One Friday afternoon in 1865 some Lambeth politicians of the middle and working classes, whom Bernal Osborne had disappointed of being their candidate (a vacancy3 having attracted him elsewhere), came to me at the House of Commons to inquire if I could suggest one to them. I named Mr. Hughes as a good fighting candidate, who had sympathy with working people, and who, being honest, could be trusted in what he promised, and being an athlete, could, like Feargus O'Connor, be depended upon on a turbulent platform. I was to see Mr. Hughes at once, which I did, and after much argument satisfied him that if he took the "occasion by the hand" he might succeed. He said, "he must first consult Sally"—meaning Mrs. Hughes. I had heard him sing "Sally in our Alley," and took his remark as a playful allusion4 to his wife as the heroine of the song. That he might be under no illusion, I suggested that he should not enter upon the contest unless he was prepared to lose ￡1,000.
The next morning he consented. I took him to my friends of the Electoral Committee, by whom he was accepted. When he entered the vestibule of the hall of meeting I left him, lest my known opinions on other subjects should compromise him in the minds of some electors. This was on the Saturday afternoon. I saw that by issuing an address in the Monday morning papers he would be first in the field. On Sunday morning, therefore, I waited for him at the Vere Street Church door, where the Rev5. F. D. Maurice preached, to ask him to write at once his address to the electors. He thought more of his soul than of his success, and reluctantly complied with my request. His candidature might prevent a Tory member being elected, and the labours of the Liberal electors for years being rendered futile6, education put back, the Liberal Association discouraged, taxation7 of the people increased, and the moral and political deterioration8 of the borough9 ensue. To avert10 all such evils the candidate was loath11 to peril12 his salvation13 for an hour. Yet would it not have been a work of human holiness to do it, which would make his soul better worth saving? That day I had lunch at his table in Park Lane, while he thought the matter over. That was the first and last time I was asked to his house. That afternoon he brought the address to my home, then known as Dymoke Lodge14, Oval Road, Regent's Park, and had tea with my family. I had collected several persons in another room ready to make copies of the address.
I wrote letters to various editors, took a cab, and left a copy of the address myself, before ten o'clock, at the offices of all the chief newspapers published on Monday morning. The editor of the Daily News and one or two others I saw personally. All printed the address as news, free of expense. Next morning the Liberal electors were amazed to see their candidate "first in the field" before any other had time to appear. All the while I knew Mr. Hughes would vote against three things which I valued, and in favour of which I had written and spoken. He would vote against the ballot16, against opening picture galleries and museums on Sunday, and against the separation of the Church from the State. But on the whole he was calculated to promote the interests of the country, and therefore I did what I could to promote his election.
I wrote for the election two or three bills. The following is one:—
HUGHES FOR LAMBETH.
Vote for "Tom Brown."
Vote for a Gentleman who is a friend of the People.
Vote for a Churchman who will do justice to
Dissenters.
Vote for a tried Politician who will support just measures
and can give sensible reasons for them.
Vote for a distinguished17 writer and raise the
character of metropolitan18 constituencies.
Vote for a candidate who can defend your cause in the Press
as well as in Parliament
Vote for a man known to be honest and who has long worked
for the industrious19 classes.
Electors of Lambeth,
Vote for Thomas Hughes.
Mr. Hughes would have had no address out but for me. Had he spent ￡100 in advertisements a day or two later he could not have purchased the advantage this promptitude gave him. I worked very hard all that Sunday, a son and daughter helping—but our souls did not count Two weeks went by—during which I ceaselessly promulgated20 his candidature—and I heard nothing from the candidate. As I had paid the emergency expenses of the Sunday copyists, found them refreshments21 while they wrote, and paid for the cab on its round to the offices, I found myself ￡2 "out of pocket," as lawyers put it, and I sent a note to Mr. Hughes to say that amount would cover costs incurred22. He replied in a curt23 note saying I should "find a cheque for ￡2 within"—giving me the impression that he regarded it as an extortion, which he thought it better to submit to than resent. He never thanked me, then or at any time, for what I did. Never in all his life did he refer to the service I had rendered him.
