“He was a headstrong violent nature, of reckless courage, of boundless7 ambition founded on a deep18 religious feeling. At the time of his coronation he was called ‘Another Alexander.’ He loved all kinds of danger, and found a keen pleasure in going out in a tempest in a small boat and in actually running under the guns of his own forts where his commands were stringent8 that any vessel9 coming in shore should be fired on. He was a notable horseman and could steer10 his charger efficiently11 by the pressure of either knee—indeed he was of such muscular vigour12 that he could, by the mere13 stringency14 of the pressure of his knees, make a powerful horse tremble and sweat. He was a great swordsman, and quite fearless. ‘What is fear?’ he used to say. Restless by nature he hardly knew what it was to be tired.”
And yet this young man—warrior15 as he was, had a feminine cast of face; his features were symmetrically formed with just sufficient droop16 in the lower lip to give the characteristic ‘note’ of Austrian physiognomy. His complexion17 was as fine and transparent18 as a girl’s; his eyes were clear and of blue; his hair of reddish gold. His height was medium, his figure fine; he was vigorous and active. He had an air of profound gravity and stern enthusiasm. Altogether he was, even without his Royal state, just such a young man as might stand for the idol19 of a young maid’s dream.
And yet he did not seem much of a lover. When, in 1576, he entered Spain to meet Philip II at Guadaloupe to ask the hand of the Infanta Isabella19 in marriage, he was described as “cold as a wooer as he was ardent20 as a warrior.” His eyes were so set on ambition that mere woman’s beauty did not seem to attract him. Events—even that event, the meeting—fostered his ambition. When he knelt to his host, the elder king kissed him and addressed him as “Your Majesty” the first time the great title had been used to a Portuguese21 king. The effect must have come but little later for at that meeting he kissed the hand of the old warrior, the Duke of Alva, and uncovered to him. His underlying22 pride, however, was shewn at the close of that very meeting, for he claimed equal rights in formality with the Spanish king; and there was a danger that the visit of ceremony might end worse than it began. Neither king would enter the carriage in which they were to proceed together, until the host suggested that as there were two doors they should enter at the same time.
Sebastian’s religious fervour and military ambition became one when he conceived the idea of renewing the Crusades; he would recover the Holy Land from the dominion23 of the Paynim and become himself master of Morocco in the doing of it. With the latter object in his immediate24 view, he made in 1574, against the wise counsels of Queen Catherine, a sortie de reconnaissance of the African coast; but without any result—except the fixing of his resolution to proceed. In 1578 his scheme was complete. He would listen to no20 warning or counsel on the subject even from the Pope, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, or the Duke of Nassau. He seemed to foresee the realization25 of his dreams, and would forego nothing. He gathered an army of some 18,000 men (of which less than 2,000 were horsemen) and about a dozen cannon26. The preparation was made with great splendour—a sort of forerunner27 of the Great Armada. It seemed to be, as in the case of the projected invasion of England ten years later by Spain, a case of “counting the chickens before they were hatched.”
Some indication of the number of adventurers and camp followers28 accompanying the army is given by the fact that the 800 craft ordained29 for the invasion of Morocco carried in all some 24,000 persons, inclusive of the fighting men. The paraphernalia30 and officials of victory comprised amongst many other luxuries: lists for jousts31, a crown ready for the new King of Morocco to put on, and poets with completed poems celebrating victory.
At this time Morocco was entering on the throes of civil war. Muley Abd-el-Mulek, the reigning32 Sultan, was opposed by his nephew, Mohammed, and to aid the latter, who promised to bring in 400 horsemen, was the immediate object of Sebastian. But the fiery33 young King of Portugal had undertaken more than he was able to perform. Abd-el-Mulek opposed his 18,000 Portuguese with 55,000 Moors34, (of whom 36,000 were horsemen)21 and with three times his number of cannon. The young Crusader’s generalship was distinctly defective35; he was a fine fighting man, but a poor commander. Instead of attacking at once on his arrival and so putting the zeal36 of his own troops and the discouragement of the enemy to the best advantage, he wasted nearly a week in hunting parties and ineffectual man?uvring. When finally issue was joined, Abd-el-Mulek, though he was actually dying, surrounded the Portuguese forces and cut them to pieces. Sebastian, though he fought like a lion, and had three horses killed under him, was hopelessly beaten. There was an attendant piece of the grimmest comedy on record. The Sultan died during the battle, but he was a stern old warrior, and as he fell back in his litter he put his finger on his lip to order with his last movement that his death should be kept secret for the time being. The officer beside him closed the curtains and went on with the fight, pretending to take orders from the dead man and to transmit them to the captains.
