The authority of his command over the guards, which was but moderate before his time, he extended, by gathering21 into one camp all the Praetorian cohorts then dispersed22 over the city; that thus united, they might all at once receive his orders, and by continually beholding23 their own numbers and strength, conceive confidence in themselves and prove a terror to all other men. He pretended, "that the soldiers, while they lived scattered26, lived loose and debauched; that when gathered into a body, there could, in any hasty emergency, be more reliance upon their succour; and that when encamped, remote from the allurements28 of the town, they would in their discipline be more exact and severe." When the encampment was finished, he began gradually to allure27 the affections of the soldiers, by all the ways of affability, court, and familiarity: it was he too who chose the Centurions29, he who chose the Tribunes. Neither in his pursuits of ambition did the Senate escape him; but by distinguishing his followers31 in it with offices and provinces, he cultivated power and a party there: for, to all this Tiberius was entirely32 resigned; and even so passionate33 for him, that not in conversation only, but in public, in his speeches to the Senate and people, he treated and extolled34 him, as the sharer of his burdens; nay35, allowed his effigies36 to be publicly adored, in the several theatres, in all places of popular convention, and even amongst the Eagles of the legions.
But to his designs were many retardments: the Imperial house was full of Caesars; the Emperor's son a grown man, and his grandsons of age: and because the cutting them off all at once, was dangerous; the treason he meditated37, required a gradation of murders. He however chose the darkest method, and to begin with Drusus; against whom he was transported with a fresh motive38 of rage. For, Drusus impatient of a rival, and in his temper inflammable, had upon some occasional contest, shaken his fist at Sejanus, and, as he prepared to resist, given him a blow on the face. As he therefore cast about for every expedient39 of revenge, the readiest seemed to apply to Livia his wife: she was the sister of Germanicus, and from an uncomely person in her childhood, grew afterwards to excel in loveliness. As his passion for this lady was vehement40, he tempted41 her to adultery, and having fulfilled the first iniquity42 (nor will a woman, who has sacrificed her chastity, stick at any other) he carried her greater lengths, to the views of marriage, a partnership43 in the Empire, and even the murder of her husband. Thus she, the niece of Augustus, the daughter-in-law of Tiberius, the mother of children by Drusus, defiled44 herself, her ancestors, and her posterity45, with a municipal adulterer; and all to exchange an honourable46 condition possessed47, for pursuits flagitious and uncertain. Into a fellowship in the guilt48 was assumed Eudemus, physician to Livia; and, under colour of his profession, frequently with her in private. Sejanus too, to avoid the jealousy49 of the adulteress, discharged from his bed Apicata his wife, her by whom he had three children. But still the mightiness50 of the iniquity terrified them, and thence created caution, delays, and frequently opposite counsels.
During this, in the beginning of the year, Drusus one of the sons of Germanicus, put on the manly51 robe; and upon him the Senate conferred the same honours decreed before to his brother Nero. A speech was added by Tiberius with a large encomium52 upon his son, "that with the tenderness of a father he used the children of his brother." For, Drusus, however rare it be for power and unanimity53 to subsist54 together, was esteemed55 benevolent56, certainly not ill-disposed, towards these youths. Now again was revived by Tiberius the proposal of a progress into the Provinces; a stale proposal, always hollow, but often feigned57. He pretended "the multitude of veterans discharged, and thence the necessity of recruiting the armies; that volunteers were wanting, or if already such there were, they were chiefly the necessitous and vagabonds, and destitute of the like modesty58 and courage." He likewise cursorily59 recounted the number of the legions, and what countries they defended: a detail which I think it behoves me also to repeat; that thence may appear what was then the complement60 of the Roman forces, what kings their confederates, and how much more narrow the limits of the Empire.
Italy was on each side guarded by two fleets; one at Misenum, one at Ravenna; and the coast joining to Gaul, by the galleys61 taken by Augustus at the battle of Actium, and sent powerfully manned to Forojulium. {Footnote: Fréjus.} But the chief strength lay upon the Rhine; they were eight legions, a common guard upon the Germans and the Gauls. The reduction of Spain, lately completed, was maintained by three. Mauritania was possessed by King Juba; a realm which he held as a gift from the Roman People: the rest of Africa by two legions; and Egypt by the like number. Four legions kept in subjection all the mighty63 range of country, extending from the next limits of Syria, as far as the Euphrates, and bordering upon the Iberians, Albanians, and other Principalities, who by our might are protected against Foreign Powers. Thrace was held by Rhoemetalces, and the sons of Cotys; and both banks of the Danube by four legions; two in Pannonia, two in Moesia. In Dalmatia likewise were placed two; who, by the situation of the country, were at hand to support the former, and had not far to march into Italy, were any sudden succours required there: though Rome too had her peculiar64 soldiery; three city cohorts, and nine Praetorian, enlisted65 chiefly out of Etruria and Umbria, or from the ancient Latium and the old Roman colonies. In the several Provinces, besides, were disposed, according to their situation and necessity, the fleets of the several confederates, with their squadrons and battalions66; a number of forces not much different from all the rest: but the particular detail would be uncertain; since, according to the exigency67 of times, they often shifted stations, with numbers sometimes enlarged, sometimes reduced.
