Herbert Spencer was born April 27, 1820, in the town of Derby, and died in his eighty-fourth year, December 8, 1903, at 5, Percival Terrace, Brighton, next door to his friend, Sir James Knowles, the editor of the Nineteenth Century. At the time of his birth, Derby was emerging from the sleepy, dreamy, stagnant13, obfuscated14 condition in which it had lain since the days of the Romans.
It is difficult to write of Spencer without wondering how a thinker of his quality should have been born in Derby—a town which had a determined15 objection to individuality in ideas. It has a Charter—its first act of enterprise in a thousand years—obtained by the solicitations of the inhabitants from Richard I., which gave them the power of expelling every Jew who resided in the town, or ever after should approach it. Centuries later, in the reigns16 of Queen Anne and George I., not a Roman Catholic, an Independent, a Baptist, an Israelite, nor even an un-molesting Quaker could be found in Derby.
There still remains17 one lineal descendant of the stagnant race which procured18 the Charter of Darkness from Richard I.—Mr. Alderman W. Winter, who opposed in the Town Council a resolution of honour in memory of Spencer, who had given Derby its great distinction, because his views contradicted the antediluvian19 Scriptural account of the Creation, when there was no man present to observe what took place, and no man of science existed capable of verifying the Mosaic20 tradition. The only recorded instance of independency of opinion was that of a humble21 Derby girl, who was born blind, yet could see, like others, into the nature of things. She doubted the Real Presence. What could it matter what the poor, helpless thing thought of that? But the town burned her alive. The brave, unchanging girl, whose convictions were torment-proof, was only twenty-two years old.
The only Derby man of free thought who preceded Herbert Spencer was William Hutton, a silk weaver22, who became the historian of Derby and Birmingham. In sagacity, boldness and veracity23 he excelled. The wisdom of his opinions was a century in advance of his time (1770-1830).
There were no photographs in the time of Mr. Spencer's parents, and their lineaments are little known. Mr. Spencer's uncle I knew, the Rev24. Thomas Spencer, a clergyman of middle stature26, slender, with a paternal27 Evangelical expression. But his sympathies were with Social Reform, in which field he was an insurgent28 worker for projects then unregarded or derided29.
When I first knew Mr. Herbert Spencer, he was one of the writers on the Leader newspaper. We dined at times at the Whittington Club, then recently founded by Douglas Jerrold. At this period Mr. Spencer had a half-rustic look. He was ruddy, and gave the impression of being a young country gentleman of the sporting farmer type, looking as unlike a philosopher as Thomas Henry Buckle30 looked like a historian, as he appeared to me on my first interview with him. Mr. Spencer at that time would take part in discussions in a determined tone, and was persistent31 in definite statement In that he resembled William Chambers32, with whom I was present at a deputation to Lord Derby on the question of the Paper Duty. Lord Derby could not bow him out, nor bow him into silence, until he had stated his case.
In those days Mr. Spencer spoke33 with misgivings34 of his health. Mr. Edward Pigott, chief proprietor36 of the Leader (afterwards Public Examiner of Plays) asked me to try to disabuse37 Mr. Spencer of his apprehensiveness38, which was constitutional and never left his mind all his life, and I learned never to greet him in terms which implied that he was, or could be well. Coleridge complained of ailments39 of which no physical sign was apparent, and he was thought, like Mr. Spencer, to be an imaginary invalid40. But after his death Coleridge was found to have a real cause of suffering, and the wonder was that he did not complain more.
There must be a distinct susceptibility of the nerves—which Sir Michael Foster could explain—peculiar to some persons. I have had two or three friends of some literary distinction, whom I made it a rule never to accost41, or even to know when I met them, until they had recovered from the inevitable42 shock of meeting some unexpected person, when they would spontaneously become genial43.
Mr. Spencer's high spirit was shown in this. Though he often had to abandon his thinking, he resumed it on his recovery. The continuity of his thought never ceased. One form of trouble was recurring44 depression, so difficult to sustain, which James Thompson, who oft experienced it, described—when a man has to endure—
"The same old solid hills and leas;
The same old stupid, patient trees;
The same old ocean, blue and green;
The old two dozen hours to run
Between the settings of the sun."