The fate of Sebastian was sealed in that battle. Whether he lived or died, he disappeared on 5 August, 1578. One story was that after the battle of Alca?er-el-Kebir, his body stripped and showing seven wounds was found in a heap of the slain37; that it was taken to Fez and there buried; but was afterwards removed to Europe and found resting place in the Convent of Belen. Another22 story was that after a brilliant charge on his enemies he was taken in, but having been rescued by Lui de Brito he escaped unpursued. Certainly no one seemed to have seen the King killed, and it was strange that no part of his clothing or accoutrements was ever found. These were of great splendour, beauty and worth, and must have been easily traceable. There was a rumour38 that on the night following the battle some fugitives39, amongst whom was one of commanding distinction, sought refuge at Arzilla.
Alca?er-el-Kebir was known as the “Battle of the three Kings.” All the principals engaged in it perished. Sebastian was killed or disappeared. Abd-el-Mulek died as we have seen, and Mohammed was drowned in trying to cross the river.
The dubiety of Sebastian’s death gave rise in after years to several impostures.
The first began six years after Sebastian’s successor—his uncle, Cardinal41 Henry—was placed on the throne. The impostor was known as the “King of Penamacor.” The son of a potter at Alcobaca, he established himself at Albuquerque, within the Spanish borders, somewhat to the north of Badajos, and there gave himself out as “a survivor42 of the African Campaign.” As usual the public went a little further and said openly that he was the missing Don Sebastian. At first he denied the soft impeachment43, but later on the temptation became too great for him and he accepted it and set up in23 Penamacor, where he became known as the “King of Penamacor.” He was arrested and paraded through Lisbon, bareheaded, as if to let the public see that he in no way resembled the personality of Sebastian. He was sent to the galleys44 for life. But he must have escaped, for later on he appeared in Paris as Silvio Pellico, Duke of Normandy, and was accepted as such in many of the salons45 in the exclusive Faubourg St. Germain.
The second personator of Sebastian was one Matheus Alvares, who having failed to become a monk46, a year later imitated the first impostor, and in 1585 set up a hermitage at Ericeira. He bore some resemblance to the late king in build, and in the strength of this he boldly gave himself out as “King Sebastian” and set out for Lisbon. But he was arrested by the way and entered as a prisoner. He was tried and executed with frightful47 accessories to the execution.
The third artist in this imposture40 appeared in 1594. He was a Spaniard from Madrigal48 in Old Castile—a cook, sixty years old (Sebastian would have been just forty if he had lived). When arrested he was given but short shrift and shared the same ghastly fate as his predecessor49.
The fourth, and last, imposture was more serious. This time the personator began in Venice in 1598, calling himself “Knight50 of the Cross.”
As twenty years had now elapsed since the disappearance51 of Sebastian, he would have changed24 much in appearance, so in one respect the personator had less to contend against. Moreover the scene of endeavour was this time laid in Venice, a place even more widely removed in the sixteenth century from Lisbon by circumstances than by geographical52 position. Again witnesses who could give testimony53 to the individuality of the missing King of twenty years ago were few and far between. But on the other hand the new impostor had new difficulties to contend against. Henry, the Cardinal, had only occupied the Portuguese throne two years, for in 1580 Philip II of Spain had united the two crowns, and had held the dual54 monarchy55 for eighteen years. He was a very different antagonist56 from any one that might be of purely57 Portuguese origin.
In the eyes of many of the people—like all the Latin races naturally superstitious—one circumstance powerfully upheld the impostor’s claim. So long ago as 1587, Don John de Castro had made a seemingly prophetic statement that Sebastian was alive and would manifest himself in due time. His utterance58 was, like most such prophecies of the kind, “conducive to its own fulfilment;” there were many—and some of them powerful—who were willing at the start to back up any initiator of such a claim. In his time Sebastian had been used, so far as it was possible to use a man of his temperament59 and position, by the intriguers of the Catholic Church, and the present occasion lent itself to their still-existent25 aims. Rome was very powerful four centuries ago, and its legions of adherents60 bound in many ties, were scattered61 throughout the known world. Be sure these could and would aid in any movement or intrigue5 which could be useful to the Church.
