The seventeenth century is important in the history of medicine as the era of the two greatest discoveries of modern physiology—the circulation of the blood, and the development of the higher animals from the egg (ovum). Both of these are due to Harvey, and both were made in the midst of the troubles of the great Civil War. The history of medicine is so interwoven at this important period with that of science and philosophy in general, that it is necessary to glance awhile at the great factors which were working out the advancement4 of medical learning.
Amongst the greatest figures on the scientific stage at the beginning and middle of the seventeenth century are the following:—
Francis Bacon (1561-1626) was the great leader in the reformation of modern science, and shares with Descartes the glory of inaugurating modern philosophy. His great work, the Novum Organon, was given to the world just as authority and dogmatism had been discarded from scientific thought, and the era of experiment had begun. It was not Bacon’s contributions to science, not his discoveries, which entitle him to the highest place in the reformation of science, but the general spirit of his philosophy and his connected mode of thinking, his insistence5 upon the need for rejecting rash generalization6, and analysing our experience, employing hypothesis, not by guess work, but by the scientific imagination which calls to its assistance experimental comparison, verification, and proof. Bacon’s philosophy of induction7 was reared upon a foundation of exclusion8 and elimination9. He relegated10 theological questions to the region of faith, insisting that experience and observation are the only remedies against prejudice and error.875
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The publication of Bacon’s Novum Organon in 1620 resulted in the formation of a society of learned men, who met together in London in 1645 to discuss philosophical13 subjects and the results of their various experiments in science. They are described as “inquisitive,” a term which aptly illustrates15 the temper of the times. Taking nothing upon trust, these men inquired for themselves, and left their books to make experiment, as Bacon had urged students of nature to do. About 1648-9 Drs. Wilkins, Wallis, and others removed to Oxford16, and with Seth Ward17, the Hon. Robert Boyle, Petty, and other men of divinity and physic, often met in the rooms of Dr. Wilkins at Wadham College, and so formed the Philosophical Society of Oxford, which existed only till 1690. About 1658 the members were dispersed18, the majority coming to London and attending lectures at Gresham College. Thus, in the midst of civil war, thoughtful and inquiring minds found a refuge from the quarrels of politicians and the babel of contending parties in the pursuit of knowledge and the advancement of research. The Royal Society was organized in 1660, and on 22nd April, 1662, Charles II. constituted it a body politic19 and corporate20. The Philosophical Transactions began 6th March, 1664-5. 1668 Newton invented his reflecting telescope, and on 28th April, 1686, presented to the Society the MS. of his Principia, which the council ordered to be printed.
Rene Descartes (1596-1650), the philosopher, applied21 himself to the study of physics in all its branches, but especially to physiology. He said that science may be compared to a tree; metaphysics is the root, physics is the trunk, and the three chief branches are mechanics, medicine, and morals,—the three applications of our knowledge to the outward world, to the human body, and to the conduct of life.876 He studied chemistry and anatomy22, dissecting23 the heads of animals in order to explain imagination and memory, which he believed to be physical processes.877 In 1629 he asks Mersenne to take care of himself, “till I find out if there is any means of getting a medical theory based on infallible demonstration25, which is what I am now inquiring.”878 Descartes embraced the doctrine26 of the circulation of the blood as discovered by Harvey, and he did much to popularise it, falling in as it did with his mechanical theory of life. He thought the nerves were tubular vessels28 which conduct the animal spirits to the muscles, and in their turn convey the impressions of the organs to the brain. He considered man and the animals were machines. “The animals act naturally and by springs, like a watch.”879379 “The greatest of all the prejudices we have retained from our infancy29 is that of believing that the beasts think.”880 Naturally such a monstrous30 theory did much to encourage vivisection, a practice common with Descartes.881 “The recluses31 of Port Royal,” says Dr. Wallace,882 “seized it eagerly, discussed automatism, dissected32 living animals in order to show to a morbid33 curiosity the circulation of the blood, were careless of the cries of tortured dogs, and finally embalmed34 the doctrine in a syllogism35 of their logic11: no matter thinks; every soul of beast is matter, therefore no soul of beast thinks. He held that the seat of the mind of man was in that structure of the brain called by anatomists the pineal gland36.”
Malebranche (1638-1715) was a disciple37 of Descartes, who thought his system served to explain the mystery of life and thought. In his famous Recherche38 de la Verite he anticipated later discoveries in physiology, e.g., Hartley’s principle of the interdependence of vibrations39 in the nervous system and our conscious states.
Blaise Pascal (1623-1662), as a natural philosopher, rendered great services to science. The account of his experiments, written in 1662, on the equilibrium40 of fluids, entitles him to be considered one of the founders of hydrodynamics. His experiments on the pressure of the air and his invention for measuring it greatly assisted to advance the work begun by Galileo and Torricelli. Not only in the great work done, but in those which were undertaken in consequence of his inspiration, we recognise in Pascal one of the most brilliant scientists of a brilliant age.
Hobbes (1588-1679), the famous author of the Leviathan, endeavoured to base all that he could upon mathematical principles. Philosophy, he said, is concerned with the perfect knowledge of truth in all matters whatsoever41. If the moral philosophers had done for mankind what the geometricians had effected, men would have enjoyed an immortal42 peace.