Mr. Spencer was first known to London thinkers by being found the associate of economists46 like Bagot; philosophers with a turn for enterprise in the kingdom of speculation47—as George Henry Lewes, Darwin, Huxley, Tyndall; and of great novelists like George Eliot. In those days the house of John Chapman, the publisher, was the meeting ground of French, Italian, German and other Continental48 thinkers. There, also, congregated49 illustrious Americans like Ralph Waldo Emerson, and other unlicensed explorers in the new world of thought. There Mr. Spencer became known to men of mark in America, who made his fame before his countrymen recognised him. If it was England who "raised" Mr. Spencer, it was America that discovered him. Mr. George lies, a distinguished50 American friend of Mr. Spencer, sends me information of the validity of American admiration51 of him, on the authority of the Daily Witness: "Mr. Spencer's income is mainly drawn52 from the sale of his books in America, his copyrights there having yielded him 4,730 dollars in the last six months. A firm of publishers have paid in the last six months royalties53 amounting nearly to ten thousand dollars to Mr. Herbert Spencer and the heirs or executors of Darwin, Huxley and Tyndall. The sales of Spencer's and Darwin's books lead those of Huxley and Tyndall."
During the earlier publication of his famous volumes, his expenditure54 in printing and in employing assistants in gathering55 facts for his arguments, exhausted56 all his means. Lord Stanley, of that day, was understood to have offered him an appointment, which included leisure for his investigations57. But he declined the thoughtful offer, deeming the office to be of the nature of a sinecure58. Wordsworth accepted such an appointment, and repaid the State in song, as Spencer would have repaid it in philosophy.
I had the honour to be Mr. Spencer's outdoor friend. He asked me to make known the publication of his work to persons whom I knew to be friendly to enterprise in thought. For years I assiduously sought to be of service in this way.
One day in 1885, being the guest, in Preston, of the Rev. William Sharman, he showed me a passage in one of Mr. Spencer's volumes, published in 1874, which I had not seen, and which surprised me much, in which it appeared Secularists were below Christians61 in their sense of fiduciary62 integrity. Mr. Sharman said, "Defective63 as we are supposed to be, you will see that Secularists are one degree lower in morality than the clergy25." Mr. Spencer had given instances which, in his opinion, "showed that the cultivation64 of the intellect does not advance morality." If that were so, it would follow that it was better to remain ignorant—if ignorance better develops the ethical65 sense. The instance Mr. Spencer gives occurs in the "Study of Sociology" (pp. 418-19), "Written to show how little operative on conduct is mere66 teaching. Let me give, says Mr. Spencer, a striking fact falling under my observation:
"Some twelve years ago was commenced a serial67 publication, limited in its circulation to the well educated. It was issued to subscribers, from each of whom was due a small sum for every four numbers. The notification periodically made of another subscription68 due received from some prompt attention, from others an attention less tardy69 than before, and from others no attention at all. After a lapse70 of ten years, a digest was made of the original list, when it was found that those who finally declined paying for what they had year after year received, constituted, among others, the following percentages:
Secularist59 defaulters............ 32 per cent."
I wrote to Mr. Spencer as follows:
"December 1, 1885.
"My dear Mr. Spencer,—I am like the sailor who knocked down the Jew, and when he was remonstrated72 with said, 'He did it because he had crucified his Lord and Saviour73.' When told that that occurred 2,000 years ago he answered, 'But I only heard of it last night.'
"It was but a few days ago that your notice of Secularist fraudulency, made in 1874, became known to me.
"From so dispassionate and analytic74 an authority as yourself, your reflection on the ethical insensibility of Secularists justifies75 me in asking your attention to certain facts. By what test did you know that 32 per cent of defaulters were Secularists? The names I gave you were of persons likely to take in your work if prospectuses76 were sent to them. But many of them were not Secularists. Some of them were ministers of religion, others Churchmen, but having individually a taste for philosophical78 inquiry79. You do not say that these persons sent in their names as subscribers. Yet unless they did, they cannot be justly described 'as regardless of an equitable80 claim.' Had you informed me of any whose names I gave you, who had not paid for the work, after undertaking81 to do so, I could have procured you the payment, for all whose names I gave I believe to be men of good faith.—With real regard,
"George Jacob Holyoake."
Mr. Spencer sent me the following reply:
"38, Queen's Gardens, Bayswater, London, W.,
"November 16, 1885.
"Dear Mr. Holyoake,—You ask how I happen to know of certain defaulters that they were Secularists. I know them as such simply because their names came to me through you; for, as you may remember, you obtained for me, when the prospectus77 of the 'System of Philosophy' was issued, sundry82 subscribers.
"But for my own part, I would rather you did not refer to the matter. At any rate, if you do, do not do so by name. You will observe, if you turn to the 'Study of Sociology,' where the matter is referred to, that I have spoken of the thing impersonally83, and not in reference to myself. Though those who knew something of the matter might suspect it referred to my own case, yet there is no proof that it did so; and I should be sorry to see myself identified by name with the matter.—Truly yours,
"Herbert Spencer."
