762
Abella wrote a treatise De Natura Seminis Humani; she was a colleague of Trotula’s. Costanza Calenda was the daughter of the principal of the medical school, and was distinguished both for her beauty and her talents; she left no writings. Mercuriadis and Rebecca Guarna were doctresses of the fifteenth century. They wrote chiefly on midwifery and diseases of women.763
Copho, in the early part of the twelfth century, was an anatomist, and probably a Jew; he wrote the Anatomy of the Pig. Students were instructed in dissections by operating on dead animals when, as in those days, human bodies were not accessible. The pig was killed by severing69 the vessels70 of the neck, and was then hung up by the hind71 legs, and when the blood had escaped the body was used for teaching purposes; it was not dissected72 in the modern sense at all, the examination consisting merely in observation of the great cavities and the vital organs, according to the suggestions of Galen and the old anatomists.764
Nicholas Pr?positus, about 1140, was the president of the school, and wrote a famous book called the Antidotarium—a Pharmacop?ia as we should call it. This book of recipes was compiled from the works of the Arabian doctors Mesues, Avicenna, Actuarius, Nicolaus Myrepsus, as well as from Galen. It is interesting as giving the forms which the compounders of the prescriptions were sworn on their oath to observe;314 they promised to make up all their potions, syrups73, etc., “secundum pr?dictam formam,” and they further promised that their drugs should be fresh and sufficient. It shows also that there was a habit of writing a prescription29 when a patient was visited; this, it seems, was a custom which originated with the Arabian physicians.765
Nicholas was also the author, says Dr. Baas,766 of a work called “Quid pro7 Quo,” which was a list of drugs which were equivalent to other drugs, and might be used as substitutes for each other in case of either running short. Dr. Baas says our expression “Quid pro Quo” originated from this.
The writings of Bartholom?us and of Copho the Younger (between 1100 and 1120), says Daremberg, are of great interest in the history of medicine; they show how great was the freedom of spirit which existed at Salerno at this time. Copho described certain diseases which were not referred to in the works of other writers of Salerno; for example, ulceration of the palate and trachea, polypi, scrofulous tumours74 of the throat, condylomata, etc. Bartholom?us and Copho also held certain original ideas as to the classification of fevers. Copho distinguished between medicine for the rich and for the poor: the rich are delicate, and must be cured agreeably; the poor wish only to be cured at as little cost as possible. Thus the nobles must be purged75 with finely powdered rhubarb, the poor, with a decoction of mirobalanum, sweetened or not. Naturally the more precious drugs would be used for the wealthy, and probably the poor, who could not afford the complicated and terrible confections of medi?val pharmacy, might have congratulated themselves on being treated with a few simples instead of the precious messes which the wealthy had to swallow.
Johannes Platearius deserves notice as having been the inventor of the term “Cataracta,” in place of the ancient Egyptian “ascent” and the Greek “hypochosis,” in classical Latin “suffusio humorum” (Hirsch).767
Matth?us Platearius was the son of the above; he composed a Practica Brevis and other books on medicine; it is not certain at what precise date they flourished.
?gidius “Corbolensis,” canon of Paris, physician to Philip Augustus, king of France (1165-1213), wrote a poem on the decline of Salerno as a medical school; he describes the doctors as caring nothing for books which were not full of recipes, and the professors as merely beardless boys.
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The famous but somewhat mysterious “Four Masters” were commentators76 on the surgery of Roger and Roland.
Musandinus wrote on the diet of the sick; bleeding was recommended for the want of appetite in convalescents, and patients were rather to be purged to death than permitted to die constipated.
Bernard the Provincial77 recommends wine for the delicate stomachs of bishops78; he said they could not bear emetics79 unless they were administered on a full stomach. His treatise was written between the years 1150 and 1160. He did much to simplify the materia medica of his time, advising the poor not to waste their means on costly80 foreign drugs, but to gather simples from the fields. It is interesting to find in the thirteenth century police regulations which required in many cities of Italy that physicians should inspect druggists’ shops and see that their medicines were pure and fresh. Pharmacy, it seems, was already becoming divorced from medical practice.768
In the middle of the twelfth century there appeared a didactic poem called Schola Salernitana, Flos Medicin?, or Regimen Sanitatis, or Regimen Virile81. This celebrated work went through hundreds of editions.769
Dr. Handerson, in his translation of Baas’ History of Medicine, says it had other titles than those given above, as Medicina Salernitana, De Conservanda Bona Valetudine, Lilium Sanitatis, Compendium Salernitanum, etc. The work was for centuries the physician’s vade mecum. It is not known who was the author; originally it was put forth82 as emanating83 from “the whole school of Salerno to the king of England,” namely, Robert, son of William the Conqueror84, who was cured of a wound at Salerno in 1101. The poem consisted of some two thousand lines. Dr. Handerson gives the following translation of a few lines of this curious work:—
To rise from table and to take the air;
The urgent calls of nature to obey:
Thy life to greater length thou may’st extend.”