It will, I believe, fall in properly here to review also the other parts of the Administration, and by what measures it was hitherto conducted, till with the beginning of this year the Government of Tiberius began to wax worse. First then, all public, and every private business of moment, was determined69 by the Senate: to the great men he allowed liberty of debate: those who in their debates lapsed70 into flattery, he checked: in conferring preferments, he was guided by merit, by ancient nobility, renown71 in war abroad, by civil accomplishments72 at home; insomuch that it was manifest, his choice could not have been better. There remained to the Consuls, there remained to the Praetors the useful marks of their dignities; to inferior magistrates73 the independent exercise of their charges; and the laws, where the power of the Prince was not concerned, were in proper force. The tributes, duties, and all public receipts, were directed by companies of Roman knights74: the management of his own revenue he committed only to those of the most noted75 qualifications; mostly known by himself, and to some known by reputation alone: and when once taken, they were continued, without all restriction76 of term; since most grew old in the same employments. The populace were indeed aggrieved77 by the dearth78 of provisions; but without any fault of the Prince: nay, he spared no possible expense nor pains to remedy the effects of barrenness in the earth, and of wrecks79 at sea. He provided that the Provinces should not be oppressed with new impositions; and that no extortion, or violence should be committed by the magistrates in raising the old: there were no infamous81 corporal punishments, no confiscations of goods.
The Emperor's possessions through Italy, were thin; the behaviour of his slaves modest; the freedmen who managed his house, few; and in his disputes with particulars, the courts were open and the law equal. All which restraints he observed, not, in truth, in the ways of complaisance82 and popularity; but always stern, and for the most part terrible; yet still he retained them, till by the death of Drusus they were abandoned: for, while he lived they continued; because Sejanus, while he was but laying the foundations of his power, studied to recommend himself by good counsels. He then had besides, an avenger83 to dread84, one who disguised not his enmity, but was frequent in his complaints; "that when the son was in his prime, another was called, as coadjutor, to the Government; nay, how little was wanting to his being declared colleague in the Empire? That the first advances to sovereignty are steep and perilous86; but, once you are entered, parties and instruments are ready to espouse87 you. Already a camp for the guards was formed, by the pleasure and authority of the captain: into whose hands the soldiers were delivered: in the theatre of Pompey his statue was beheld88: in his grandchildren would be mixed the blood of the Drusi with that of Sejanus. After all this what remained but to supplicate89 his modesty to rest contented90." Nor was it rarely that he uttered these disgusts, nor to a few; besides, his wife being debauched, all his secrets were betrayed.
Sejanus therefore judging it time to despatch91, chose such a poison as by operating gradually, might preserve the appearances of a casual disease. This was administered to Drusus by Lygdus the eunuch, as, eight years after, was learnt. Now during all the days of his illness, Tiberius disclosed no symptoms of anguish92 (perhaps from ostentation93 of a firmness of spirit) nay, when he had expired, and while he was yet unburied, he entered the Senate; and finding the Consuls placed upon a common seat, as a testimony94 of their grief; he admonished95 them of their dignity and station: and as the Senators burst into tears, he smothered96 his rising sighs, and, by a speech uttered without hesitation97, animated98 them. "He, in truth, was not ignorant," he said, "that he might be censured100, for having thus in the first throbs101 of sorrow, beheld the face of the Senate; when most of those who feel the fresh pangs102 of mourning, can scarce endure the soothings of their kindred, scarce behold24 the day: neither were such to be condemned103 of weakness: but for himself, he had more powerful consolations105; such as arose from embracing the Commonwealth106, and pursuing her welfare." He then lamented107 "the extreme age of his mother, the tender years of his grandsons, his own days in declension;" and desired that, "as the only alleviation108 of the present evils, the children of Germanicus might be introduced." The Consuls therefore went for them, and having with kind words fortified109 their young minds, presented them to the Emperor. He took them by the hand and said, "Conscript Fathers, these infants, bereft110 of their father, I committed to their uncle; and besought111 him that, though he had issue of his own, he would rear and nourish them no otherwise than as the immediate112 offspring of his blood; that he would appropriate them as stays to himself and posterity. Drusus being snatched from us, to you I address the same prayers; and in the presence of the Gods, in the face of your country, I adjure113 you, receive into your protection, take under your tuition the great-grandchildren of Augustus; children, descended114 from ancestors the most glorious in the State: towards them fulfil your own, fulfil my duty. To you, Nero; to you, Drusus, these Senators are in the stead of a father; and such is the situation of your birth, that on the Commonwealth must light all the good and evil which befalls you."