But Mr. Spencer had identified Secularists as lacking ethical scrupulousness84, and as I was the reputed founder85 of that form of Freethought known as Secularism86, some notice became incumbent87 on my part. The brief article on "Intellectual Morality" in the Present Day, which I was editing in 1885, was my answer—the same as appears in my letter to Mr. Spencer, above quoted.
In 1879 the great recluse88 meditated89 going to America. As I was about to do the same myself, I volunteered to take a berth90 in the same vessel91 if I could be of any service to him on the voyage. He thought, however, that our sailing in the same ship might cause the constructive92 interviewers out there to confuse together the opinions we represented. Yet my friends would not know his, nor would his friends know mine. But I respected his scruples93, lest his views should become colourably identified with my own. I had myself a preference for keeping distinct things separate, and I sailed in another ship and never called at his hotel but once, when he was residing at the Falls of Niagara, which I thought was a curious spot (the noisiest in Canada) to choose for one whose need was quietude. He would take an entire flat in a hotel that he might be undisturbed at night. In Montreal, Mr. George Iles gave me the same splendid, spacious94, secluded95 bedroom which he had assigned to Mr. Spencer when he was his host there. Professor von Denslow, who told me that he was the "champion non-sleeper of the United States," asked me to give a communication from him to Mr. Spencer. That was the reason of my single visit to him in Canada. At the farewell banquet given to Mr. Spencer in New York, famous speakers took part; but Henry Ward35 Beecher, in a speech shorter than any, excelled them all.
After his return to England, I had several communications from him on the subject of Co-operation. Like Mr. Gladstone, he usually made searching inquiries96 into the details of every question on which he wrote. One of his letters was as follows:—
"2, Lewes Crescent,
"Brighton,
"January 6, 1897.
"Dear Mr. Holyoake,—I should have called upon you before now had I not been so unwell. I have been kept indoors now for about three weeks. I write partly to say this and partly to enclose you something of interest as bearing upon my suggestion concerning piecework in co-operative combinations. The experience described by Miss Davenport-Hill bears indirectly97, if not directly, upon them, showing as it does the harmonising effect of piecework.—Truly yours,
"Herbert Spencer."
Busied as he was with the recondite98 application of great principles, he had practical discernment of the possibilities of Co-operation, unthought of by those of us engaged in promoting co-partnership in the workshop. Trades unions were mostly against piecework as giving more active workers an advantage over the others. Mr. Spencer pointed99 out that in a co-partnership workshop the fruitfulness of piece work was an advantage to all. The piece-workers increase the output and profits of the society. The profits, being equally divided upon wages, the least bright and active members receive benefit from the piece-workers' industry.
Occasionally Mr. Spencer would come to my door and invite me to drive with him. Another time when he had visitors—Mrs. Sidney Webb and Prof. Masson, whom I wished to meet again—he would, if in the winter season, send me a card from "2, Lewes Crescent, Jan. 24, 1897.—I will send the carriage for you to-morrow (Sunday) at 12.40. With the hood100 up and the leather curtain down you will be quite warm.—H.S." He would occasionally send me grouse101 or pheasant for luncheon102. Very pleasant were the amenities103 of philosophy.
The first work of Mr. Spencer's which attracted public attention was "Social Statics." Like Mr. Lewes' "Biography of Philosophy," it had a pristine104 charm which fascinated young thinkers. Both authors restated their works, but left behind their charm. Mr. Gladstone's first address to the electors of Newark contains the germs of his whole and entire career. "Social Statics" contains the element of that philosophy which gave Spencer the first place among thinkers of all times. Bishop105 Colenso found the book in the library of the builder of his Mission Houses in South Africa. Mr. Ryder, of Bradford, Yorkshire, procured it through me and took it out with him. It was a book of inspiration to him.
Ten years before "Social Statics" appeared I was concerned with others in publishing, in the "Oracle106 of Reason," a theory of Regular Gradation. Our motto, from Boitard, was an explicit107 statement of Evolution. Five out of seven of us were soon in prison, which shows that we did not succeed in making Evolution attractive. Intellectual photography was then in an infantine state. Our negatives lacked definition and our best impressions were indistinct. It was not until Darwin and Spencer arose that the art of developing the Evolutionary plates came to be understood.
Before the days of Spencer the world of scientific thought was mostly without form and void. The orthodox voyagers who set out to sea steered108 by a compass which always veered109 to a Jewish pole, and none who sailed with them knew where they were. Rival theologians constructed dogmatic charts, increasing the confusion and peril110. Guided by the pole star of Evolution, Spencer sailed out alone on the ocean of Speculation and discovered a new empire of Law—founded without blood, or the suppression of liberty, or the waste of wealth—where any man may dwell without fear or shame.