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It has been translated into English by Thomas Paynell in 1530, by John Harrington in 1607, and by Alexander Croke in 1830.
The poem is a composite work, and its form was doubtless adopted for facility of committing to memory an important text-book of health rules.
Roger, or Ruggiero, known as Roger of Parma or of Palermo, lived about 1210, was a student, and for a long time a professor in Salerno. He was a celebrated surgeon, who practised trepanning of the sternum and stitching of the intestine96. He was the first to describe a case of hernia pulmonis, to use the term seton, and to prescribe the internal use of sea-sponge for the removal of bronchocele.770 He knew how to arrest h?morrhage by styptics, sutures, and ligatures.
He was the earliest special writer on surgery in Italy.771 His later editor Rolando exhibits an acquaintance with surgery, which shows that, although the art had not been previously written upon in Italy, it was very well understood at Salerno. De Renzi says that some of the operations described are trephining, the removal of polypi from the nose, resection of the lower jaw97, the operation for hernia and lithotomy. Malignant98 tumours of the rectum and uterus are referred to.772
Salerno was the first school in Europe in which regular diplomas in medicine were granted to students who had been duly instructed and had passed an examination in accordance with the requirements of the legal authorities. The great patron of Salerno, Frederick II., in the year 1240 confirmed the law of King Roger, passed in the year 1137, or as some say in 1140, with reference to licences to practise medicine. That ancient enactment99 was that, “Whoever from this time forth desires to practise medicine must present himself before our officials and judges, and be subject to their decision. Any one audacious enough to neglect this shall be punished by imprisonment100 and confiscation101 of goods. This decree has for its object the protection of the subjects of our kingdom from the dangers arising from the ignorance of practitioners.”773
Frederick’s law was:317 “Since it is possible for a man to understand medical science, only if he has previously learnt something of logic102, we ordain103 that no one shall be permitted to study medicine until he has given his attention to logic for three years. After these three years he may, if he wishes, proceed to the study of medicine. In this study he must spend five years, during which period he must also acquire a knowledge of surgery, for this forms a part of medicine. After this, but not before, permission may be given him to practise, provided that he passes the examination prescribed by the authorities and at the same time produces a certificate showing that he has studied for the period required by the law.” “The teachers must, during this period of five years, expound25 in their lectures the genuine writings of Hippocrates and Galen on the theory and practice of medicine.” “But even when the prescribed five years of medical study are passed, the doctor should not forthwith practise on his own account, but, for a full year more he should habitually104 consult an older experienced practitioner in the exercise of his profession.”
“We decree that in future no one is to assume the title of doctor, to proceed to practise or to take medical charge, unless he has previously been found competent in the judgment105 of teachers at a public meeting in Salerno, has moreover by the testimony106 in writing of his teachers and of our officials approved himself before us or our representatives in respect of his worthiness107 and scientific maturity108, and in pursuance of this course has received the state-licence to practise. Whoever transgresses109 this law, and ventures to practise without a licence, is subject to punishment by confiscation of property and imprisonment for a year.” “No surgeon shall be allowed to practise until he has submitted certificates in writing of the teachers of the faculty110 of medicine, that he has spent at least one year in the study of that part of medical science which gives skill in the practice of surgery, that in the colleges he has diligently111 and especially studied the anatomy of the human body, and is also thoroughly112 experienced in the way in which operations are successfully performed and healing is brought about afterwards.”774
The doctor was bound to give advice to the poor gratis114, and to inform against apothecaries who did not make up his prescriptions in accordance with the law. The doctor’s fee in the daytime within the town was half a gold tarenus; outside the city he could demand from three to four tareni, exclusive of his travelling expenses.775 Doctors were not permitted to keep drug-shops. Apothecaries were obliged to compound the medicines in conformity115 with the doctor’s prescriptions, and the price they charged was regulated by law. Inspectors116 of drug-shops were appointed to visit and report. The punishment of death was318 imposed on the officials who neglected their duties.776 These laws have served as the pattern for succeeding enactments117 for the regulation of medical education and practice.
In 1252 King Conrad created the school of Salerno a university, but King Manfred in 1258 by his restoration of Naples University left Salerno only its medical school.
On the 29th of November, 1811, a decree of the French Government put an end to the oldest school of medicine in Europe.