A number of friends were invited to Great Ormond Street College to celebrate his election, but I was not one. This was not handsome treatment, but I thought little of it. It was not Mr. Hughes's natural, but his ecclesiastical self. I withstood him and his friends, the Christian24 Socialists25, who sought to colour Co-operation with Church tenets, which would put distraction27 into it. Association with me was at that time repugnant to Mr. Hughes. Nevertheless, I continued to serve him whenever I could. He was a friend of Co-operation, to his cost, and was true to the Liberal interests of the people. My daughter, Mrs. Praill, and her husband gave their house as a committee-room when Mr. Hughes was subsequently a candidate in Marylebone, and she canvassed28 for him so assiduously that he paid her a special visit of acknowledgment.
The Christian Socialist26 propaganda is another instance of the wilfulness29 of things which went as you did not want them to go. In those days not only did I fail to find favour in the eyes of Mr. Hughes—even Mr. Vansittart Neale, the most liberal of Christian Socialists, thought me, for some years, an unengaging colleague. General Maurice, in the Life of his eminent30 father (Professor Denison Maurice), relates that Mr. Maurice regarded me as an antagonist31. This was never so. I had always respect for Professor Maurice because of his theological liberality. He believed that perdition was limited to aeons. The duration of an aeon32 he was not clear upon; but whatever its length, it was then an unusual and merciful limitation of eternal torture. This cost him his Professorship at King's College, through the enmity, it was said, of Professor Jelf. I endeavoured to avenge33 Professor Maurice by dedicating to Dr. Jelf my "Limits of Atheism34." Elsewhere I assailed35 him because I had honour for Professor Maurice, for his powerful friendship to Co-operation. When the news of his death came to the Bolton Congress it was I who drew up and proposed the resolution of honour and sorrow which we passed.
It was always the complaint against the early "Socialists"—as the Co-operators were then called—that they mixed up polemical controversy36 with social advocacy. The Christian Socialists strenuously37 made this objection, yet all the while they were seeking to do the same thing. What they rightly objected to was that the chief Co-operators gave irrelevant38 prominence39 to the alien question of theology, and repelled40 all persons who differed from them.
All the while, what they objected to was not theology, but to a kind of theology not their own, and this kind, as soon as they acquired authority, they proceeded to introduce. They proceeded to compile a handbook intended to pledge the Co-operators to the Church of England, and I received proofs, which I still have, in which Mr. Hughes made an attack on all persons of Freethinking views. I objected to this as violating the principle on which we had long agreed, namely, of Co-operative neutrality in religion* and politics, as their introduction was the signal of disputation which diverted the attention of members from the advancement41 of Co-operation in life, trade, and labour. At the Leeds Congress I maintained that the congress was like Parliament, where, as Canning said, no question is introduced which cannot be discussed. If Church views were imported into the societies, Heretics and Nonconformists, who were the originators of the movement, would have the right of introducing. Personally, I preferred controversy outside Co-operation. Their tenets. Mr. Hughes was so indignant at my protest that he, being in the chair, refused to call upon me to move a resolution officially assigned to me upon another subject. At the meeting of the United Board for revising motions to be brought before Congress, I gave notice that if the Church question should be raised I should object to it, as it would then be in order (should the introduction of theology be sanctioned) for an Atheist42 (Agnostic was not a current word then) to propose the adoption43 of his views, and an Atheist, as such, might be a president. Whereupon Mr. Vansittart Neale, our general secretary, declared with impassioned vehemence44 that he hoped the day would never come when an Atheist would be elected president. Yet when, some years later, I was appointed president of the Carlisle Congress (1887)—though I was still considered entirely45 deficient46 in proper theological convictions—Mr. Hughes and Mr. Neale, who were both present, were most genial47, and with their concurrence48 100,000 copies of my address were printed—a distinction which befel no other president.
In another instance I had to withstand Church ascendancy49.
I was the earliest and foremost advocate of the neutrality of pious50 opinion in Co-operation; when others who knew its value were silent—afraid or unwilling51 to give pain to the Christian Socialists, whom we all respected, and to whom we were all indebted for legal and friendly assistance.
But integrity of principle is higher than friendship. Some Northumbrian societies, whose members were largely Nonconformists, were greatly indignant at the attempt to give ascendancy to Church opinions, and volunteered to support my protest against it But when the day of protest came at the Leeds Congress they all deserted52 me—not one raised a voice on my side; though they saw me browbeaten53 in their interest My argument was, that if we assented55 to become a Church party we might come to have our proceedings56 opened with a collect, or by prayer, to which it would be hypocrisy57 in many to pretend to assent54. At the following Derby Congress this came to pass: Bishop58 Southwell, who opened the Industrial Exhibition, made a prayer and members of the United Board knelt round him. I was the only one who stood up, it being the only seemly form of protest there. This scene was never afterwards repeated. Bishop Southwell was a devout59, kindly60, and intellectually liberal prelate, but he did not know, or did not respect, as other Bishops61 did, the neutrality of Congress.