The fascination111 of Mr. Spencer's pages to the pulpit-wearied inquirer was, that they took him straight to Nature. Mr. Spencer seemed to write with a magnifying pen which revealed objects unnoticed by other observers. His vision, like a telescope, descried112 sails at sea invisible to those on shore. His pages, if not poems, gleamed with the poetry of facts. His facts were the handmaids always at hand which explained his principle. His repetitions do not tire, but are fresh assurances to the reader that he is following a continuous argument. A pedestrian passing down a long street is glad to meet the recurrence113 of its name, that he may know he is still upon the same road. In Spencer's reasonings there are no byways left open, down which the sojourner114 may wander and lose himself. When cross-roads come in sight, fingerposts are set up telling him where they lead to, and directing him which to take. Mr. Spencer pursues a new thought, never loses sight of it, and takes care the reader does not. No statement goes before without the proof following closely after.
When the reception was given to me at South Place Institute, London, in April, 1903, on my eighty-sixth birthday, he had been confined to his house from the previous August, yet he took trouble to write some words of personal regard to myself beyond all my expectation. To the end of his days—save when the weather was inclement—I used to walk up the hill to his door to inquire as to his health, and when I could not do so, Mr. Troughton would write me word. Mr. Spencer's last letter to me was in answer to one I had sent him on his birthday. It was so characteristic as to deserve quoting:
"Thanks for your congratulations; but I should have liked better your condolences on my longevity115."
He wanted no twilight116 in his life. Like the sun in America, his wish was to disappear at once below the horizon—having amply given his share of light in his day.
Like Huxley, Mr. Spencer would not have slept well in Westminster Abbey. He needed no consolation117 in death; and if he had, there was no one who knew enough to give it to him. His conscience was his consolation. His one choice was that his friend Mr. John Morley—than whom none were fitter—should speak at his death the last words over him. Mr. Morley being in Sicily, this could not be. The next in friendship and power of estimate—the Right Hon. Leonard Courtney—spoke in his stead, at the Hampstead Crematorium. Mr. Spencer had a radium mind which gave forth118, of its own spontaneity, light and heat. None who have died could more appropriately repeat the proud lines of Sir Edward Dyer:—
"My mind to me a kingdom is;
Such perfect joy therein I find
That God or Nature hath assign'd."
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1 firmament | |
n.苍穹;最高层 | |
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2 distinctive | |
adj.特别的,有特色的,与众不同的 | |
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3 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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4 persistence | |
n.坚持,持续,存留 | |
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5 landmarks | |
n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 );目标;(标志重要阶段的)里程碑 ~ (in sth);有历史意义的建筑物(或遗址) | |
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6 evolutionary | |
adj.进化的;演化的,演变的;[生]进化论的 | |
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7 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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8 relinquish | |
v.放弃,撤回,让与,放手 | |
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9 mightier | |
adj. 强有力的,强大的,巨大的 adv. 很,极其 | |
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10 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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11 vicissitude | |
n.变化,变迁,荣枯,盛衰 | |
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12 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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13 stagnant | |
adj.不流动的,停滞的,不景气的 | |
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14 obfuscated | |
v.使模糊,使混乱( obfuscate的过去式和过去分词 );使糊涂 | |
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15 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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16 reigns | |
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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17 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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18 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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19 antediluvian | |
adj.史前的,陈旧的 | |
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20 mosaic | |
n./adj.镶嵌细工的,镶嵌工艺品的,嵌花式的 | |
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21 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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22 weaver | |
n.织布工;编织者 | |
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23 veracity | |
n.诚实 | |
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24 rev | |
v.发动机旋转,加快速度 | |
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25 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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26 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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27 paternal | |
adj.父亲的,像父亲的,父系的,父方的 | |
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28 insurgent | |
adj.叛乱的,起事的;n.叛乱分子 | |
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29 derided | |
v.取笑,嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30 buckle | |
n.扣子,带扣;v.把...扣住,由于压力而弯曲 | |
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31 persistent | |
adj.坚持不懈的,执意的;持续的 | |
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32 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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33 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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34 misgivings | |
n.疑虑,担忧,害怕;疑虑,担心,恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 );疑惧 | |
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35 ward | |
n.守卫,监护,病房,行政区,由监护人或法院保护的人(尤指儿童);vt.守护,躲开 | |
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36 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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37 disabuse | |
v.解惑;矫正 | |
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38 apprehensiveness | |
忧虑感,领悟力 | |
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39 ailments | |
疾病(尤指慢性病),不适( ailment的名词复数 ) | |
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40 invalid | |
n.病人,伤残人;adj.有病的,伤残的;无效的 | |
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41 accost | |
v.向人搭话,打招呼 | |
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42 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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43 genial | |
adj.亲切的,和蔼的,愉快的,脾气好的 | |
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44 recurring | |
adj.往复的,再次发生的 | |
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45 serene | |
adj. 安详的,宁静的,平静的 | |
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46 economists | |
n.经济学家,经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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47 speculation | |