“The Knight of the Cross”—who insinuated62, though he did not state so, that he was a Royal person was arrested on the showing of the Spanish Ambassador. He was a born liar63, with all the readiness which the carrying out of such an adventure as he had planned requires. Not only was he well posted in known facts, but he seemed to be actually proof against cross-examination. The story he told was that after the battle of Alca?er-el-Kebir he with some others, had sought temporary refuge in Arzilla and in trying to make his way from there to the East Indies, he had got to “Prester John’s” land—the semi-fabled Ethiopia of those days. From thence he had been turned back, and had, after many adventures and much wandering—in the course of which he had been bought and sold a dozen times or more, found his way, alone, to Venice. Amongst other statements he alleged64 that Sebastian’s confessor had already recognised and acknowledged him; but he was doubtless ignorant, when he made the statement, that Padre Mauricio, Don Sebastian’s confessor, fell with his king in 1578. Two things, one, a positive inference and the other negative, told against him. He only26 knew of such matters as had been made public in depositions66, and he did not know Portuguese. The result of his first trial was that he was sent to prison for two years.
But those two years of prison improved his case immensely. In that time he learned the Portuguese language and many facts of history. One of the first to believe—or to allege65 belief, in his story, Fray67 Estevan de Sampayo, a Dominican monk, was in 1599, sent by the Venetian authorities to Portugal to obtain an accredited68 description of the personal marks of King Sebastian. He returned within a year with a list of sixteen personal marks—attested by an Apostolic notary69. Strange to say the prisoner exhibited every one of them—a complete agreement which in itself gave rise to the new suspicion that the list had been made out by, or on behalf of, the prisoner. The proof however was accepted—for the time; and he was released on the 28th of July, 1600—but with the imperative70, humiliating proviso that he was to quit Venice within four and twenty hours under penalty of being sent to the galleys. A number of his supporters, who met him before he went, found that he had in reality no sort of resemblance to Sebastian. Don John de Castro, who was amongst them, said that a great change in Sebastian seemed to have taken place. (He had prophesied71 and adhered to his prophecy.) He now described him as a man of medium height and powerful frame, with hair27 and beard of black or dark brown, and said he had completely lost his beauty. “What has become of my fairness?” the swarthy ex-prisoner used to say. He had eyes of uncertain colour, not large but sparkling; high cheek bones; long nose; thin lips with the “Hapsburg droop” in the lower one. He was short from the waist up. (Sebastian’s doublet would fit no other person.) His right leg and arm were longer than the left, the legs being slightly bowed like Sebastian’s. He had small feet with extraordinarily72 high insteps; and large hands. “In fine,” Don John summed up illogically, “he is the self-same Sebastian—except for such differences as resulted from years and labours.” Some other particulars he added which are in no way helpful to a conclusion.
The Impostor told his friends that he had in 1597, sent a messenger from Constantinople to Portugal—one Marco Tullio Catizzone—who had never returned. Thence he had travelled to Rome—where, when he was just on the eve of being presented to the Holy Father, he was robbed of all he had; thence to Verona and so on to Venice. After his expulsion from Venice he seems to have found his way to Leghorn and Florence, and thence on to Naples, where he was handed over to the jurisdiction73 of the Spanish Viceroy, the Count of Lemos, who had visited him in prison, and who well remembered King Sebastian whom he had seen when in a diplomatic mission. The Viceroy came to the28 conclusion that he bore no likeness74 at all to Sebastian, that he was ignorant of all save the well known historical facts that had been published, and that his speech was of “corrupt Portuguese mingled75 with tell-tale phrases of Calabrian dialect.” Thereupon he took active steps against him. One witness who was produced, recognized in him the real Marco Tullio Catizzone, and Count de Lemos sent for his wife, mother-in-law and brother-in-law, all of whom he had deceived and deserted76. His wife, Donna Paula of Messina, acknowledged him; and he confessed his crime. Condemned77 to the galleys for life, Marco Tullio, out of consideration of a possibility of an error of justice, was so far given indulgence by the authorities that he did not have to wear prison dress or labour at the oar78. Many of his supporters, who still believed in him, tried to mitigate79 his lot and treated him as a companion; so that the hulk at San Lucar, at the mouth of the Guadalquiver became a minor2 centre of intrigue. But still he was not content, and adventuring further, he tried to get money from the wife of Medina-Sidonia then Governor of Andalusia. He was again arrested with some of his associates. Incriminating documents were found on him. He was racked and confessed all. And so in his real name and parentage, Marco Tullio, son of Ippolit Catizzone of Taverna, and of Petronia Cortes his wife, and husband of Paula Gallardetta was executed. He had, though of liberal education, never29 worked at any occupation or calling; but he had previously80 to his great fraud, personated other men—amongst them Don Diego of Arragon. On 23rd of September, 1603, he was dragged on a hurdle81 to the Square of San Lucar; his right hand was cut off and he was hanged. Five of his companions, including two priests, shared his fate.