For myself, I was always in favour of the individuality of the religious conscience in its proper place. I love the picturesqueness62 of personal conviction. It was I who first proposed that we should accept offers of sermons on Congress Sunday by ministers of every denomination63. Co-operators included members of all religious persuasions64, and I was for their opportunity of hearing favourite preachers apart from Co-operative proceedings.
It is only necessary for the moral of these instances to pursue them. There is education in them and public suggestiveness which may justify65 the continuance of the subject.
When the Co-operative News was begun in Manchester (1871), I wrote its early leaders, and as its prospects66 were not hopeful, it was agreed that the Social Economist67, which I and Mr. E. O. Greening had established in London in 1868, should cease in favour of the Co-operative News, as we wished to see one paper, one interest, and one party. As the Manchester office was too poor to purchase our journal, we agreed that it should be paid for when the Manchester paper succeeded, and the price should be what the cessation of the Social Economist should be thought to be worth to the new paper. It was sixteen years before the fulfilment of their side of the bargain. The award, if I remember rightly, was ￡15, but I know the period was as long and the amount as small. The Co-operative News had then been established many years. It was worth much more than ￡100 to the Manchester paper to have a London rival out of the way. It was not an encouraging transaction, and but for Mr. Neale, Abraham Greenwood and Mr. Crabtree it would not have ended as it did. But the committee were workmen without knowledge of literary matters. So I made no complaint, and worked with them and for their paper all the same. It was a mistake to discontinue the Social Economist, which had some powerful friends. Co-operation was soon narrowed in Manchester. Co-operative workshops were excluded from participation68 in profit. We should have kept Co-operation on a higher level in London.
The Rochdale Jubilee69 is the last instance I shall cite. In 1892 was celebrated70 the jubilee of the Rochdale Society. I received no invitation and no official notice. The handbook published by the society, in commemoration of its fifty years' success, made no reference to me nor to the services I had rendered the society. I had written its history, which had been printed in America, and translated into the chief languages of Europe—in Spain, in Hungary, several times in France and Italy. I had put the name of the Pioneers into the mouth of the world, yet my name was never mentioned by any one. Speaking on the part of the Rochdale Co-operators, the President of Jubilee Congress, who knew the facts of my devotion to the reputation of Rochdale, was silent. Archdeacon Wilson was the only one who showed me public regard. The local press said some gracious things, but they were not Co-operators. I had spoken at the graves of the men who had made the fortunes of the store, and had written words of honour of all the political leaders of the town, and of those best remembered in connection with the famous society, which I had vindicated71, without ceasing, during half a century.
In the earlier struggles of the Pioneers I had looked forward to the day of their jubilee, when I should stand in their regard as I had done in their day of need. Of course, this gave me a little concern to find myself treated as one unknown to them. But in truth they had not forgotten me, though they ignored me. The new generation of Co-operators had abandoned, to Mr. Bright's regret, participation of profit with Labour, the noblest aspiration72 of the Pioneers. I had addressed them in remonstrance73, in the language of Lord Byron, who was Lord of the Manor74 of Rochdale:—
"You have the Rochdale store as yet,
Where has the Rochdale workshop gone?
Of two such lessons why forget
Saying this cost me their cordiality and their gratitude; but I cared for the principle and for the future, and was consoled.
In every party, the men who made it great die, and leave no immediate76 successors. But in time their example recreates them. But at the Jubilee of 1892, they had not re-appeared, and those who had memories and gratitude were dead. I spoke15 over the grave of Cooper, of Smithies, of Thomas Livesey—John Bright's schoolfellow—the great friend of the dead Pioneers saying:—
"They are gone, the holy ones,
Who trod with me this lovely vale;
My old star-bright companions
Are silent, low and pale."*
The question arises, does this kind of experience justify a person in deserting his party?
The last incident and others preceding it are given as instances of outrage77 or neglect, which in public life explain ignominious78 desertion of principle. I have known men change sides in Parliament because the Premier79, who had defect of sight, passed them by in the lobby without recognition. I have seen others desert a party, which they had brilliantly served, because their personal ambition had not been recognised. Because of this I have seen a man turn heels over head in the presence of Parliament, and land himself in the laps of adversaries80 who had been kicking him all his life.
