Disraeli is a fossilised bygone to this generation; though in the political arena5 he was the most glittering performer of his day. Men admired him as the Blondin of Parliament, who could keep his feet on a tight-rope at any elevation6. Others looked upon him as a music-hall Sandow who could snap into two a thicker bar of bovine7 ignorance than any other athlete of the "country party." He was capable of serving any party, but preferred the party who could best serve him. He was an example how a man, conscious of power and unhampered by scruples9, could advance himself by strenuous10 devices of making himself necessary to those he served.
The showy waistcoat and dazzling jewellery in which he first presented himself to the House of Commons, betrayed the primitive11 taste of a Jew of the Minories, and foreshadowed that trinket statesmanship which captivated his party, who thought sober, honest principles dull and unentertaining.
Germany and England contemporaneously produced the two greatest adventurers of the century—Ferdinand Lassalle and Benjamin Disraeli. Both were Jews. Both had dark locks and faith in jewellery. Both were Sybarites in their pleasures; and personal ambition was the master passion of each. Both were consummate12 speakers. Both sought distinction in literature as a prelude13 to influence. Both professed14 devotion to the interests of the people by promulgating15 doctrines16 which would consolidate17 the power of the governing classes. Lassalle counselled war against Liberalism, Disraeli against the Whigs. Lassalle adjusted his views to Bismarck, as Disraeli did to Lord Derby. Both owed their fortunes to rich ladies of maturity18. Both challenged adversaries19 to a duel20, but Disraeli had the prudence21 to challenge Daniel O'Connell, who, he knew, was under a vow22 not to fight one, while Lassalle challenged Count Racowitza, and was killed.
It was a triumph without parallel to bring to pass that the proud aristocracy of England should accept a Jew for its master. Not approaching erect23, like a human thing, Disraeli stealthily crept, lizard-like, through the crevices24 of Parliament, to the front of the nation, and with the sting that nature had given him he kept his enemies at bay. No estimate of him can explain him, which does not take into account his race. An alien in the nation, he believed himself to belong to the sole race that God has recognised. The Jew has an industrial daintiness which is an affront25 to mankind. He, as a rule, stands by while the Gentile puts his hand to labour. Isolated26 by Christian27 ostracism28, the Jew tills no ground; he follows no handicraft—a Spinoza here and there excepted. The Jew, as a rule, lives by wit and thrift29. He is of every nation, but of no nationality, save his own. He takes no perilous30 initiation31; he leads no forlorn hope; he neither conspires32 for freedom, nor fights for it. He profits by it, and acquiesces33 in it; but generally gives you the impression that he will aid either despotism or liberty, as a matter of business—as many do who are not Jews. There are, nevertheless, men of noble qualities among them, and as a class they are as good or better than Christians34 would be had they been treated for nineteen centuries as badly as Jews have been.
Derision and persecution35 inspire a strong spirit with retaliation36, and absolve37 him from scrupulous38 methods of compassing it. Two things the Jew pursues with an unappeasable passion—distinction and authority among believers, before whom his race has been compelled to cringe. An ancient people which subsists39 by subtlety40 and courage, has the heroic sense of high tradition, still looks forward to efface41, not the indignity42 of days, but of centuries—which imparts to the Jew a lofty implacableness of aim, which never pauses in its purpose. How else came Mr. Disraeli by that form of assegai sentences, of which one thrust needed no repetition, and by that art which enabled him to climb on phrases to power?
A critic, who had taken pains to inform himself, brought charges against D'Israeli the Elder to the effect that he had taken passages of mark from the books of Continental43 sceptics and had incorporated them as his own. At the same time he denounced the authors, so as to disincline the reader to look into their pages for the D'Israelian plagiaries. In the novels of D'Israeli the Younger I have come upon passages which I have met with elsewhere in another form. As the reader knows, Disraeli delivered in Parliament, as his own, a fine passage from Thiers. So that when Daniel O'Connell described Disraeli as "the heir-at-law of the impenitent44 thief who died on the cross," he was nearer the truth than he knew, for there was petty larceny45 in the Disraelian family.