Benedict de Spinoza (1632-1677), the philosopher, had some medical training. His spirit has had a large share in moulding the philosophic12 thought of the nineteenth century. Novalis saw in him not an atheist43, but a “God-intoxicated man.” His philosophy indeed was a pure pantheism; the foundation of his system is the doctrine of one infinite substance. All finite things are modes of this substance.
Sir Isaac Newton (1642-1727), the greatest of natural philosophers, in the years 1685 and 1686—years for ever to be remembered in the history of science—composed almost the whole of his famous work, the Principia.
Robert Boyle (1626-1691), one of the great nature philosophers of380 the seventeenth century, and one of the founders of the Royal Society, published his first book at Oxford, in 1660, entitled New Experiments, Physico-Mechanical, touching44 the Spring of Air, and its Effects. He was at one time deeply interested in alchemy. He was the first great investigator45 who carried out the suggestions of Bacon’s Novum Organon. He was a patient researcher and observer of facts.
Pierre Bayle (1647-1706), the author of the celebrated46 Historical and Critical Dictionary, was a sceptic, of a peculiar47 turn of mind. He knew so much concerning every side of every subject which he had considered, that he came to the conclusion that certainty was unattainable.
Van Helmont (1578-1644) was one of the most celebrated followers48 of Paracelsus. He learned astronomy, astrology, and philosophy at Rouvain, then studied magic under the Jesuits, and afterwards learned law, botany, and medicine; but he became disgusted with the pretensions49 of the latter science when it failed to cure him of the itch50. He became a mystic, and attached himself to the principles of Tauler and Thomas à Kempis. Then he practised medicine as an act of charity, till, falling in with the works of Paracelsus, he devoted51 ten years to their study. He married, and devoted himself to medicine and chemistry, investigating the composition of the water of mineral springs. Few men have ever formed a nobler conception of the true physician than Van Helmont, or more earnestly endeavoured to live up to it. Notwithstanding his mysticism, science owes much to this philosopher, for he was an acute chemist. We owe to him the first application of the term “gas,” in the sense in which it is used at present. He discovered that gas is disengaged when heat is applied to various bodies, and when acids act upon metals and their carbonates. He discovered carbonic acid. He believed in the existence of an Archeus in man and animals, which is somewhat like the soul of man after the Fall; it resides in the stomach as creative thought, in the spleen as appetite. This Archeus is a ferment52, and is the generative principle and basis of life. Disease is due to the Fall of Man. The Archeus influus causes general diseases; the Archei insiti, local diseases: dropsy, for example, is due to an obstruction53 of the passage of the kidney secretion54 by the enraged55 Archeus. Van Helmont gave wine in fevers, abhorred56 bleeding, and advocated the use of simple chemical medicines.
Francis de la Bo? (Sylvius), (1614-1672) was a physician who founded the Medico-Chemical Sect24 amongst doctors. Health and disease he held to be due to the relations of the fluids of the body and their neutrality, diseases being caused by their acidity57 or alkalinity.
Thomas Goulston, M.D. (died 1632), was a distinguished58 London381 physician, who was not less famous for his classic learning and theology than for the practice of his profession. He founded what are known as the Goulstonian lectures, which are delivered by one of the four youngest doctors of the Royal College of Physicians, London. “A dead body was, if possible, to be procured59, and two or more diseases treated of.”
Thomas Winston, M.D. (born 1575), was professor of physic in Gresham College. His lectures included “an entire body of anatomy,” and were considered, when published, as the most complete and accurate then extant in English.