All this was heard with much weeping, and followed with propitious115 prayers and vows116: and had he only gone thus far, and in his speech observed a medium, he had left the souls of his hearers full of sympathy and applause. But, by renewing an old project, always chimerical117 and so often ridiculed118, about "restoring the Republic, reinstating it again in the Consuls, or whoever else would undertake the administration;" he forfeited119 his faith even in assertions which were commendable120 and sincere. To the memory of Drusus were decreed the same solemnities as to that of Germanicus; with many super-added; agreeably to the genius of flattery, which delights in variety and improvements. Most signal was the lustre121 of the funeral in a conspicuous122 procession of images; when at it appeared in a pompous123 train, Aeneas, father of the Julian race; all the kings of Alba, and Romulus founder124 of Rome; next the Sabine nobility, Attus Clausus, and his descendants of the Claudian family.
In relating the death of Drusus, I have followed the greatest part of our historians, and the most faithful: I would not however omit a rumour125 which in those times was so prevailing126 that it is not extinguished in ours; "that Sejanus having by adultery gained Livia to the murder, had likewise engaged by constupration the affections and concurrence127 of Lygdus the eunuch; because Lygdus was, for his youth and loveliness, dear to his master, and one of his chief attendants: that when the time and place of poisoning, were by the conspirators128 concerted; the eunuch carried his boldness so high, as to charge upon Drusus a design of poisoning Tiberius; and secretly warning the Emperor of this, advised him to shun129 the first draught130 offered him in the next entertainment at his son's: that the old man possessed with this fictitious131 treason, after he had sate132 down to table, having received the cup delivered it to Drusus, who ignorantly and gaily133 drank it off: that this heightened the jealousy and apprehensions134 of Tiberius, as if through fear and shame his son had swallowed the same death, which for his father he had contrived135."
These bruitings of the populace, besides that they are supported by no certain author, may be easily refuted. For, who of common prudence136 (much less Tiberius so long practised in great affairs) would to his own son, without hearing him, present the mortal bane; with his own hands too, and cutting off for ever all possibility of retraction137? Why would he not rather have tortured the minister of the poison? Why not inquired into the author of the poison? Why not observed towards his only son, a son hitherto convicted of no iniquity, that slowness and hesitation, which, even in his proceedings139 against strangers, was inherent in him? But as Sejanus was reckoned the framer of every wickedness, therefore, from the excessive fondness of Tiberius towards him, and from the hatred140 of all others towards both, things the most fabulous141 and direful were believed of them; besides that common fame is ever most fraught142 with tales of horror upon the departure of Princes: in truth, the plan and process of the murder were first discovered by Apicata, wife of Sejanus, and laid open upon the rack by Eudemus and Lygdus. Nor has any writer appeared so outrageous144 to charge it upon Tiberius; though in other instances they have sedulously145 collected and inflamed146 every action of his. My own purpose in recounting and censuring147 this rumour, was to blast, by so glaring an example, the credit of groundless tales; and to request of those into whose hands our present undertaking148 shall come, that they would not prefer hearsays, void of credibility and rashly swallowed, to the narrations149 of truth not adulterated with romance.
To proceed; whilst Tiberius was pronouncing in public the panegyric150 of his son, the Senate and People assumed the port and accent of mourners, rather in appearance than cordially; and in their hearts exulted151 to see the house of Germanicus begin to revive. But this dawn of fortune, and the conduct of Agrippina, ill disguising her hopes, quickened the overthrow152 of that house. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus pass unrevenged upon his murderers, and no public lamentation153 following it; undaunted as he was in villainy since his first efforts had succeeded; cast about in himself, how he might destroy the sons of Germanicus, whose succession to the Empire was now unquestionable. They were three; and, from the distinguished155 fidelity156 of their governors, and incorruptible chastity of Agrippina, could not be all circumvented157 by poison. He therefore chose to attack her another way; to raise alarms from the haughtiness158 and contumacy of her spirit; to rouse the old hatred of Livia the elder, and the guilty mind of his late accomplice159, Livia the younger; that to the Emperor they might represent her "as elated with the credit and renown of her fruitfulness; and that confiding160 in it, and in the zeal161 of the populace, she grasped with open arms at the Empire." The young Livia acted in this engagement by crafty162 calumniators; amongst whom she had particularly chosen Julius Posthumus, a man every way qualified163 for her purposes; as he was the adulterer of Mutilia Prisca, and thence a confidant of her grandmother's; (for over the mind of the Empress, Prisca had powerful influence) and by their means the old woman, in her own nature tender and anxious of power, was rendered utterly164 irreconcilable165 to the widow of her grandson. Such too as were nearest the person of Agrippina, were promoted to be continually enraging166 her tempestuous167 heart by perverse168 representations.