When Sir James Stansfeld entered Parliament he had that moral distrust of Disraeli, which Lord Salisbury, in his Cranborne days, published a Review to warn his party against. Sir James (then Mr. Stansfeld) expressed a similar sentiment of distrust. Disraeli said to a friend in the lobby immediately after, "I will do for that educated mechanic" The vitriolic46 spite in the phrase was worthy47 of Vivian Grey. He kept his word, and caused Mr. Stansfeld's retirement48 from the Ministry49. It was the nature of Disraeli to destroy any one who withstood him. At the same time he could be courteous50 and even kind to literary Chartists who, like Thomas Cooper and Ernest Jones, helped to frustrate51 the Whigs at the poll, which served the purpose of Tory ascendency, which was Disraeli's chance.
In Easter, 1872, I was in Manchester when Disraeli had the greatest pantomime day of his life—when he played the Oriental Potentate52 in the Pomona Gardens. All the real and imaginary Tory societies that could be got together from surrounding counties were paraded in procession before him. To each he made audacious little speeches, which astonished them and, when made known, caused jubilancy in the city.
The deputation from Chorley reminded him of Mr. Charley, member for Salford. He exclaimed, "Chorley and Charley are good names!" When a Tory sick and burial society came up he said "he hoped they were doing a good business, and that their future would be prosperous!" When the night came for his speech, the Free Trade Hall was crowded. It was said that 2,000 persons paid a guinea each for their seats.
Mr. Callander, his host, had taken, at Mr. Disraeli's request, some brandy to the meeting. It was he who poured some into a glass of water. Mr. Disraeli, on tasting it, turned to him and said in an undertone, "There's nothing in it." This wounded the pride of his host, who took it as an imputation53 of stinginess on his part, and he filled the next glass plentifully54. This was the beginning of the orator55's trouble. For the first fifteen minutes he spoke56 in his customary resonant57 voice. Then husky, sibilant and explosive sentences were unmistakable. Apprehensive58 reporters, sitting below him, moved aside lest the orator should fall upon them. Suspicious gestures set in. An umbrella was laid near the edge of the platform, that the speaker might keep within the umbrella range. For this there was a good reason, as the speaker's habit of raising himself on his toes endangered his balance. All the meeting understood the case. The orator soon lost all sense of time. He, who knew so well how to suit performance to occasion, was incapable59 of stopping himself. The audience had come from distant parts. At nine o'clock they could hear the railway bell, calling some to the trains. Ten o'clock came, when a larger portion of the audience was again perturbed60 by railway warnings. Disraeli was still speaking. Eleven o'clock came; the audience had further decreased then, but Disraeli was still declaiming hoarse61 sentences. It was a quarter-past eleven before his peroration62 came to an end; and many, who wished to have their guinea's worth of Parliamentary oratory64, had to sleep in Manchester that night Everybody knew the speaker would have ceased two hours earlier if he could. His host in the chair was much disquieted65. His house was some distance from the city, and he had invited a large party of gentlemen to meet the great Conservative leader at supper, which had long been ready. Besides, he was afraid his guest would be unable to appear at it. Arriving at the house Disraeli asked his host to give him champagne—"a bottle of fizz" was the phrase he used—which he drank with zest66, when, to the astonishment67 of his host, he joined the party and was at his best. He delighted every one with his sallies and his satire68.
The next morning the city Conservatives were unwilling69 to speak of the protracted70 disappointment of the evening before. The Manchester papers gave good reports of the long speech, which contained some passages worthy of the speaker at any time—as when he compared the occupants of the front bench of the Government in the House of Commons to so many extinct volcanoes. As some members of Her Majesty71's Government were known friends of Mazzini and Garibaldi, the aptitude72 of the simile73 lives in political memory to this day. When the Times report arrived it was found that a considerable portion of the speech was devoted74 to the laudation of certain county families, which were not mentioned in the Manchester reports, and it was said that Disraeli had dictated75 his speech to Mr. Delane before he came down. But though he lost his voice and his memory, he never lost his wit, for he praised another set of families that came into his head.