The Anatomy Lecture at Oxford was first proposed to the University on Nov. 17th, 1623, with an endowment of ￡25 a year stipend60. Out of this the reader had “to pay yearly to a skilful61 Chirurgeon or Dissector62 of the body, to be named by the said reader, the sums of and ￡3 and ￡2 more by the year towards the ordering and burying of the body.”883 Dr. Clayton, the King’s Professor of Physic, was the first reader, and the first chirurgeon was Bernard Wright.884
Giovanni Alfonso Borelli (1608-1679), the founder3 of the Mathematical School of Medicine, which attempted to subject to calculation the phenomena64 of the living economy, was professor of medicine at Florence. He restricted the application of his system chiefly to muscular motions, or to those which are evidently of a mechanical character. Physiology is exceedingly indebted to this school for many valuable suggestions, and Boerhaave distinctly acknowledged them in his Institutions.885
George Joyliffe, M.D. (died 1658), was partly concerned in the discovery of the lymphatics. It is not possible to say precisely65 to whom the discovery of the lymphatics was due; they seem to have been observed independently about the year 1651 to 1652 by Rudbeck a Swede, by Bartholine a Dane, and by Joyliffe.886
A new era in medicine was inaugurated by Thomas Sydenham, M.D. (1624-1689), “the British Hippocrates,” whose only standard was observation and experience, and whose faith in the healing power of nature was unlimited66. He studied at Oxford, but he graduated at Cambridge. He was the friend of Locke and of Robert Boyle. He was looked upon by the faculty67 with disfavour as an innovator68, because, in his own words to Boyle, he endeavoured to reduce practice to a greater easiness and plainness. His fame as the father of English medicine was posthumous69. It was indeed acknowledged in his lifetime382 that he rendered good service to medicine by his “expectant” treatment of small-pox, by his invention of his laudanum (the first form of a tincture of opium70 such as we have it), and for his advocacy of the use of Peruvian bark in agues. Yet his professional brethren were inclined to look upon him as a sectary, and considerable opposition71 was manifested towards him. Arbuthnot, in 1727, styled him “?mulus Hippocrates.” Boerhaave referred to him as “Angli? lumen, artis Ph?bum72, veram Hippocratici viri speciem.” He did the best he could to cure his patients without mystery and resort to the traditional and often ridiculous dogmas of the medical craft. Many good stories are extant which illustrate14 this fact. He was once called to prescribe for a gentleman who had been subjected to the lowering treatment so much in vogue73 in those days. He found him pitifully depressed74. Sydenham “conceived that this was occasioned partly by his long illness, partly by the previous evacuations, and partly by emptiness. I therefore ordered him a roast chicken and a pint75 of canary.” When Blackmore first engaged in the study of medicine, he asked Dr. Sydenham what authors he should read, and was told to study Don Quixote, “which,” he said, “is a very good book; I read it still.” He used to say that there were cases in his practice where “I have consulted my patients’ safety and my own reputation most effectually by doing nothing at all.”
Sydenham, having long attended a rich man for an illness which had arisen and was kept going chiefly by his own indolence and luxurious76 habits, at last told him that he could do no more for him, but that there lived at Inverness a certain physician, named Robinson, who would doubtless be able to cure him. Provided with a letter of introduction and a complete history of the “case,” the invalid77 set out on the long journey to Inverness. Arrived at his destination, full of hope and eager expectation of a cure, he inquired diligently79 for Dr. Robinson, only to learn that there was no such doctor there, neither had there been in the memory of the oldest inhabitant. The gentleman returned to London full of indignation against Sydenham, whom he violently rated for sending him so far on a fool’s errand. “But,” exclaimed Sydenham, “you are in much better health!” “Yes,” replied the patient, “I am now well enough, but no thanks to you.” “No,” answered Sydenham; “it was Dr. Robinson who cured you. I wished to send you a journey with some object and interest in view; in going, you had Dr. Robinson and his wonderful cures in contemplation; and in returning, you were equally engaged in thinking of scolding me.”
The Civil War, which violently upset the speculations80 and research at Oxford, when, as Antony Wood says, the University was383 “empty as to scholars, but pretty well replenished81 with Parliamentary soldiers,” afforded just that stimulus82 to thought and that upheaval83 of dogma and prejudice which were eminently84 favourable85 to the advance of medical science. Men had learned to treat old doctrines86 with little respect for their mere87 antiquity88; authority was discredited89, it was subjected to test, observation and criticism; men no longer believed those doctrines about God and His counsels which the Fathers and the Church taught them about religion, much less were they inclined to bow to Aristotle and Galen when they dictated90 to them on medicine. Anciently, when bitten by a mad dog, it was enough for them to believe with the fathers of medicine that it was sufficient for the patient to hold some herb dittany in the left hand, while he scratched his back with the other to ensure his future safety. Men took to thinking for themselves; the spirit of investigation91 was aroused; men’s minds, in every condition of society, in every town and village, were aroused to activity. There probably never was a time when there was more activity of thought in Oxford than at this period. The stimulus of collision evoked92 many sparks of genius, and the Civil War produced at our Universities wholesome93 disturbance94, not destruction of any good things. Sydenham, therefore, was distinctly the product of his age. He does not seem to have been a very learned man, neither, on the other hand, was he wholly untaught. There are not many evidences in his works of very wide reading of medical literature, though he was a sincere admirer of Hippocrates, evidently from a sound acquaintance with his works. Sydenham’s first medical work was published in 1666. It consisted of accounts of continued fevers, symptoms of the same, of intermittent95 fevers and small-pox, and was entitled Methodus Curandi Febres, Propriis observationibus superstructa. In it the author maintains that “a fever is Nature’s engine which she brings into the field to remove her enemy, or her handmaid, either for evacuating96 the impurities97 of the blood, or for reducing it into a new state. Secondly98, that the true and genuine cure of this sickness consists in such a tempering of the commotion99 of the blood, that it may neither exceed nor be too languid.”887
It was about this period that Peruvian bark was first introduced into European medicine. Perhaps no other drug has ever been so widely and deservedly used as this American remedy for fevers, agues, and debility. The earliest authenticated100 account of the use of Cinchona bark in medicine is found in 1638, when the Countess of Cinchon, the wife of the Governor of Peru, was cured of fever by its administration. The Jesuit missionaries101 are said to have sent accounts of its virtues102 to Europe, in consequence of one of their brethren having been cured of fever by taking it at the suggestion of a South American Indian.