But in a way he and the previous impostors had a sort of posthumous82 revenge, for Sebastian had now entered into the region of Romantic Belief. He was, like King Arthur, the ideal and the heart of a great myth. He became “The Hidden King” who would some day return to aid his nation in the hour of peril—the destined83 Ruler of the Fifth Monarchy, the founder84 of an universal Empire of Peace.
A hundred years ago, the custom in British theatres was to finish the evening’s performance with a farce85. On this occasion the tragedy had been finished two centuries before the “comic relief” came. The occasion was in the French occupation of Portugal in 1807. The strange belief in the Hidden King broke out afresh. A rigorous censorship of Sebastianist literature was without avail—even though its disseminators were condemned by the still-existing Inquisition. The old prophecy was renewed, with a local and personal application—Napoleon was to be destroyed in the Holy Week of 1808, by the waiting Sebastian, whose approach from his mysterious retreat was to be veiled with a30 thick fog. There were to be new portents86; the sky was to be emblazoned with a cross of the Order of Aviz, and on March 19th a full moon was to occur during the last quarter. All these things were foretold87 in an egg, afterwards sent by Junot to the National Museum. The general attitude of the French people towards the subject was illustrated88 by a remark in an ironical89 manner of one writer: “what can be looked for from a people, one half of whom await the Messiah, the other half Don Sebastian?” The authority on the subject of King Sebastian, M. d’Antas, relates that as late as 1838, after the crushing of a Sebastianist insurrection in Brazil certain still believing Sebastianists were to be seen along the coast peering through the fog for the sails of the mythical90 ship which was to bring to them the Hidden King who was then to reveal himself.
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1
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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3
unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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4
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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5
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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6
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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7
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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8
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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9
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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10
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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11
efficiently
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| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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12
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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13
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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stringency
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| n.严格，紧迫，说服力；严格性；强度 | |
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15
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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droop
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| v.低垂，下垂；凋萎，萎靡 | |
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17
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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18
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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21
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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22
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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23
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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forerunner
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| n.前身，先驱（者），预兆，祖先 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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30
paraphernalia
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| n.装备；随身用品 | |
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31
jousts
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| （骑士）骑着马用长矛打斗( joust的名词复数 )； 格斗，竞争 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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38
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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39
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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40
imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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41
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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42
survivor
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| n.生存者，残存者，幸存者 | |
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43
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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44
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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45
salons
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| n.（营业性质的）店( salon的名词复数 )；厅；沙龙（旧时在上流社会女主人家的例行聚会或聚会场所）；（大宅中的）客厅 | |
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46
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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47
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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48
madrigal
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| n.牧歌；（流行于16和17世纪无乐器伴奏的）合唱歌曲 | |
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49
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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50
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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51
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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52
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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53
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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54
dual
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| adj.双的；二重的，二元的 | |
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55
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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56
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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57
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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58
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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59
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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60
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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61
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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depositions
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| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
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fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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oar
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| n.桨，橹，划手；v.划行 | |
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mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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hurdle
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| n.跳栏，栏架；障碍，困难；vi.进行跨栏赛 | |
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posthumous
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| adj.遗腹的；父亡后出生的；死后的，身后的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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portents
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| n.预兆( portent的名词复数 )；征兆；怪事；奇物 | |
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foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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mythical
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| adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的 | |
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