Daremberg concludes his admirable treatise on the school of Salerno with a pathetic account of a visit which he made to that city in 1849; he tells how he wandered through its streets, once so active with the movements of the students and professors of the medical sciences, and he laments118 that not a single remembrance of its illustrious masters remains119 to remind the visitor of its ancient glories. Not a stone of the edifices120, not an echo of its traditions, not even a manuscript in any library remains to remind us of the learned and venerable men and women who did so much for medicine in those dark ages. A few years back I visited Salerno myself, and I found not even a decent hotel in which to remain a night or two. I rested at the best hostelry I could find, and after dinner proposed to the friend who accompanied me, that on the following day we should visit P?stum and see its noble ruined temples. As we chatted and turned over the pages of the visitors’ book, we came across a long and doleful account of an Englishman who some few years previously had visited P?stum from Salerno, and was captured by brigands121; he was detained their prisoner for many weeks, and only at last liberated122, after threats of mutilation, by the payment of a heavy ransom123. We did not go to P?stum; we left Salerno early the following morning and went to Amalfi. The hotel was gloomy and crumbling124 into decay, the rooms were all empty, the landlord was suggestive of the host in some of the old stories of our boyish days. Thus has Salerno fallen. Most travellers now make La Cava their headquarters, and do not stay at Salerno at all.
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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supervision
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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expound
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| v.详述；解释；阐述 | |
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expounded
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cosmopolitan
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prescriptions
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prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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distinguished
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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compendium
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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narcotic
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| n.麻醉药，镇静剂；adj.麻醉的，催眠的 | |
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hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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intoxicate
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| vt.使喝醉，使陶醉，使欣喜若狂 | |
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inhaling
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| v.吸入( inhale的现在分词 ) | |
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38
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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39
specialized
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| adj.专门的，专业化的 | |
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40
necromancy
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| n.巫术；通灵术 | |
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41
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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42
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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43
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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44
pharmacy
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| n.药房，药剂学，制药业，配药业，一批备用药品 | |
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45
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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46
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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47
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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48
evaporation
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| n.蒸发，消失 | |
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49
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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50
deviation
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| n.背离，偏离；偏差，偏向；离题 | |
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51
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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52
charlatanism
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| n.庸医术，庸医的行为 | |
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53
comport
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| vi.相称，适合 | |
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54
diagnosis
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| n.诊断，诊断结果，调查分析，判断 | |
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55
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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56
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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57
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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58
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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59
succumbs
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的第三人称单数 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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60
epidemics
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| n．流行病 | |
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61
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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62
practitioner
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| n.实践者，从事者；(医生或律师等)开业者 | |
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therapeutist
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| n.治疗学家，临床医学家 | |
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64
practitioners
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| n.习艺者，实习者( practitioner的名词复数 )；从业者（尤指医师） | |
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65
apothecaries
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| n.药剂师，药店( apothecary的名词复数 ) | |
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66
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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67
investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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68
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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69
severing
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的现在分词 )；断，裂 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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71
hind
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| adj.后面的，后部的 | |
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72
dissected
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| adj.切开的，分割的，（叶子）多裂的v.解剖（动物等）( dissect的过去式和过去分词 )；仔细分析或研究 | |
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73
syrups
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| n.糖浆，糖汁( syrup的名词复数 )；糖浆类药品 | |
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74
tumours
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| 肿瘤( tumour的名词复数 ) | |
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75
purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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76
commentators
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| n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 )；时事评论员；注释者；实况广播员 | |
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77
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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78
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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79
emetics
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| n.催吐药( emetic的名词复数 ) | |
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80
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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81
virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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82
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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83
emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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84
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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85
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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86
indites
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| vt.写（文章，信等）创作，赋诗，创作（indite的第三人称单数形式） | |
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87
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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88
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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89
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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90
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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91
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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92
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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93
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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94
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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95
wilt
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| v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎；(指人)疲倦，衰弱 | |
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96
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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97
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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98
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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99
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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100
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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101
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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102
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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103
ordain
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| vi.颁发命令；vt.命令，授以圣职，注定，任命 | |
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104
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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105
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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106
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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107
worthiness
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| 价值，值得 | |
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108
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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109
transgresses
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| n.超越( transgress的名词复数 )；越过；违反；违背v.超越( transgress的第三人称单数 )；越过；违反；违背 | |
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110
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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111
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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112
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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113
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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114
gratis
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| adj.免费的 | |
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115
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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116
inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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117
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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118
laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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119
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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120
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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121
brigands
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| n.土匪，强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
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122
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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123
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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124
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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