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The University of Montpellier, at the time of our great Civil War, was much derided103 by the Paris Faculty for its laxity in granting degrees in medicine. The enemies of Montpellier said that a three-months’ residence, and the keeping of an act and opponency, sufficed to make a man a Bachelor of Medicine. The professors were accused of neglecting their lectures and selling their degrees; but, worse than all, it was alleged104 that blood-letting and purging105 had fallen into disuse, and that the Montpellier treatment was “more expectant than heroic, and more tonic106 than evacuant.”888 Friendly historians, on the other hand, say that at this period the medicinal uses of calomel and antimony were better taught there than elsewhere; that museums, libraries, and good clinical teaching flourished, so as to afford the student excellent means of acquiring a sound knowledge of his profession.889
William Harvey, M.D., the famous discoverer of the circulation of the blood, and the greatest physiologist107 the world has ever seen, was born at Folkestone, 1578. He entered Caius College, Cambridge, 1593. Having taken his degree, he travelled through France and Germany, and then visited Padua, the most celebrated school of medicine of that time. Fabricius ab Aquapendente was then professor of anatomy, Minadous professor of medicine, and Casserius professor of surgery. In 1615 Harvey was appointed Lumleian lecturer, and he commenced his course of lectures in the following year—the year of Shakespeare’s death.
In this course he is supposed to have expounded109 his views on the circulation of the blood, which rendered his name immortal. His celebrated work, Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis, was published in 1628; but he says in that work that for more than nine years he had confirmed and illustrated110 his opinion in his lectures, by arguments which were founded on ocular demonstration. He was appointed physician extraordinary to James I. in 1618. He was in attendance on King Charles I. at the battle of Edgehill. The king had been an enlightened patron of Harvey’s researches, and had placed the royal deer parks at Hampton Court and Windsor at his disposal. In 1651 Harvey’s Exercitationes de Generatione was published.
Aristotle knew but little of the vessels of the body, yet he traced the origin of all the veins111 to the heart, and he seems to have been aware of the distinction between veins and arteries113. “Every artery114,” he says, “is accompanied by a vein112; the former are filled only with breath or air.”890
Aristotle thought that the windpipe conveys air into the heart. Al385though Galen understood the muscles very well, he knew little of the vessels. The liver he held to be the origin of the veins, and the heart of the arteries. He knew, however, of their junctions115 or anastomoses.891
Mondino, the anatomist of Bologna, who dissected and taught in 1315, had some idea of the circulation of the blood, for he says that the heart transmits blood to the lungs.892 The great Italian anatomists diligent78 students as they were of the human frame, all missed the great discovery. Servetus, who was burnt by Calvin as a heretic in Geneva in 1553, is the first person who distinctly describes the small circulation, or that which carries the blood from the heart to the lungs and back again to the heart. He says:893 “The communication between the right and left ventricles of the heart is made, not as is commonly believed, through the partition of the heart, but by a remarkable116 artifice117 the blood is carried from the right ventricle by a long circuit through the lungs; is elaborated by the lungs, made yellow, and transferred from the vena arteriosa into the arteria venosa.” Still, his theories are full of fancies about a “vital spirit, which has its origin in the left ventricle,” and are accordingly unscientific to that extent. Servetus was, however, certainly the true predecessor118 of Harvey in physiology; this is universally admitted.894
Realdus Columbus895 is thought by some writers to have had a still greater share than Servetus in the discovery of the circulation. He denies the muscularity of the heart, yet correctly teaches that the blood passes from the right to the left ventricle, not through the partition in the heart but through the lungs. Harvey quotes Columbus, but does not refer to Servetus. It must be remembered that when the unfortunate Servetus was burnt at the stake, his work was destroyed with him, and only two copies are known to have escaped the flames.896
The discovery of the valves of the veins by Sylvius and Fabricius897 undoubtedly119 was the chief factor in the preparation for Harvey’s discovery of the circulation. It was he who first appreciated their significance, and grasped the full meaning of the pulmonary circulation. C?salpinus, in his Qu?stiones Peripatetic120? (1571), is another claimant for the honours due to Harvey; he had certain confused ideas of the general circulation, and he made some experiments which enabled him to understand the pulmonary circulation, but he certainly did not386 know the circulation of the blood as a whole; he knew no more of it, in fact, than he gathered from Galen and Servetus.898
Even Harvey, splendid as was the work he did, could not entirely121 demonstrate the complete circulation of the blood. He was not able to discover the capillary122 vessels by which the blood passes from the arteries to the veins. This, the only missing point, was reserved for Malpighi to discover. In 1661 this celebrated anatomist saw in the lungs of a frog, by the aid of the newly invented microscope, the blood passing from one set of vessels to the other.
Harvey began his investigations123 by dissecting a great number of living animals. He examined in this way dogs, pigs, serpents, frogs, and fishes. He did not disdain124 to learn even from slugs, oysters125, lobsters126, and insects, and the chick itself while still in the shell. He observed and experimented upon the ventricles, the auricles, the arteries, and the veins. He learned precisely the object of the valves of the veins—to favour the flow of the blood towards the heart; and it was to this latter observation, and not the vivisection, that he attributed his splendid discovery.