This year also brought deputations from the Grecian cities; one from the people of Samos; one from those of Co?s; the former to request that the ancient right of Sanctuary169 in the Temple of Juno might be confirmed; the latter to solicit170 the same confirmation171 for that of Aesculapius. The Samians claimed upon a decree of the Council of Amphictyons, the supreme172 Judicature of Greece, at the time when the Greeks by their cities founded in Asia, possessed the maritime173 coasts. Nor had they of Co?s a weaker title to antiquity174; to which likewise accrued175 the pretensions176 of the place to the friendship of Rome: for they had lodged177 in the Temple of Aesculapius all the Roman citizens there, when by the order of King Mithridates, such were universally butchered throughout all the cities of Asia and the Isles178. And now after many complaints from the Praetors, for the most part ineffectual, the Emperor at last made a representation to the Senate, concerning the licentiousness179 of the players; "that in many instances they raised seditious tumults180, and violated the public peace; and, in many, promoted debauchery in private families: that the Oscan Farce181, formerly182 only the contemptible183 delight of the vulgar, was risen to such a prevailing pitch of credit and enormity, that it required the authority of the Senate to check it." The players therefore were driven out of Italy.
The same year carried off one of the twins of Drusus, and thence afflicted184 the Emperor with fresh woe185; nor with less for the death of a particular friend. It was Lucillius Longus, the inseparable companion of all the traverses of his fortune smiling or sad; and, of all the Senators, the only one who accompanied him in his retirement186 at Rhodes. For this reason, though but a new man, the Senate decreed him a public funeral; and a statue to be placed, at the expense of the Treasury187, in the square of Augustus. For by the Senate, even yet, all affairs were transacted188; insomuch that Lucillius Capito, the Emperor's Comptroller in Asia, was, at the accusation189 of the Province, brought upon his defence before them: the Emperor too upon this occasion protested with great earnestness, "that from him Lucillius had no authority but over his slaves, and in collecting his domestic rents: that if he had usurped190 the jurisdiction191 of Praetor, and employed military force, he had so far violated his orders; they should therefore hear the allegations of the Province." Thus the accused was upon trial condemned. For this just vengeance192, and that inflicted193 the year before on Caius Silanus, the cities of Asia decreed a temple to Tiberius, and his mother, and the Senate; and obtained leave to build it. For this concession194 Nero made a speech of thanks to the Senators and his grandfather; a speech which charmed the affections of his hearers, who, as they were full of the memory of Germanicus, fancied it was him they heard, and him they saw. There was also in the youth himself an engaging modesty, and a gracefulness195 becoming a princely person: ornaments196 which, by the known hatred that threatened him from Sejanus, became still more dear and adored.
I am aware that most of the transactions which I have already related, or shall hereafter relate, may perhaps appear minute, and too trivial to be remembered. But, none must compare these my annals with the writings of those who compiled the story of the ancient Roman People. They had for their subjects mighty wars, potent197 cities sacked, great kings routed and taken captive: or if they sometimes reviewed the domestic affairs of Rome, they there found the mutual198 strife199 and animosities of the Consuls and Tribunes; the agrarian200 and frumentary laws, pushed and opposed; and the lasting201 struggles between the nobles and populace. Large and noble topics these, at home and abroad, and recounted by the old historians with full room and free scope. To me remains202 a straitened task, and void of glory; steady peace, or short intervals203 of war; the proceedings at Rome sad and affecting; and a Prince careless of extending the Empire: nor yet will it be without its profit to look minutely into such transactions, as however small at first view, give rise and motion to great events.
