The Crusades were of the highest importance to the development of Western civilization; they brought the European world into contact with the ancient wisdom of the East, they greatly stimulated1 commerce, aroused a spirit of restlessness and inquiry2, and thus enlarged men’s minds, stimulated them to adventure and heroic deeds, improved the art of war and the invention of arms, etc. By bringing the Crusaders into contact with the Saracens many new medicines were introduced into practice; physicians followed the armies to the East, and thus had opportunities of studying the healing art as practised in the midst of ancient civilizations. To a great extent the present advantages we enjoy are due to the influence of the Crusades, which brought to Europe many arts and sciences we should not have otherwise learned.
One of the evil consequences of the Crusades was the introduction into Europe of epidemic3 diseases and contagious4 disorders5 which have always had their home in the East. Thus were introduced the plague, leprosy, and the disorders which are bred of filth6 and promiscuous7 living.
In the thirteenth century very few who possessed8 either medical or surgical9 skill were not priests or monks10, chiefly mendicants. The profession became very lucrative11, and so many monks devoted12 themselves to the healing art that they neglected their spiritual duties, and were consequently forbidden to leave their monasteries13 for a longer period than two months at a time.777 In this century astrology was closely related to the practice of medicine. It was believed that an intimate association existed between the heavenly bodies and those of men, and no cure could be attempted without consulting the astrological oracle14.
M. Jules Andrieu says that medical science, “like the other sciences, began by being astrological. The first encyclop?dia was astrology.”778320 Certainly it was one of the modes most anciently and universally practised for discovering the most important things relating to the lives and fortunes of those who believed in it. It was flattering to men to believe that the heavenly bodies are interested in their welfare, and the events of life were awaited with resignation and composure by those who believed they were regulated by the stars in their courses; they applied15 themselves therefore to diagrams and calculations to learn the simplest and most obvious details of their lives.
M. Littré, member of the Institute and the Academy of Medicine at Paris, in his Fragment de Médecine Rétrospective,779 describes seven “miracles” which took place in France at the end of the thirteenth century at the tomb of St. Louis. He states the simple facts as written in the chronicles of the period. He does not dispute them, does not ridicule16 nor ignore them, but endeavours to give a pathological interpretation17 of them. He notices in the first place that at the moment of cure the patient felt a sharp pain—the part affected18 seemed to be stretched or touched, and sometimes a sort of cracking sensation in the bone was experienced, then movements became possible, although the lengthening19 of the limb and the possibility of moving it freely were not experienced immediately; the cure was not so sudden, a period of weakness, long or short, always followed the miracle, and the part only gradually regained20 its use. The cracking of the bone is just what the surgeon finds when he moves a joint21 which has become fixed22 by disuse; without breaking down these adhesions, he can do nothing to restore the articulation23. In cases of rheumatic paralysis24 a similar state of things is observed. Of course in the accounts of the healing at the tomb of St. Louis we expect to find errors and exaggerations due to the preoccupation and ignorance of those who wrote the reports, but we at once recognise the cracking and the pain as genuine pathological details; we should not expect a natural cure without these symptoms. To what shall we attribute them? M. Littré gives the explanation in the words of M. le docteur Onimus, published in La Philosophic25 positive sur la Vibration26 nerveuse.780 The ascending27 action or vibration expresses the influence of the physical on the moral; the descending28 action or vibration expresses the influence of the moral on the physical. In these cases it is the descending action which we have to consider. This action is exerted on the muscular portion of the affected part; it contracts energetically; it breaks down the pathological adhesions if they exist; it restores the bones violently to their place; this done, the patient is in a condition to use the limb, but not without passing through a period of debility which requires time for recovery. It is a violent321 extension produced by muscular contractions29. Surgery has frequently to break down such adhesions and destroy false anchyloses. Here the force is not exerted by a strange hand, but by an influence which is exerted on the muscles themselves, and this in a far more beneficent manner than surgery can afford. What is the exciting cause of these energetic contractions? That which we find in all miracles of this sort—a strong persuasion30, a complete confidence. Under a profound emotion born of these sentiments, the patient, feeling that the cure was in the extension of the part, had a belief which he could understand. Of course such faith is not possible in every case. On one side there must be the mental condition which can receive in its fulness the emotion born of persuasion and confidence, and on the other that the lesions must be susceptible31 of cure. To a certain degree there are lesions which escape all this sort of treatment. Herbert Spencer points out781 that muscular power fails with flagging emotions or desires which lapse32 into indifference33, and conversely that intense feeling or passion confers a great increase in muscular force. It is brain and feeling generated by the mind which give strength to the person who thinks strongly.
Albertus Magnus (1193-1280), one of the greatest of the schoolmen, combined with his religious speculations34 so great a knowledge of physical science and mechanics that he was reputed as a sorcerer. He constructed automata, some of which could speak; wrote on anatomy35, physiology36, botany, chemistry, astronomy, magnetism37, acclimatization of plants and animals, etc. He digested, interpreted, and systematized the whole of the writings of Aristotle in accordance with the teaching of the Church. He was called, not only “Albert the Great,” but “the Universal doctor.” To his labours and those of Thomas Aquinas may be explained the reverence38 for Aristotle entertained by the clergy39 of the Roman and Anglican churches even to the present day.
Thomas Aquinas (1225 circ.-1274), was the great Dominican theologian who wrote the Summa Theologi?. In his famous work he incidentally dealt with medical and physiological40 questions. The source of all motion is the heart. The soul is created anew in each conception. Moisture, heat, and ?ther alone are necessary for the generation of an individual; the lower animals originate even from putrefying matter. He wrote commentaries on the works of Aristotle, and derived41 many of his scientific ideas from this great master. The biology of St. Thomas, as may be imagined, is exceedingly feeble, yet it too often forms the only knowledge of the subject which continental42 clergymen possess.