“I remember,” says Boyle, “that when I asked our famous Harvey what were the things that induced him to think of a circulation of the blood, he answered me, that when he took notice that the valves in the veins of so many parts of the body were so placed, that they gave a free passage to the blood towards the heart, but opposed the passage of the venal127 blood the contrary way, he was incited128 to imagine that so provident129 a cause as Nature had not placed so many valves without design; and no design seemed more probable than that the blood should be sent through the arteries, and return through the veins, whose valves did not oppose its cause that way.” What clear views of the motions and pressure of a fluid circulating in ramifying tubes must have been held by Harvey to enable him to deduce his discovery from a contemplation of the simple valves! It was observation, experience, which led him to this. “In every science,” he says,899 “be it what it will, a diligent observation is requisite130, and sense itself must be frequently consulted. We must not rely upon other men’s experience, but our own, without which no man is a proper disciple of any part of natural knowledge.”
Dr. J.?H. Bridges, of the Local Government Board, delivered the Harveian oration131 on October 20th, 1892, at the Royal College of Physicians. Dr. Bridges said:387 “In his discovery William Harvey employed every method of biological research, direct observation, experiment, above all the great Aristotelian method of comparison to which he himself attributes his success. His manuscript notes show how freely he used it. They show that he had dissected no less than eighty species of animals. It is sometimes said that experimentation132 on living animals was the principal process of discovery. This I believe to be an exaggerated view, though such experiments were effective in convincing others of the discovery when made. It need not be said that no ethical133 problem connected with this matter was recognised in Harvey’s time. The first to recognise such a problem was that great and successful experimenter, deep thinker, and humane134 man, Sir Charles Bell. What were the effects of Harvey’s discovery? It was assuredly the most momentous135 event in medical history since the time of Galen. It was the first attempt to show that the processes of the human body followed or accompanied each other by laws as certain and precise as those which Kepler and Galileo were revealing in the solar system or on the earth’s surface. Henceforth it became clear that all laws of force and energy that operated in the inorganic136 world were applicable to the human body.”
The case for Harvey’s originality137 is well put by the author of the article on Harvey in the Dictionary of National Biography. “The modern controversy138 as to whether the discovery was taken from some previous author is sufficiently139 refuted by the opinion of the opponents of his views in his own time, who agreed in denouncing the doctrine as new; by the laborious140 method of gradual demonstration obvious in his book and lectures; and lastly, by the complete absence of lucid141 demonstration of the action of the heart and course of the blood in C?salpinus, Servetus, and all others who have been suggested as possible originals of the discovery. It remains142 to this day the greatest of the discoveries of physiology, and its whole honour belongs to Harvey.”
“That there is one blood stream, common to both arteries and veins, that the blood poured into the right auricle passes into the right ventricle, that it is from there forced by the contraction143 of the ventricular walls along the pulmonary artery through the lungs and pulmonary veins to the left auricle, that it then passes into the left ventricle to be distributed through the aorta144 to every part of the animal body; and that the heart is the great propeller145 of this perpetual motion, as in a circle. This is the great truth of the motion of the heart and blood, commonly called the circulation, and must for ever remain the glorious legacy146 of William Harvey to rational physiology and medicine in every land.”900
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Harvey explains how he was led to his great discovery: “When I first gave my mind to vivisections as a means of discovering the motions and uses of the heart, and sought to discover these from actual inspection147, and not from the writings of others, I found the task so truly arduous148, so full of difficulties, that I was almost tempted63 to think with Frascatorius, that the motion of the heart was only to be comprehended by God. For I could neither rightly perceive at first when the systole and when the diastole took place, nor when and where dilatation and contraction occurred, by reason of the rapidity of the motion, which in many animals is accomplished149 in the twinkling of an eye, coming and going like a flash of lightning; so that the systole presented itself to me now from this point, now from that; the diastole the same; and then everything was reversed, the motions occurring, as it seemed, variously and confusedly together. My mind was therefore greatly unsettled, nor did I know what I should myself conclude, nor what believe from others. I was not surprised that Andreas Laurentius should have written that the motion of the heart was as perplexing as the flux150 and reflux of Euripus had appeared to Aristotle. At length, and by using greater diligence and investigation, making frequent inspection of many and various animals, and collating151 numerous observations, I thought that I had attained152 to the truth, that I should extricate153 myself and escape from this labyrinth154, and that I had discovered what I so much desired, both the motion and the use of the heart and arteries.”901
John Locke (1632-1704). The great philosopher was a thoroughly155 educated physician engaged in the practice of medicine. He was the friend of Sydenham, whose principles he defended and whose works are doubtless permeated156 with the thoughts of the author of the famous treatise157 on the Human Understanding. In a letter of Locke’s to W. Molyneux he says: “You cannot imagine how far a little observation carefully made by a man not tied up to the four humours [Galen], or sal, sulphur, and mercury [Paracelsus], or to acid and alkali [Sylvius and Willis], which has of late prevailed, will carry a man in the curing of diseases, though very stubborn and dangerous; and that with very little and common things, and almost no medicine at all.” Locke declared that we have no innate158 ideas, but that all our knowledge is derived159 from experience. The acquirement of knowledge is due to the investigation of things by the bodily senses.