For, all nations and cities are governed either by the populace, by the nobility, or by single rulers. As to the frame of a state chosen and compacted out of all these three, it is easier applauded than accomplished204; or if accomplished, cannot be of long duration. So that, as during the Republic, either when the power of the people prevailed, or when the Senate bore the chief sway; it was necessary to know the genius of the commonalty, and by what measures they were to be humoured and restrained; and such too who were thoroughly205 acquainted with the spirit of the Senate and leading men, came to be esteemed skilful206 in the times, and men of prowess: so now when that establishment is changed, and the present situation such as if one ruled all; it is of advantage to collect and record these later incidents, as matters of public example and instruction; since few can by their own wisdom distinguish between things crooked207 and upright; few between counsels pernicious and profitable; and since most men are taught by the fate of others. But the present detail, however instructive, yet brings scanty208 delight. It is by the descriptions and accounts of nations; by the variety of battles; by the brave fall of illustrious captains, that the soul of the reader is engaged and refreshed. For myself, I can only give a sad display of cruel orders, incessant209 accusations210, faithless friendships, the destruction of innocents, and endless trials, all attended with the same issue, death and condemnation211: an obvious round of repetition and satiety212! Besides that the old historians are rarely censured; nor is any man now concerned whether they chiefly magnify the Roman or Carthaginian armies. But, of many who under Tiberius suffered punishment, or were marked with infamy213, the posterity are still subsisting214; or if the families themselves are extinct, there are others found, who from a similitude of manners, think that, in reciting the evil doings of others, they themselves are charged: nay, even virtue215 and a glorious name create foes217, as they expose in a light too obvious the opposite characters. But I return to my undertaking.
Whilst Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa were Consuls, Cremutius Cordus was arraigned218 for that, "having published annals and in them praised Brutus, he had styled Cassius the last of the Romans:" a new crime, then first created. Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta were his accusers; creatures of Sejanus: a mortal omen68 this to the accused; besides that Tiberius received his defence with a countenance219 settled into cruelty. He began it on this wise, casting away all hopes of life:
"As to facts, I am so guiltless, Conscript Fathers, that my words only are accused: but neither are any words of mine pointed220 against the Emperor, or his mother; who are the only persons comprehended in the law concerning violated majesty221. It is alleged222 that I have praised Brutus and Cassius; men whose lives and actions have been compiled by a cloud of writers, and their memory treated by none but with honour. Titus Livius, an historian eminently223 famous for eloquence225 and veracity226, signalised Pompey with such abundant encomiums, that he was thence by Augustus named Pompeianus; nor did this prejudice their common friendship. Neither Scipio, nor Afranius, nor even this same Cassius, nor this same Brutus, are anywhere mentioned by him as traitors227 and parricides, the common nicknames now bestowed228 on them; but often, as great and memorable229 men. The writings of Asinius Pollio have conveyed down the memory of the same men, under honourable characters. Corvinus Messala gloried to have had Cassius for his general: and yet both Pollio and Corvinus became signally powerful in wealth and honours under Augustus. That book of Cicero's, in which he exalted230 Cato to the skies; what other animadversion did it draw from Caesar the Dictator, than a written reply, in the same style and equality as if before his judges he had made it? The letters of Marc Anthony; the speeches of Brutus, are full of reproaches, and recriminations against Augustus; false in truth, but urged with signal asperity231: the poems of Bibaculus and those of Catullus, stuffed with virulent232 satires233 against the Caesars, are still read. But even the deified Julius, even the deified Augustus, bore all these invectives and disdained234 them; whether with greater moderation or wisdom, I cannot easily say. For, if they are despised, they fade away; if you wax wroth, you seem to avow235 them to be just.
"Instances from the Greeks I bring none: with them not the freedom only, but even the licentiousness of speech, is unpunished: or if any correction is returned, it is only by revenging words with words. It has been ever allowed, without restriction or rebuke236, to pass our judgment237 upon those whom death has withdrawn238 from the influence of affection and hate. Are Cassius and Brutus now in arms? do they at present fill with armed troops the fields of Philippi? or do I fire the Roman People, by inflammatory harangues240, with the spirit of civil rage? Brutus and Cassius, now above seventy years slain241, are still known in their statues, which even the conqueror242 did not abolish: and as these exhibit their persons, why not the historian their characters? Impartial243 posterity to every man repays his proper praise: nor will there be wanting such as, if my death is determined, will not only revive the story of Cassius and Brutus, but even my story." Having thus said he withdrew from the Senate, and ended his life by abstinence. The Fathers condemned the books to be by the Aediles burned; but they still continued concealed244 and dispersed: hence we may justly mock the stupidity of those, who imagine that they can, by present power, extinguish the lights and memory of succeeding times: for, quite otherwise, the punishment of writers exalts245 the credit of the writings: nor did ever foreign kings, or any else, reap other fruit from it, than infamy to themselves, and glory to the sufferers.