If I did not do so, it was because I remembered that parties are like persons, who at one time do mean things, but at other times generous things.
* "History of Rochdale Pioneers, 1844-1892" (Sonnenschein).
Besides, a democratic party is continually changing in its component81 members, and many come to act in the name of the movement who are ignorant of its earlier history and of the obligation it may be under to those who have served it in its struggling days. But whether affronts82 are consciously given or not, they do not count where allegiance to a cause is concerned. Ingratitude83 does not invalidate a true principle. When contrary winds blow, a fair-weather partisan84 tacks85 about, and will even sail into a different sea where the breezes are more complacent86. I remained the friend of the cause alike in summer and winter, not because I was insensible to vicissitudes87, but because it was a simple duty to remain true to a principle whose integrity was not and could not be affected88 by the caprice, the meanness, the obliviousness89, or the malignity90 of its followers91.
Such are some of the incidents—of which others of more public interest may be given—of the nature of bygones which have instruction in them. They are not peculiar92 to any party. They occur continually in Parliament and in the Church. I have seen persons who had rendered costly93 service of long duration who, by some act of ingratitude on the part of the few, have turned against the whole class, which shows that, consciously or unconsciously, it was self-recognition they sought, or most cared for, rather than the service of the principle they had espoused94.
There is no security for the permanence of public effort, save in the clear conviction of its intrinsic rightfulness and conduciveness to the public good. The rest must be left to time and posterity95. True, the debt is sometimes paid after the creditor96 is dead. But if reparation never comes to the living, unknown persons whose condition needs betterment receive it, and that is the proud and consoling thought of those who—unrequited—effected it. The wholesome97 policy of persistence98 is expressed in the noble maxim99 of Helvetius to which John Morley has given new currency: "Love men, but do not expect too much from them."
Fewer persons would fall into despair if their anticipations100 were, like a commercial company, "limited." Many men expect in others perfection, who make no conspicuous101 contribution themselves to the sum of that excellent attribute.
"Giving too little and asking too much Is not alone a fault of the Dutch."
I do not disguise that standing102 by Rightness is an onerous103 duty. It is as much a merit as it is a distinction to have been, at any time, in the employ of Truth. But Truth, though an illustrious, is an exacting104 mistress, and that is why so many people who enter her service soon give notice to leave.
[With respect to this chapter, Mr. Ludlow wrote supplying
some particulars regarding the Christian Socialists, to
states "that the first Council of Promoters included two
the first secretary of the Society for Promoting Working
Men's Associations was not one, during the whole of his
faithful service (he became one twenty years later), and
that his successors were, at the time we took them on, one
an Agnostic, the other a strong Congregationalist." This is
the first time these facts have been made known. But none of
the persons thus described had anything to do with the
production of the Handbook referred to and discussed at the
Leeds Congress of 1881. Quite apart from the theological
tendencies of the "Christian Socialists," the Co-operative
movement has been indebted to them for organisation107 and
invaluable counsel, as I have never ceased to say. They were
all for the participation of profits in workshops, which is
the essential part of higher Co-operation. There was always
light in their speeches, and it was the light of principle.
In this respect Mr. Ludlow was the first, as he is the last
to display it, as he alone survives that distinguished band.
Of Mr. Edward Vansittart Neale I have unmeasured admiration108
and regard. To use the fine saying of Abd-el-Kader,
of the most experienced Co-operators towards the Christian
Socialists.]
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1
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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curt
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| adj.简短的，草率的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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distraction
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| n.精神涣散，精神不集中，消遣，娱乐 | |
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canvassed
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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wilfulness
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| 任性；倔强 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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aeon
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| n.极长的时间；永久 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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51
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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browbeaten
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| v.（以言辞或表情）威逼，恫吓( browbeat的过去分词 ) | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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picturesqueness
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denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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manlier
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| manly（有男子气概的）的比较级形式 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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component
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| n.组成部分，成分，元件；adj.组成的，合成的 | |
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affronts
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| n.（当众）侮辱，（故意）冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 )；相遇 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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tacks
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| 大头钉( tack的名词复数 )； 平头钉； 航向； 方法 | |
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complacent
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| adj.自满的；自鸣得意的 | |
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vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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obliviousness
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malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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creditor
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| n.债仅人，债主，贷方 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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105
publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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107
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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108
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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109
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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