Surgery about this period began to flourish in England. Richard389 Wiseman (1625-1686), the “Father of English Surgery,” was in the royal service from Charles I. to James II. His military experience greatly assisted him in his profession. He treated aneurism by compression, practised “flap-amputation,” and laid down rules for operating for hernia.
James Primrose160, M.D. (died 1659), was a voluminous writer who opposed the teaching of Harvey on the circulation of the blood.
Baldwin Hamey, jun., M.D., was the most munificent161 of all the benefactors162 of the London College of Physicians. He was lecturer on Anatomy at the College in 1647, and a voluminous writer, though he published little or nothing.
Francis Glisson, M.D. (died 1677), was one of the first of the group of anatomists in England who, incited by Harvey’s example, devoted themselves to enthusiastic research. His account of the cellular163 envelope of the portal vein in his work De Hepate, published in 1654, has immortalised his name in the designation “Glisson’s capsule.” He wrote a work on rickets164, De Rachitide seu Morbo Puerili. Glisson ascribed to the lymphatic vessels the function of absorption.
Jonathan Goddard, M.D. (died 1674), frequented the meetings which gave birth to the Royal Society. He was a good chemist, and invented the famous volatile165 drops known on the Continent as the Gutt? Anglican?. He made the first telescope ever constructed in this country.
Daniel Whistler, M.D. (died 1684), wrote an essay on “The Rickets,” which is the earliest printed account we have of that disease.
Thomas Wharton, M.D. (died 1673), was a very distinguished anatomist, who remained in London during the whole of the plague of 1666. He was the author of the most accurate work on the glands166 of the body and their diseases which up to that time had appeared.
Raymond Vieussens in 1684 published a great work on the anatomy of the brain, spinal167 cord, and nerves. He investigated the sympathetic nerve and the structure of the heart.
Leeuwenhoeck (1632-1723) discovered the corpuscles in the blood and the spermatozoa.
Marcello Malpighi (1628-1694), by his microscopical168 researches, first explained the organization of the lung and the terminations of the bronchial tubes. He traced the termination of the arteries in the veins, and thus completed the discovery of the circulation of the blood; by his researches in the deeper layer of the cuticle169, and certain bodies in the spleen and kidney, he has given his name to these structures.
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The invention of the microscope in 1621 was of the utmost importance to the study of minute anatomy and physiology.
Pierre Dionis (died 1718), a famous French surgeon, published a work on the anatomy of man, which was translated into Chinese at the emperor’s request. He also wrote on rickets in relation to the pelvis, and advanced the study of dentistry. He explained the circulation, and wrote a monograph170 on catalepsy.
Thomas Bartholin (1619-1680), professor of anatomy at Copenhagen, made important investigations on the lacteals and lymphatic vessels.
Caspar Assellius (1581-1626) discovered the chyliferous vessels in the dog; Fabrice de Peiresc (1580-1637), dissecting a criminal two hours after execution, discovered them in man; Van Horne (1621-1670), in 1652, first demonstrated the vessels in man. (It has, however, been claimed that George Jolyffe discovered the lymphatics in 1650.)
Jean Pecquet (1622-1674), a French physician, published, in 1651, his New Anatomical Experiments, in which he made known his discovery of the receptacle of the chyle, till then unknown, and described the vessel27 which conveys the chyle to the subclavian vein.
Olaus Rudbeck (1630-1702), a Swedish surgeon, shares with Jolyffe the honour of the discovery of the termination of the lymphatic vessels. He demonstrated them in the presence of Queen Christina, and traced them to the thoracic duct, and the latter to the subclavian vein.
Gerard Blaes (died 1662) made numerous discoveries in connection with the glands.
Antony Nuck (1650-1692) first injected the lymphatics with quicksilver, rectified171 various errors in the work of his predecessors172, and by his own researches did much to complete the anatomy of the glands.
Paul Sarpi (1552-1623), of Venice, was a monk173 of whom La Courayer said, “Qu’il était Catholique en gros et quelque fois Protestant en détail.” He was the friend of Galileo, and, though he did not invent the telescope, was the first who made an accurate map of the moon. It is not true that he anticipated Harvey in his discovery of the circulation, though he was a great physiologist, and discovered the contractility of the iris174.
Nathanael Highmore (1613-1685) was a physician and anatomist who is chiefly remembered for his description of the cavity in the superior maxillary bone which bears his name. It had, however, been previously175 described by Cass?rius. He demonstrated the difference between the lacteals and the mesenteric veins.
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George Wirsung (died 1643) was a prosector to Vesalius. He discovered the excretory duct of the pancreas.
Sir Christopher Wren176 (1632-1723) was the first to suggest the injection of medicines into the veins.
Thorbern, a Danish peasant, about this time invented an instrument for amputating the elongated177 uvula.
Jan Swammerdam (1637-1686) was the first to prove that the queen bee was a female.