n.思索,沉思;猜测;投机 | |
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48 continental | |
adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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49 congregated | |
(使)集合,聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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51 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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52 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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53 royalties | |
特许权使用费 | |
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54 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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55 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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56 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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57 investigations | |
(正式的)调查( investigation的名词复数 ); 侦查; 科学研究; 学术研究 | |
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58 sinecure | |
n.闲差事,挂名职务 | |
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59 secularist | |
n.现世主义者,世俗主义者;宗教与教育分离论者 | |
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60 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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61 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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62 fiduciary | |
adj.受托的,信托的 | |
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63 defective | |
adj.有毛病的,有问题的,有瑕疵的 | |
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64 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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65 ethical | |
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
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66 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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67 serial | |
n.连本影片,连本电视节目;adj.连续的 | |
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68 subscription | |
n.预订,预订费,亲笔签名,调配法,下标(处方) | |
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69 tardy | |
adj.缓慢的,迟缓的 | |
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70 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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71 lodge | |
v.临时住宿,寄宿,寄存,容纳;n.传达室,小旅馆 | |
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72 remonstrated | |
v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 );告诫 | |
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73 saviour | |
n.拯救者,救星 | |
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74 analytic | |
adj.分析的,用分析方法的 | |
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75 justifies | |
证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 ); 为…辩护; 对…作出解释; 为…辩解(或辩护) | |
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76 prospectuses | |
n.章程,简章,简介( prospectus的名词复数 ) | |
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77 prospectus | |
n.计划书;说明书;慕股书 | |
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78 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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79 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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80 equitable | |
adj.公平的;公正的 | |
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81 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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82 sundry | |
adj.各式各样的,种种的 | |
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83 impersonally | |
ad.非人称地 | |
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84 scrupulousness | |
n.一丝不苟;小心翼翼 | |
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85 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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86 secularism | |
n.现世主义;世俗主义;宗教与教育分离论;政教分离论 | |
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87 incumbent | |
adj.成为责任的,有义务的;现任的,在职的 | |
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88 recluse | |
n.隐居者 | |
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89 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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90 berth | |
n.卧铺,停泊地,锚位;v.使停泊 | |
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91 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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92 constructive | |
adj.建设的,建设性的 | |
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93 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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94 spacious | |
adj.广阔的,宽敞的 | |
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95 secluded | |
adj.与世隔绝的;隐退的;偏僻的v.使隔开,使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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96 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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97 indirectly | |
adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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98 recondite | |
adj.深奥的,难解的 | |
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99 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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100 hood | |
n.头巾,兜帽,覆盖;v.罩上,以头巾覆盖 | |
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101 grouse | |
n.松鸡;v.牢骚,诉苦 | |
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102 luncheon | |
n.午宴,午餐,便宴 | |
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103 amenities | |
n.令人愉快的事物;礼仪;礼节;便利设施;礼仪( amenity的名词复数 );便利设施;(环境等的)舒适;(性情等的)愉快 | |
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104 pristine | |
adj.原来的,古时的,原始的,纯净的,无垢的 | |
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105 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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106 oracle | |
n.神谕,神谕处,预言 | |
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107 explicit | |
adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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108 steered | |
v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 );操纵;控制;引导 | |
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109 veered | |
v.(尤指交通工具)改变方向或路线( veer的过去式和过去分词 );(指谈话内容、人的行为或观点)突然改变;(指风) (在北半球按顺时针方向、在南半球按逆时针方向)逐渐转向;风向顺时针转 | |
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110 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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111 fascination | |
n.令人着迷的事物,魅力,迷恋 | |
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112 descried | |
adj.被注意到的,被发现的,被看到的 | |
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113 recurrence | |
n.复发,反复,重现 | |
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114 sojourner | |
n.旅居者,寄居者 | |
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115 longevity | |
n.长命;长寿 | |
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116 twilight | |
n.暮光,黄昏;暮年,晚期,衰落时期 | |
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117 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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118 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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119 bliss | |
n.狂喜,福佑,天赐的福 | |
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