This is a fine-sounding declaration, but it has the misfortune to be untrue. Liberty of conscience is not the fruit of the Reformation, but an indirect and unintended result. Nor is liberty of conscience a reality in any part of the German empire. Christians2 are allowed to differ among themselves, but Freethinkers are prosecuted3 for dissenting4 alike from Catholic and Protestant. Since the present Emperor's accession there have been many blasphemy5 prosecutions6, sometimes for what would be regarded in other countries as very mild expressions of disbelief. Several men and women have been sentenced to severe penalties for exercising the right of free speech, which, in the land of Goethe, Heine, Strauss, and Schopenhauer, is still confined to professed7 Christians.
The Reformation, in fact, was a superficial movement. Except for its moral revolt against the sale of indulgences, it touched no deep and durable8 principle. It merely substituted an infallible Bible for an infallible Church. Differences of opinion crept into the Protestant fold, but that was an accident, arising from the varied9 and discordant10 nature of the Bible itself. Every new Protestant sect11 had to fight as strenuously12 for its right to exist as ever Martin Luther fought against the Catholic Church. Protestantism, in short, was one priesthood saying to another priesthood "We are right and you are wrong." The Catholic Church had an immense advantage in its central organisation13; the Protestant Church could only operate from different points; hence it was unable to bring about the same uniformity.
The movement that was not superficial was the scientific and humanist movement, of which the Reformation was in a certain sense an episode. Italy and France did more for the world than Germany. Martin Luther was a great fighter, but not a more heroic one than Giordano Bruno. Melancthon was not so important a man as Galileo. Rabelais even, with all his dirt and jesting, was more in the stream of progress than Luther, and far more than Calvin. In the long run, it is knowledge and idea? that rule the world. Luther was not great in knowledge, and certainly not great in ideas. He was a born fighter and a strong character. His proper place is among the heroic figures of history. He was a man of leading, but scarcely a man of light.
Luther was violently opposed to the scientific movement. He called Copernicus an old fool. He would hear nothing against the accepted Biblical theory of the universe. Genesis was to him, as well as to the Pope, the beginning and the end of sound science. Nor was he more friendly to philosophy. Draper truly asserts that the leaders of the Reformation "were determined14 to banish15 philosophy from the Church." Aristotle was villified by Luther as "truly a devil, a horrid16 calumniator17, a wicked sycophant18, a prince of darkness, a real Apollyon, a beast, a most horrid impostor on mankind, a public and professed liar19, a goat, a complete epicure20, this twice execrable Aristotle." Such was Luther's style in controversy21. We commend it to the attention of Protestants who rail at the Freethinker.
Liberty of conscience is a principle of which Luther had no conception. He claimed the right to think against the Pope; he denied the right of others to think against himself. His attitude towards the Anabaptists was fiendish. During the Peasants War he urged the authorities to exterminate22 the rebels, to "stab, kill, and strangle them without mercy." Melancthon taught that heretics "ought to be restrained by the sword." Luther likewise declared that whoever denied even one article of the Protestant faith should be punished severely23. Referring to a false teacher, he exclaimed, "Drive him away as an apostle of hell; and if he does not flee, deliver him up as a seditious man to the executioner."
Hallam, Buckle24, Lecky, and all reputable historians, agree that the Protestant party held the same principle of persecution25 as the Catholics. It was not disputed that death was the proper punishment of obstinate26 heresy27. The only dispute was—which were the heretics, and who should die?
Luther's influence was very great in England, as Calvin's was in Scotland, and the leaders of the Reformation in our own country had no doubt as to the justice of killing28 men for a difference of opinion. Cranmer taught that heretics were first to be excommunicated; if that made no impression on them they were to suffer death. It satisfies one sense of the fitness of things that Cranmer himself perished at the stake. Becon taught that the duty of magistrates29 with regard to heretics was to punish them—"yea, and also to take them out of this life." This same Becon called upon the temporal rulers to "be no longer the pope's hangmen." He preferred their being the hangmen of Protestantism. Latimer himself said of the Anabaptists who were executed, "Well, let them go!" Bishop30 Jewel, the great apologist of the Protestant Church of England, in answering Harding the Jesuit, replies in this way to the charge of being of the brotherhood31 of Servetus, David George, and Joan of Kent: "We detected their heresies32, and not you. We arraigned33 them; we condemned34 them. We put them to the execution of the laws. It seemeth very much to call them our brothers, because we burnt them."
Calvin held the same persecuting35 doctrine36. All who opposed him were dealt with ruthlessly. He was a veritable Pope of Geneva. His treatment of Servetus was infamous37. But so universal was the principle on which Calvin acted, that even the mild Melancthon called the cruel roasting of Servetus at a slow fire "a pious38 and memorable39 example for all posterity40."
Protestantism boasts of having asserted the right of private judgment41. It never did anything of the kind. Not a single leader of the Reformation ever asserted such a principle. Erasmus did, though not in decisive language; but Erasmus never belonged to the Protestant Church, and his humanity, no less than his philosophy, brought upon him the vituperation of Luther. The hero of Protestantism did not intend the consequences of his revolt against Rome. He would have been appalled42 at the thought of them. He made a breach43, for his own purposes, in the great wall of faith. He did not anticipate that others would widen it, or that the forces of reason would march through and occupy post after post. He simply did his own stroke of work, and we do not judge him by later standards. We only object to the extravagance of Protestant laudation.
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1 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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2 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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3 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
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4 dissenting | |
adj.不同意的 | |
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5 blasphemy | |
n.亵渎,渎神 | |
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6 prosecutions | |
起诉( prosecution的名词复数 ); 原告; 实施; 从事 | |
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7 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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8 durable | |
adj.持久的,耐久的 | |
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9 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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10 discordant | |
adj.不调和的 | |
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11 sect | |
n.派别,宗教,学派,派系 | |
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12 strenuously | |
adv.奋发地,费力地 | |
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13 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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14 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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15 banish | |
vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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16 horrid | |
adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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17 calumniator | |
n.中伤者,诽谤者 | |
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18 sycophant | |
n.马屁精 | |
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19 liar | |
n.说谎的人 | |
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20 epicure | |
n.行家,美食家 | |
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21 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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22 exterminate | |
v.扑灭,消灭,根绝 | |
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23 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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24 buckle | |
n.扣子,带扣;v.把...扣住,由于压力而弯曲 | |
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25 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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26 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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27 heresy | |
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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28 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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29 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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30 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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31 brotherhood | |
n.兄弟般的关系,手中情谊 | |
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32 heresies | |
n.异端邪说,异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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33 arraigned | |
v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 );控告;传讯;指责 | |
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34 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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35 persecuting | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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36 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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37 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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38 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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39 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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40 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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41 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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42 appalled | |
v.使惊骇,使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的;丧胆的 | |
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43 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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