Felix Vicq d’Azyr (1748-1794) was one of the zoologists178 whose researches exercised an important influence on the progress of anatomy. He investigated the origin of the brain and nerves, and the comparative anatomy of the vocal179 organs.
Sir Thomas Browne, M.D., of Norwich (1605-1682), the author of the immortal Religio Medici, studied medicine at Montpellier, Padua, and Leyden. He was a man who, in his own words, could not do nothing. Though he wrote a famous work on Vulgar Errors, he could not rise superior to the commonest one of his time—the belief in witchcraft180.
Thomas Willis, M.D. (1621-1675), was celebrated for his researches in the anatomy and pathology of the brain. Unfortunately he neglected observation for theorising.
Dr. Freind said of Willis that he was the first inventor of the nervous system. Willis taught that the cerebrum is the seat of the intellectual faculties181, and the source from which spring the voluntary motions. He consigned182 the involuntary motions to the cerebellum; these go on in a regular manner, without our knowledge and independently of our will. He supposed that the nerves of voluntary motions arise chiefly from the cerebrum, and those of the involuntary motions from the cerebellum or its appendages183.902
Willis deserves to be gratefully remembered in medical history as the great reformer of pharmacology. Having been led to consider how it is that medicines act on the various organs of the body, he reflected that there was usually very little relationship between the means of cure and the physiological184 and pathological processes to be influenced. Medicines were given at random185. Mineral poisons, such as antimony, were recklessly prescribed, to the destruction, not of the disease only, but too frequently of the patient also. “So heedlessly,” says Willis,392 “are these executioners in the habit of sporting with the human body, while they are led to prepare and administer these dangerous medicines, not by any deliberation, nor by the guidance of any method, but by mere hazard and blind impulse.”903
The object of Willis was to establish a direct and reasonable relationship between the physiological and morbid conditions of the body on the one hand, and the indications for cure and the therapeutic186 means by which these were to be brought about on the other.904 It was a great task, and Willis did not wholly succeed; but his method was the right one, however grievously he failed to carry it into practice, for he prescribed blood, the human skull187, salt of vipers188, water of snails189 and earthworms, millipeds, and other things which he ought to have known could have no effect on any disease.905 We must not be too severely190 critical, for Willis was the first to attempt the reformation of this degraded state of Materia Medica.
The state of Materia Medica (or the drugs and chemicals used by the physician) during the end of the seventeenth and the earlier part of the eighteenth century, was remarkable, says Dr. Thomson,906 for four circumstances.
First, there was a great number of remedies strongly recommended for the cure of diseases; but many of them were inert191 and useless, and thus the practitioner192 was perplexed193 and confused.
Secondly, the popular confidence in all these medicines was irrational194 and extreme.
Thirdly, it was the custom to combine in one prescription195 a great number of ingredients. The Pharmacop?ias of the period contain formul? which embraced in some instances from twenty-four up to as many as fifty-two ingredients. Sydenham is the first who exhibits any tendency to greater simplicity196 in his prescriptions197.
Lastly, there was no rational or logical connection between the disease to be cured and the remedy with which it was treated. Empiricism and superstition198 to a serious extent dominated medicine, and retarded199 its progress.
Yet, even during the seventeenth century, original thinkers and men of genius connected with one or other of the universities, struck out a path for themselves which led to brighter things. First was Harvey, then came Wharton, Glisson, Willis, Lower, Mayow, Grew, Charleton, Collins, Sydenham, Morton, Bennet, and Ridley; all these men were students of anatomy and ardent200 investigators201 in the field of physiology. It is true that it was long before the labours of these pioneers of scien393tific medicine resulted in any marked improvement in the actual method of treating disease; it is no less certain that our methods of to-day are based upon the labours of the great scientific investigators of the age we are considering.
Samuel Collins, M.D. (died 1710), was celebrated as an accomplished comparative anatomist, whose work was much praised by Boerhaave and Haller.
William Croone, M.D. (died 1684), was one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society. In 1670 he was appointed lecturer on anatomy at Surgeons’ Hall. He is gratefully remembered as the founder of what is now called the “Croonian Lecture.”
Richard Lower, M.D. (1631-1691), was an anatomist and physiologist, who assisted Willis in his researches, and who wrote a treatise on transfusion202 of blood, which he practised at Oxford in 1665, and also before the Royal Society. His name is kept in remembrance by anatomists by its association with the study of the heart in the structure known as the “tuberculum Lowerii.”
We must not omit to mention Frère Jacques, who went to Paris in 1697; he was a Franciscan monk, who was a famous operator for the stone. Originally a day labourer, he became so expert a lithotomist that he is said to have cut nearly 5,000 persons in the course of his life. In the height of his success he had no knowledge of anatomy, though he was afterwards induced to learn it. He is for ever celebrated as the inventor of the lateral203 method in lithotomy.