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Raymond Lulli (1235-1315) was a man of great intellect, who sought the secrets of transmutation of metals and the philosopher’s stone. He was a bold thinker, an astrologer, and a physician of great repute. Naturally he was accused of magic. His acquaintance with the Arabians directed his mind to the study of chemistry. He wrote on medical subjects, the titles of his best known works being De Pulsibus et Urinis, De Medicina Theorica et Practica, De Aquis et Oleis.
Roger Bacon (1214-1298). By theologians he was believed to be in league with the devil, because of his belief in astrology and his scientific attainments43. It is probable that his reputed invention of certain optical instruments was really due to his acquaintance with Arabic, as the Arabians were familiar with the camera, burning glass, and microscope, which have been attributed to him. Neither is it the fact that he invented gunpowder44, as is usually supposed. Bacon wrote voluminously on theology, philosophy, and science. Although he believed in astrology and the philospher’s stone, he had a true scientific idea of the value of experiment, which forcibly reminds us of the Francis Bacon which future ages would reveal.
“Experimental science,” he said, “has three great prerogatives45 over all other sciences: (1) it verifies their conclusions by direct experiments; (2) it discovers truths which they could never reach; (3) it investigates the secrets of nature, and opens to us a knowledge of past and future.”782 As an instance of his method, Bacon gives an investigation46 into the phenomena47 of the rainbow, which is doubtless a very remarkable48 example of inductive research.
Roger Bacon proved himself far in advance of his time by his insistence49 of the supremacy50 of experiment. So different was his mental attitude in this regard from the temper of his time that Whewell finds it difficult to conceive how such a character could then exist.783 He learned much from Arabian writers, but certainly not from them did he learn to emancipate51 himself from the bondage52 to Aristotle which everywhere enslaved them. Doubtless he learned from Aristotle himself to call no man master in science, for the Stagyrite declared that all knowledge must come from observation, and that science must be collected from facts by induction53.784 Probably the truth about Aristotle is that Bacon’s objections were directed against the Latin translations of the Greek philosopher, which were very bad ones. Of both Avicenna and Averroes he speaks respectfully, and it is doubted whether any passages323 in Bacon’s works can be construed54 into opposition55 to Aristotle’s own authority.785
Wood says786 that Roger Bacon was accounted the fourth in order of the chief chemists the world had ever produced, their names being (1) Hermes Trismegistus, the first chemist, (2) Geber, (3) Morienus Romanus, (4) Roger Bacon, (5) Raymond Lulli, (6) Paracelsus.
Roger Bacon made such prodigious56 chemical experiments at Oxford57 and Paris “that none could be convinced to the contrary but that he dealt with the devil.”
Jean Pitard (1228-1315) founded the surgical society in France, which exercised a very important influence on the development of the healing art in that country, under the title of the “College de Saint C?me.”787 At a time when surgery of the lower character was practised by barbers, this important corporation of educated men broke off from the inferior association and combined to form an academy of the higher surgery.
Peter de Maharncourt was an Oxford student, so “excellent in chemical experiments that he was instituted Dominus Experimentorum.”788 He not only worked in metallurgy, but interested himself in “the experiments of old women, their charms, magical spells, and verses that they used to repeat when they applied or gave anything to their patients.”
Nicholas Myrepsus (circ. a.d. 1250), “Actuarius,” i.e. physician-in-ordinary, wrote a vast work on materia medica, containing 2,656 prescriptions58 for every disease, real or imaginary, which afflicts59 our race. He had studied at Salerno.
John Actuarius (circ. 1283) was a medical genius in advance of his age. He wrote a useful materia medica and a treatise60 on the kidney secretion61, in which he explains the use of a graduated glass for estimating the amount of sediments62, which he classifies according to their colours. He appeared, says Haeser, “like the last flickerings of a dying flame” just before the Turks destroyed the glorious work of the Greeks in the civilized63 world.
In Edward the First’s reign64 the king’s physician had twelve pence per day for his expenses in visiting the Countess of Gloucester, the king’s daughter, when she was ill.789
The art of poisoning was brought to considerable perfection in the324 Middle Ages, and there is abundant evidence of the fact that women were commonly agents in it.790
In Edward the Third’s reign the ladies of the household were both nurses and doctors. Regular practitioners65 were few, and the mistress of the house and her maidens66 were compelled to do the best they could in their absence. Medicinal herbs were cultivated in every garden, and were either dried or made into decoctions and kept ready for use. Many of these fair practitioners were reputed to be very skilful67 in medical practice. Chaucer, in the “Nonne-Prestes Tale,” has left a faithful picture of the domestic medicine of the period in the character of Dame68 Pertelot.
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1
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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surgical
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| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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lengthening
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的现在分词 )； 加长 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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articulation
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| n.（清楚的）发音；清晰度，咬合 | |
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paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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vibration
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| n.颤动，振动；摆动 | |
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ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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contractions
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| n.收缩( contraction的名词复数 )；缩减；缩略词；（分娩时）子宫收缩 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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magnetism
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| n.磁性，吸引力，磁学 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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physiological
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| adj.生理学的，生理学上的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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induction
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| n.感应，感应现象 | |
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construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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afflicts
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的名词复数 ) | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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secretion
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| n.分泌 | |
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sediments
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| 沉淀物( sediment的名词复数 )； 沉积物 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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practitioners
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| n.习艺者，实习者( practitioner的名词复数 )；从业者（尤指医师） | |
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maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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