To proceed; for this whole year there was such an incessant torrent246 of accusations, that even during the solemnity of the Latin festival, when Drusus for his inauguration247, as Governor of Rome, had ascended248 the Tribunal, he was accosted249 by Calpurnius Salvianus with a charge against Sextus Marius: a proceeding138 openly resented by the Emperor, and thence Salvianus was banished250. The city of Cyzicus was next accused, "of not observing the established worship of the deified Augustus;" with additional crimes, "of violences committed upon some Roman citizens." Thus that city lost her liberties; which by her behaviour during the Mithridatic war, she had purchased; having in it sustained a siege; and as much by her own bravery, as by the aid of Lucullus, repulsed251 the king, But Fonteius Capito, who had as Proconsul governed Asia, was acquitted252, upon proof that the crimes brought against him by Vibius Serenus were forged: and yet the forgery253 drew no penalty upon Serenus: nay, the public hate rendered him the more secure: for, every accuser, the more eager and incessant he was, the more sacred and inviolable he became: the sorry and impotent were surrendered to chastisement254.
About the same time, the furthermost Spain besought the Senate by their ambassadors, "that after the example of Asia, they might erect255 a temple to Tiberius and his mother." Upon this occasion, the Emperor, always resolute256 in contemning257 honours, and now judging it proper to confute those, who exposed him to the popular censure99, of having deviated258 into ambition; spoke259 in this manner: "I know, Conscript Fathers, that it is generally blamed, and ascribed to a defect of firmness in me, that when the cities of Asia petitioned for this very thing, I withstood them not. I shall therefore now unfold at once the motives260 of my silence then, and the rules which for the future I am determined to observe. Since the deified Augustus bad not opposed the founding at Pergamus a temple to himself and the city of Rome; I, with whom all his actions and sayings have the force of laws, followed an example already approved; and followed it the more cheerfully, because to the worship bestowed upon me, that of the Senate was annexed261. But as the indulging of this, in one instance, will find pardon; so a general latitude262 of being adored through every province, under the sacred representations of the Deities263, would denote a vain spirit; a heart swelled264 with ambition. The glory too of Augustus will vanish, if by the promiscuous265 courtship of flattery it comes to be vulgarly prostituted.
"For myself, Conscript Fathers, I am a mortal man; I am confined to the functions of human nature; and if I well supply the principal place amongst you, it suffices me. This I acknowledge to you; and this acknowledgment, I would have posterity to remember. They will do abundant right to my memory, if they believe me to have been worthy266 of my ancestors; watchful267 of the Roman state; unmoved in perils268, and in maintaining the public interest, fearless of private enmities. These are the temples which in your breasts I would raise; these the fairest portraitures, and such as will endure. As to temples and statues of stone, if the idol269 adored in them comes to be hated by posterity, they are despised as his sepulchres. Hence it is I here invoke270 the Gods, that to the end of my life they would grant me a spirit undisturbed, and discerning in duties human and divine: and hence too I here implore271 our citizens and allies, that whenever my dissolution comes, they would with approbation272 and benevolent testimonies273 of remembrance, celebrate my actions and retain the odour of my name." And thenceforward he persevered274 in slighting upon all occasions, and even in private conversation, this divine worship of himself. A conduct which was by some ascribed to modesty; by many to a conscious diffidence; by others to degeneracy of spirit. "Since the most sublime275 amongst men naturally covet276 the most exalted honours: thus Hercules and Bacchus amongst the Greeks, and with us Romulus, were added to the society of the Gods: Augustus too had chosen the nobler part, and hoped for deification: all the other gratifications of Princes were instantly procured278: one only was to be pursued insatiably; the praise and perpetuity of their name. For by contemning fame, the virtues279 that procure277 it, are contemned280."
Now Sejanus, intoxicated281 with excess of fortune, and moreover stimulated282 by the importunity283 of Livia, who, with the restless passion of a woman, craved284 the promised marriage, composed a memorial to the Emperor. For, it was then the custom to apply to him in writing, though he were present. This of Sejanus was thus conceived: "That such had been towards him the benevolence285 of Augustus; such and so numerous, since, the instances of affection from Tiberius, that he was thence accustomed, without applying to the Gods, to carry his hopes and prayers directly to the Emperors: yet of them he had never sought a blaze of honours: watching and toils286 like those of common soldiers, for the safeguard of the Prince, had been his choice and ambition. However what was most glorious for him he had attained287; to be thought worthy of alliance with the Emperor: hence the source of his present hopes: and, since he had heard that Augustus, in the disposal of his daughter, had not been without thoughts even of some of the Roman knights; he begged that if a husband were sought for Livia, Tiberius would remember his friend; one whose ambition aimed no higher than the pure and disinterested288 glory of the affinity289: for that he would never abandon the burden of his present trust; but hold it sufficient to be, by that means, enabled to support his house against the injurious wrath290 of Agrippina; and in this he only consulted the security of his children. For himself; his own life would be abundantly long, whenever finally spent in the ministry291 of such a Prince."