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1
physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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generalization
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| n.普遍性，一般性，概括 | |
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induction
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| n.感应，感应现象 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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elimination
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| n.排除，消除，消灭 | |
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relegated
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| v.使降级( relegate的过去式和过去分词 )；使降职；转移；把…归类 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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dissecting
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| v.解剖（动物等）( dissect的现在分词 )；仔细分析或研究 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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recluses
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| n.隐居者，遁世者，隐士( recluse的名词复数 ) | |
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dissected
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| adj.切开的，分割的，（叶子）多裂的v.解剖（动物等）( dissect的过去式和过去分词 )；仔细分析或研究 | |
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morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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embalmed
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| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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syllogism
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| n.演绎法，三段论法 | |
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gland
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| n.腺体，(机)密封压盖，填料盖 | |
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disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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recherche
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| adj.精选的；罕有的 | |
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vibrations
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| n.摆动( vibration的名词复数 )；震动；感受；（偏离平衡位置的）一次性往复振动 | |
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equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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investigator
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| n.研究者，调查者，审查者 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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itch
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| n.痒，渴望，疥癣；vi.发痒，渴望 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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secretion
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| n.分泌 | |
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enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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acidity
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| n.酸度，酸性 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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dissector
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| n.解剖者，解剖学家，解剖器 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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innovator
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| n.改革者；创新者 | |
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posthumous
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| adj.遗腹的；父亡后出生的；死后的，身后的 | |
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opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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bum
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| n.臀部；流浪汉，乞丐；vt.乞求，乞讨 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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pint
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| n.品脱 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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replenished
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| 补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 )； 重新装满 | |
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stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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evacuating
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| 撤离，疏散( evacuate的现在分词 )； 排空（胃肠），排泄（粪便）； （从危险的地方）撤出，搬出，撤空 | |
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impurities
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| 不纯( impurity的名词复数 )； 不洁； 淫秽； 杂质 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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purging
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| 清洗； 清除； 净化； 洗炉 | |
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tonic
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| n./adj.滋补品，补药，强身的，健体的 | |
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107
physiologist
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| n.生理学家 | |
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108
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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109
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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111
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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112
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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arteries
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| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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artery
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| n.干线，要道；动脉 | |
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115
junctions
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| 联结点( junction的名词复数 )； 会合点； （公路或铁路的）交叉路口； （电缆等的）主结点 | |
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116
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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117
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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118
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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119
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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122
capillary
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| n.毛细血管；adj.毛细管道；毛状的 | |
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123
investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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124
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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oysters
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| 牡蛎( oyster的名词复数 ) | |
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lobsters
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| 龙虾( lobster的名词复数 )； 龙虾肉 | |
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venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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131
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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132
experimentation
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| n.实验，试验，实验法 | |
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133
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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135
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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136
inorganic
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| adj.无生物的；无机的 | |
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137
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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139
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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lucid
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| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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143
contraction
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| n.缩略词，缩写式，害病 | |
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144
aorta
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| n.主动脉 | |
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145
propeller
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| n.螺旋桨，推进器 | |
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146
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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flux
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| n.流动；不断的改变 | |
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151
collating
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| v.校对( collate的现在分词 )；整理；核对；整理（文件或书等） | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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153
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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154
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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155
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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156
permeated
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| 弥漫( permeate的过去式和过去分词 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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157
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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158
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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159
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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160
primrose
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| n.樱草，最佳部分， | |
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munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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162
benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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cellular
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| adj.移动的；细胞的，由细胞组成的 | |
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164
rickets
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| n.软骨病，佝偻病，驼背 | |
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165
volatile
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| adj.反复无常的，挥发性的，稍纵即逝的，脾气火爆的；n.挥发性物质 | |
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166
glands
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| n.腺( gland的名词复数 ) | |
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167
spinal
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| adj.针的，尖刺的，尖刺状突起的；adj.脊骨的，脊髓的 | |
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168
microscopical
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| adj.显微镜的，精微的 | |
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169
cuticle
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| n.表皮 | |
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170
monograph
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| n.专题文章，专题著作 | |
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171
rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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172
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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173
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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174
iris
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| n.虹膜，彩虹 | |
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175
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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176
wren
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| n.鹪鹩；英国皇家海军女子服务队成员 | |
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177
elongated
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| v.延长，加长( elongate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
zoologists
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| 动物学家( zoologist的名词复数 ) | |
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179
vocal
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| adj.直言不讳的；嗓音的；n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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180
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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181
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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182
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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183
appendages
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| n.附属物( appendage的名词复数 )；依附的人；附属器官；附属肢体（如臂、腿、尾等） | |
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184
physiological
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| adj.生理学的，生理学上的 | |
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185
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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186
therapeutic
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| adj.治疗的，起治疗作用的；对身心健康有益的 | |
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187
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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188
vipers
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| n.蝰蛇( viper的名词复数 )；毒蛇；阴险恶毒的人；奸诈者 | |
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189
snails
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| n.蜗牛；迟钝的人；蜗牛( snail的名词复数 ) | |
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190
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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191
inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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192
practitioner
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| n.实践者，从事者；(医生或律师等)开业者 | |
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193
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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194
irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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195
prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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196
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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197
prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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198
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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199
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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200
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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201
investigators
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| n.调查者，审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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202
transfusion
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| n.输血，输液 | |
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203
lateral
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| adj.侧面的，旁边的 | |
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