Only in two instances has Mr. Disraeli been publicly charged with errors of vintage. In his time I heard members manifestly inebriated76, address the House of Commons. On a memorable78 night Mr. Gladstone said Disraeli had access to sources of inspiration not open to Her Majesty's Ministers.
In the Morning Star there appeared next day a passage from Disraeli's speech, reported in vinous forms of sibilant expression. On that occasion Lord John Manners carried to him, from time to time during his oration63, five glasses of brandy and water. I saw them brought in. There was the great table between the two front benches, which Mr. Disraeli said was fortunate, as he feared Mr. Gladstone might spring upon him. All the while it was not protection Mr. Disraeli wanted from the table, but support, for he clutched it as he spoke. Sir John Macdonald, Premier79 of Canada, whom I had the honour to visit at Ottawa, not only resembled Disraeli in features, in the curl of his hair, but in his wit. One night Sir John made an extraordinary after-dinner speech, which had the flavour of a whole vintage in it. When Sir John found he had astonished the whole Dominion80, he sent for the reporter, who appeared, trembling with apprehension81. "Young man," said Sir John, "with your talent for reporting you have a great future before you. But take my advice—never report a speech in future when you are drunk."
Connoisseurs82 in art who went to the sale of his effects at Disraelis Mayfair house were astonished at the Houndsditch quality of what they found there. Not a ray of taste was to be seen, not an article worth buying. The glamour83 of the Oriental had lain in phrases, not in art.
It was the Liberals who were the champions of the Jews, and who were the cause of their admission to Parliament. Mr. Disraeli must have had some generous memory of this. Mr. Bright would cross the floor of the House sometimes to confer with Disraeli. There must have been elements in his character in which Mr. Bright had confidence. It was believed to be owing to his respect for Mr. Blight's judgment84 that he took no part against America, when his party did all they could to destroy the cause of the union in the great Anti-Slavery War. It ought to be remembered to Disraeli's credit, that he made what John Stuart Mill called a "splendid concession85" of household suffrage86, although he took it back the next night, by the pernicious creation of the "compound householder." Still, Liberals owe it to him that household suffrage came to prevail when it did.
Disraeli's attacks upon Peel were dictated by the policy of self-advancement. He was capable of admiring Peel, but he admired himself more. Standing87 outside English questions and interests, he was able to treat them with an airiness which was a political relief. Yet he could see that our Colonies might become "millstones round the neck of the Empire" if we gave them too much of Downing Street, or maybe of Highbury.
To say Disraeli had no conscience would be to say more than any man has knowledge enough to say of another; but he certainly never gave the public the impression that he had one. He devised the scheme of giving the Queen the title of "Empress." Mr. Gladstone opposed it as dangerous to the dynasty, lowering its dignity to the level of Continental Emperorship, and taking from the Crown the master jewel of law, which has been more or less its security and glory for a thousand years.
Disraeli seemed to care for the Queen's favour—nothing for the integrity of the Crown. He declared himself a Christian, and said in the presence of the Bishop88 of Oxford89, with Voltairean mockery, that he was "on the side of the angels," and elsewhere described Judas as an accessory to the crucifixion before the act, and to that ignoble90 treachery all Christians were indebted for their salvation—an idea which could never have entered a Gentile mind. This was pure Voltairean scorn.
In his last illness he was reported to have had three different kinds of physicians—allopath, hydropath, homoeopath; and had he chosen the spiritual ministration of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Chief Rabbi, and Mr. Spurgeon, no one would have been surprised at his sardonic91 prudence.
I had admiration92, though not respect, for his career. Yet I was for justice being done to him. When it was thought the Tories would prevent his accession to the Premiership, which was his right by service, I was one of those who cheered him in the lobby of the House of Commons, to show that adversaries of his politics were against his being defrauded93 of the dignity he had won.
How was it that Disraeli's standing at Court was never affected94 by what would be deemed seditious defamation95 of the Crown in any other person? When I mentioned in America the revolutionary license96 of his tongue in declaring the Queen to be physically97 and morally incapable of governing, the statement was received with incredulity. The reporters who took down his Aylesbury speech containing the astounding98 words hesitated to transcribe99 them, and one asked permission to read the passage to Mr. Disraeli, who assented100 to its correctness, and the words appeared in the Standard and Telegraph of September 27, 1871. The Times and Daily News omitted the word "morally," deeming it incredible. But it was said. His words were: "We cannot conceal101 from ourselves that Her Majesty is physically and morally incapacitated from performing her duties." This meant that Her Majesty was imbecile—a brutal102 thing to suggest, considering family traditions.