For a present answer, Tiberius praised the loyalty292 of Sejanus; recapitulated293 cursorily the instances of his own favours towards him, and required time, as it were for a thorough deliberation. At last he made this reply: "That all other men were, in their pursuits, guided by the notions of convenience: far different was the lot and situation of Princes, who were in their action to consider chiefly the applause and good liking294 of the public: he therefore did not delude295 Sejanus with an obvious and plausible296 answer; that Livia could herself determine whether, after Drusus, she ought again to marry, or still persist his widow, and that she had a mother and grandmother, nearer relations and more interested to advise. He would deal more candidly297 with him: and first as to the enmity of Agrippina; it would flame out with fresh fury, if by the marriage of Livia, the family of the Caesars were rent as it were into two contending parties: that even as things stood, the emulation298 of these ladies broke into frequent sallies, and, by their animosities, his grandsons were instigated299 different ways. What would be the consequence, if, by such a marriage, the strife were inflamed? For you are deceived, Sejanus, if you think to continue then in the same rank as now; or that Livia, she who was first the wife of the young Caius Caesar, and afterwards the wife of Drusus, will be of a temper to grow old with a husband no higher than a Roman knight: nay, allowing that I suffered you afterwards to remain what you are; do you believe that they who saw her father, they who saw her brother, and the ancestors of our house, covered with the supreme dignities, will ever suffer it? You in truth propose, yourself, to stand still in the same station: but the great magistrates and grandees300 of the state, those very magistrates and grandees who, in spite of yourself, break in upon you, and in all affairs court you as their oracle301, make no secret of maintaining that you have long since exceeded the bounds of the Equestrian302 Order, and far outgone in power all the confidants of my father; and from their hatred to you, they also censure me. But still, Augustus deliberated about giving his daughter to a Roman knight. Where is the wonder, if perplexed303 with a crowd of distracting cares, and apprised304 to what an unbounded height above others he raised whomsoever he dignified305 with such a match, he talked of Proculeius, and some like him; remarkable306 for the retiredness308 of their life, and nowise engaged in the affairs of state? But if we are influenced by the hesitation of Augustus, how much more powerful is the decision; since he bestowed his daughter on Agrippa, and then on me? These are considerations which in friendship I have not withheld309: however, neither your own inclinations310, nor those of Livia, shall be ever thwarted311 by me. The secret and constant purposes of my own heart towards you, and with what further ties of affinity, I am contriving312 to bind313 you still faster to me; I at present forbear to recount. Thus much only I will declare, that there is nothing so high but those abilities, and your singular zeal and fidelity towards me, may justly claim: as when opportunity presents, either in Senate, or in a popular assembly, I shall not fail to testify."
In answer to this, Sejanus no longer soliciting314 the marriage, but filled with higher apprehensions, besought him "to resist the dark suggestions of suspicion; to despise the pratings of the vulgar, nor to admit the hostile breath of envy." And as he was puzzled about the crowds which incessantly315 haunted his house; lest by keeping them off he might impair316 his power; or by encouraging them, furnish a handle for criminal imputations; he came to this result, that he would urge the Emperor out of Rome, to spend his life remote from thence in delightful317 retirements318. From this counsel he foresaw many advantages: upon himself would depend all access to the Emperor; all letters and expresses would, as the soldiers were the carriers, be in great measure under his direction; in a little time, the Prince, now in declining age, and then softened319 by recess320, would more easily transfer upon him the whole charge of the Empire: he should be removed from the multitude of such as to make their court, attended him at Rome; and thence one source of envy would be stopped. So that by discharging the empty phantoms321 of power, he should augment322 the essentials. He therefore began by little and little to rail at the hurry of business at Rome, the throng323 of people, the flock of suitors: he applauded "retirement and quiet; where, while they were separate from irksome fatigues, nor exposed to the discontents and resentments325 of particulars, all affairs of moment were best despatched."
