The famous Birmingham Political union of 1832 was "hung up like a clean gun" on G. F. Muntz's suggestion and never taken down. Many years later a new union was projected. Mr. Joseph Chamberlain was in the chair. I was on the platform, and the only person present who was a member of the former union. I had no opportunity of speaking—nor indeed had anybody, save movers and seconders of motions. There was nothing radical2 about the proceedings3. Nobody's opinion was asked. No opportunity of discussion was given. The meeting was a mere4 instrument for registering the business of the chair. The impression that afternoon made upon me has never left me. Nothing afterwards surprised me in the performances of the "quick-change artiste" of the Parliamentary music-hall.
Mr. John Morley wrote an article in the Fortnightly on Mr. Chamberlain, which first gave him a position before the public. Not even in Birmingham could any one see adequate justification5 for it. But Mr. Morley proved right, and had discerned a capacity which had not then unfolded itself.
About that time Mr. Chamberlain made some remark on Mr. Disraeli in the Birmingham Town Council, which did not amount to much. Mr. Disraeli did the municipal speaker the honour to call him to account. Had any one in like case called Mr. Disraeli to account he would have said in his airy and evasive way: "Every public speaker is liable to the misconstruction of unheeding and ill-hearing reporters, and he could not be expected to answer for them." Mr. Chamberlain gave no sign of any such adroitness6 which was ready to his hand, but wrote what read like an abject7 apology. He did not dare to say to Mr. Disraeli "What I have said I have said."
Mr. Jesse Collings was one of the minor8 merchants of Birmingham. He came originally from Exeter, and was held in great respect for his earnest Liberalism, and for promoting the education of the people—though he was himself a sectarian pure and simple, with little, if any, secularity9 in him. When he came to be Mayor, the Tories of Birmingham—who had not then and never had any man of mark or genius among them—were capable of outrage10. It was the only art they knew. When Mr. Collings presided one day at a public meeting in the town hall, they drew an ass's head on a large sheet of pasteboard, and hung it over the clock in front of the chair labelled—the "Portrait of the Mayor." For two hours they made all business impossible by shouting "Mr. Mayor, look at your portrait." At length the Mayor took courage and ordered the Chief Constable—Major Bond—to remove the picture placard and the ringleader of the disturbance11. This was construed12 as an insult, which Mr. Kynersley, the principal Tory magistrate13, supported. I was one who urged Mr. Collings to apply to the bench for a case, that it might be determined14 in the higher courts whether a mayor had legal power to preserve order at a public meeting. The case was refused by Mr. Kynersley. This was the treatment of the Right Honourable15 Jesse Collings for being a Liberal. Is there a stranger sight in England than seeing this Liberal mayor dressed in Tory livery, fetching and carrying in Parliament for the intolerant party which treated him with such ostentatious indignity16? What must be his sense of humiliation17 under his new convictions? Equally tragic18 and unforeseen must be the humiliation of the Tory party in Parliament who used to boast of their pride, their dignity, and self-respect at having to accept as a leader the great "caucus-monger," as they called Mr. Chamberlain, who was the object of their epithets19 and hatred20 during so many sessions. The tragedy of political convictions can no further go. Far be it from me to deny that Mr. Collings and Mr. Chamberlain have not honest reasons for their strange professions, though I do not understand them. Like gravitation, I admit the fact, though its cause is inscrutable. In politics motives21 are as though they were not. They cannot be taken into account. If alleged22, they admit of no proof. Resentment23 rages among the partisans24 of the accused and the tendency of their principles, which it is alone instructive to discuss, is lost sight of. It is common for partisans to disparage25 those who have left their ranks—forgetting that conviction depends upon evidence. Those who leave a party may be as honest as those who remain. Whoever has rendered aid to liberty and gone over to the other side should be honoured for what he has done. He who has once stood upon the side of humanity deserves more respectful treatment than he who never took the part of the right. Mr. Collings and Mr. Chamberlain rendered important service to the cause of public progress, and their abandonment of it was a loss. For the rest, the career of Joseph Chamberlain, like that of Joseph Cowen, has its explanation in the passion for paramountcy26.
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1 merged | |
(使)混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 ); 相融; 融入; 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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2 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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3 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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4 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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5 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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6 adroitness | |
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7 abject | |
adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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8 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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9 secularity | |
n.世俗主义,凡俗之心,烦恼 | |
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10 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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11 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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12 construed | |
v.解释(陈述、行为等)( construe的过去式和过去分词 );翻译,作句法分析 | |
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13 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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14 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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15 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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16 indignity | |
n.侮辱,伤害尊严,轻蔑 | |
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17 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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18 tragic | |
adj.悲剧的,悲剧性的,悲惨的 | |
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19 epithets | |
n.(表示性质、特征等的)词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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20 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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21 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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22 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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23 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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24 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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25 disparage | |
v.贬抑,轻蔑 | |
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26 paramountcy | |
n.最高权威 | |
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