It is possible to conceive an order of nature in which all individuals were born and developed exactly alike and with exactly equal powers. Such is apparently1 the case with lower animals, for example the ants and the bees. But among human beings there are great differences; some are born idiots and some are born geniuses. Even supposing that we are able to do away with blindness and idiocy2, it is not likely that we can ever make a race of uniform genius. There will always be some more capable minds, who will discover new powers of life, and will compel the others to learn from them. It is to the interest of the race that this learning should be done as quickly as possible. In other words, the great problem of society is how to recognize superior minds and put them in authority.
We look back over history, and discover a few wise men, and many rulers; but very, very rarely does it happen that the ruler is a wise man, or a friend of wise men. Far more often we find the ruler occupied in suppressing the wise man and his wisdom. There was a ruler who allowed the mob to crucify Jesus, and another who ordered Socrates to drink the hemlock3, and another who tortured Galileo, and another who chopped off the head of Sir Walter Raleigh—and so on through a long and tragic4 chronicle. And even when the accident of a wise ruler occurs he is apt to be surrounded by a class of parasites5 and corrupt6 officials who are busy to thwart7 his will.
The general run of history is this: some group seizes power by force, and holds it by the same means, and seeks to augment8 and perpetuate9 it. Those who win the power are frequently men of energy and practical sense, and do fairly well as governors; but they are never able to hand on their virtues10, and their line becomes corrupted11 by sensuality and self-indulgence, and the subject classes are plundered12 and driven to revolt. Often the revolt fails, but in the course of time it succeeds, and there is a new dynasty, or a new ruling class, sometimes a little better than the old, sometimes worse.
How shall one judge whether the new régime is better or worse? Obviously, this is a most important question; it has to do, not merely with history, but with our daily affairs, our voting. As one who has read some tens of thousands of pages of history, and has pondered its lessons with heart-sickness and despair, I lay down this general law by which revolts and changes of power may be judged: If the change results in the holding of power by a smaller number of people, it is a reaction; but if the change results in distributing the power among a larger group of the community, then that community has made a step in advance.
I have seen a sketch13 of the history of some Central American country—Guatemala, I think—which showed 130 revolutions in less than a hundred years. Some rascal14 gets together a gang, and seizes the government and plunders15 its revenue. When he has plundered too much, some other rascal stirs up the people, and gets together another gang. Such "revolutions" we regard as subjects for comic opera, and for the Richard Harding Davis type of fiction; but we do not consider them as having any relationship to progress. We describe them as "palace" revolutions.
But compare with this the various English revolutions. We write learned histories about them, and describe England as "the Mother of Parliaments." The reason for this is that when there was political discontent in England, the protesting persons proceeded to organize themselves, and to understand their trouble and to remedy it. They had the brain power to do this; they maintained their right to do it, and when by violence or threats of violence they forced the ruling class to give way, they brought about a wider extension of liberty, a wider distribution of power. Tennyson has pictured England as a state "where freedom slowly broadens down from precedent16 to precedent." We today, reading its history, are inclined to put a sarcastic17 emphasis on the word "slowly"; but Tennyson would answer that it is better for a community to move forward slowly than to move forward rapidly and then move backward nearly as far.
We have pointed18 out several times the important fact of biology that change does not necessarily mean progress from any rational or moral point of view. Degeneration is just as real a fact as progress, and it does not at all follow that because things change they are changing for the better. It is worth while to repeat this in discussing human society, for it is just as true of governments and morals as of living species. A nation may pile up wealth, and multiply a hundredfold the machinery19 of wealth production, and only be increasing luxury and wantonness and graft20. A nation may change its governmental forms, its laws and social conventions, and boast noisily of these changes in the name of progress, while as a matter of fact it is following swiftly the road to ruin which all the empires of history have traced. So far as I can discover, there is one test, and only one, by which you can judge, and that is the test already indicated: Is the actual, effective power of the state wielded21 by a larger or a smaller percentage of the population than before the change took place?
You will note the words "actual, effective power." Nothing is more familiar in human life than for forms to survive after the spirit which created them is dead; and nothing is more familiar than the use of these forms as masks to deceive the populace. There have been many times in history when people have gone on voting, long after their votes ceased to count for anything; there have been many times when people have gone through the motions of freedom long after they have been slaves. Mexico under Diaz had one of the most perfect of constitutions, and was in reality one of the most perfect of despotisms; and we Americans are sadly familiar with political democracies which do not work.
Shall we, therefore, join the pessimists22 and say that history is a blind struggle for useless power, and that the notion of progress is a delusion23? I do not think so; on the contrary, I think it is easily to be demonstrated that there has been a steady increase in the amount of knowledge possessed24 by the race, and in the spread of this knowledge among the whole population. I think that through most of the period of written history we can trace a real development in human society. I think we can analyze25 the laws of this development, and explain its methods; and I think this knowledge is precious to us, because it enables us to accelerate the process and to make the end more certain. This task, the analysis of social evolution, is the task we have next to undertake.
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1 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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2 idiocy | |
n.愚蠢 | |
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3 hemlock | |
n.毒胡萝卜,铁杉 | |
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4 tragic | |
adj.悲剧的,悲剧性的,悲惨的 | |
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5 parasites | |
寄生物( parasite的名词复数 ); 靠他人为生的人; 诸虫 | |
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6 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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7 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
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8 augment | |
vt.(使)增大,增加,增长,扩张 | |
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9 perpetuate | |
v.使永存,使永记不忘 | |
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10 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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11 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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12 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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14 rascal | |
n.流氓;不诚实的人 | |
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15 plunders | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的第三人称单数 ) | |
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16 precedent | |
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
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17 sarcastic | |
adj.讥讽的,讽刺的,嘲弄的 | |
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18 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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19 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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20 graft | |
n.移植,嫁接,艰苦工作,贪污;v.移植,嫁接 | |
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21 wielded | |
手持着使用(武器、工具等)( wield的过去式和过去分词 ); 具有; 运用(权力); 施加(影响) | |
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22 pessimists | |
n.悲观主义者( pessimist的名词复数 ) | |
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23 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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24 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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25 analyze | |
vt.分析,解析 (=analyse) | |
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