At a Lord Mayor's banquet Mr. Disraeli gave an insulting and defamatory account of the Russian Royal Family and Government, and boasted, like an inebriate77 Jingo, of England's capacity to sustain three campaigns against that Power. As the Queen had a daughter-in-law a member of the Royal House of Russia, this wanton act of international offensiveness must have produced a sensation of shame and pain in the English Royal Family. I well remember the consternation103 and disapproval104 with which both speeches were regarded by the people. Whatever even Republicans may think of the theory of the Crown, they are against any personal outrage105 upon it. Yet Mr. Gladstone, who was always forward to sustain, by graceful106 and discerning praise, the interest of the Royal Family, and procure107 them national grants, to which Mr. Disraeli could never have reconciled the nation, was simply endured by Her Majesty, while to Mr. Disraeli ostentatious preference was shown. It was said in explanation that Mr. Gladstone had no "small talk" with which Mr. Disraeli entertained his eminent108 hostess. It was not "small talk," it was Tory talk, which the Queen rewarded.
I am of Lord Actons opinion, that Mr. Disraeli was morally insupportable, though otherwise astonishing. The pitiless resentment109 of "Vivian Grey" towards whoever stood in his way was the prevailing110 characteristic of the triumphant111 Jew. Like other men of professional ambition, he had the charm of engaging amity112 to those who were for the time being no longer impediment to him. When showing distress113 at a few drops of rain falling, news was brought Her Majesty that Mr. Gladstone had returned from a voyage and addressed a crowd on the beach. Disraeli exclaimed with pleasant gaiety, "What a wonderful man that Gladstone is. Had I returned from a voyage I should be glad to go to bed. Mr. Gladstone leaps on shore and makes a speech."
The moral of this singular career worth remembering, is that genius and versatility114, animated115 by ambition without scruple8, may attain116 distinction without principle. It can win national admiration, but not public affection. All it can accomplish is to leave behind a name of sinister117 renown118. If we knew all, no doubt Lord Beaconsfield had, apart from the exigencies119 of ambition, personal qualities commanding esteem120.
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1
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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transmuted
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| v.使变形，使变质，把…变成…( transmute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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bovine
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| adj.牛的；n.牛 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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promulgating
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的现在分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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consolidate
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| v.使加固，使加强；(把...)联为一体，合并 | |
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maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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crevices
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| n.（尤指岩石的）裂缝，缺口( crevice的名词复数 ) | |
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affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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ostracism
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| n.放逐；排斥 | |
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thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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conspires
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| 密谋( conspire的第三人称单数 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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acquiesces
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的第三人称单数 ) | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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efface
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| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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impenitent
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| adj.不悔悟的，顽固的 | |
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larceny
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| n.盗窃（罪） | |
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vitriolic
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| adj.硫酸的，尖刻的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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plentifully
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| adv. 许多地，丰饶地 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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resonant
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| adj.(声音)洪亮的，共鸣的 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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perturbed
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| adj.烦燥不安的v.使（某人）烦恼，不安( perturb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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disquieted
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| v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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zest
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| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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71
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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simile
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| n.直喻，明喻 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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inebriated
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| adj.酒醉的 | |
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inebriate
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| v.使醉 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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connoisseurs
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| n.鉴赏家，鉴定家，行家( connoisseur的名词复数 ) | |
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glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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84
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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86
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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sardonic
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| adj.嘲笑的，冷笑的，讥讽的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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93
defrauded
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| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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defamation
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| n.诽谤；中伤 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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transcribe
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| v.抄写，誉写；改编(乐曲)；复制，转录 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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102
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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103
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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104
disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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105
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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107
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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111
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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112
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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113
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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114
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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115
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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116
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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117
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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118
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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119
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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120
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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