Next were heard ambassadors from the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, about the right that each people claimed to the Temple of Diana Limenetis; which the Lacedaemonians asserted to be theirs, "founded in their territory, and dedicated326 by their ancestors," and offered as proofs the ancient authority of their annals, and the hymns327 of the old poets. "It had been in truth taken from them by the superior force of Philip of Macedon, when at war with him; but restored afterwards by the judicial328 decision of Julius Caesar and Marc Anthony." The Messenians, on the contrary, pleaded, "the ancient partition of Peloponnesus amongst the descendants of Hercules; whence the territory where the temple stood, had fallen to their king; and the monuments of that allotment still remained, engraven in stone and old tables of brass329; but, if the testimony of histories and poets were appealed to; they themselves had the most and the fullest. Nor had Philip, in his decision, acted by power, but from equity330: the same afterwards was the adjudgment of King Antigonus; the same that of the Roman commander Mummius. Thus too the Milesians had awarded, they who were by both sides chosen arbitrators: and thus lastly it had been determined by Atidius Geminus, Praetor of Achaia." The Messenians therefore gained the suit. The citizens also of Segestum applied331 on behalf of "the Temple of Venus on Mount Eryx; which fallen through age, they desired might be restored." They represented the story of its origin and antiquity; a well-pleasing flattery to Tiberius; who frankly332 took upon himself the charge, as kinsman333 to the Goddess. Then was discussed the petition from the citizens of Marseilles; and what they claimed, according to the precedent334 of Publius Rutilius, was approved: for Rutilius, though by a law expelled from Rome, had been by those of Smyrna adopted a citizen: and as Volcatius Moschus, another exile, had found at Marseilles the same privilege and reception, he had to their Republic, as to his country, left his estate.
During the same Consuls, a bloody335 assassination336 was perpetrated in the nethermost337 Spain, by a boor338 in the territory of Termes. By him, Lucius Piso, Governor of the Province, as he travelled careless and unattended, relying on the established peace, was surprised, and despatched at one deadly blow. The assassin however escaped to a forest, by the fleetness of his horse; and there dismissed him: from thence travelling over rocks and pathless places, he baffled his pursuers: but their ignorance of his person was soon removed; for his horse being taken and shown through the neighbouring villages, it was thence learned who was the owner; so that he too was found; but when put to the rack to declare his accomplices339, he proclaimed with a mighty and assured voice, in the language of his country, "that in vain they questioned him; his associates might stand safely by and witness his constancy: and that no force of torture could be so exquisite340 as from him to extort80 a discovery." Next day as he was dragged back to the rack, he burst with a vehement effort from his guard, and dashed his head so desperately341 against a stone, that he instantly expired. Piso is believed to have been assassinated342 by a plot of the Termestinians; as in exacting343 the repayment344 of some money, seized from the public, he acted with more asperity, than a rough people could bear.
In the Consulship345 of Lentulus Getulicus and Caius Calvisius, the triumphal ensigns were decreed to Poppeus Sabinus for having routed some clans346 of Thracians, who living wildly on the high mountains, acted thence with the more outrage143 and contumacy. The ground of their late commotion347, not to mention the savage348 genius of the people, was their scorn and impatience349, to have recruits raised amongst them, and all their stoutest350 men enlisted in our armies; accustomed as they were not even to obey their native kings further than their own humour, nor to aid them with forces but under captains of their own choosing, nor to fight against any enemy but their own borderers. Their discontents too were inflamed by a rumour which then ran current amongst them; that they were to be dispersed into different regions; and exterminated352 from their own, to be mixed with other nations. But before they took arms and began hostilities353, they sent ambassadors to Sabinus, to represent "their past friendship and submission354, and that the same should continue, if they were provoked by no fresh impositions: but, if like a people subdued355 by war, they were doomed357 to bondage358; they had able men and steel, and souls determined upon liberty or death." The ambassadors at the same time pointed to their strongholds founded upon precipices359; and boasted that they had thither360 conveyed their wives and parents; and threatened a war intricate, hazardous361 and bloody.
Sabinus amused them with gentle answers till he could draw together his army; while Pomponius Labeo was advancing with a legion from Moesia, and King Rhoemetalces with a body of Thracians who had not renounced362 their allegiance. With these, and what forces he had of his own, he marched towards the foe216, now settled in the passes of the forest: some more bold presented themselves upon the hills: against the last, the Roman general first bent363 his forces in battle, and without difficulty drove them thence, but with small slaughter364 of the Barbarians365, because of their immediate refuge. Here he straight raised an encampment, and with a stout351 band took possession of a hill, which extended with an even narrow ridge366 to the next fortress367, which was garrisoned368 by a great host of armed men and rabble369: and as the most resolute were, in the way of the nation, rioting without the fortification in dances and songs, he forthwith despatched against them his select archers370. These, while they only poured in volleys of arrows at a distance did thick and extensive execution; but, approaching too near, were by a sudden sally put in disorder371. They were however supported by a cohort of the Sigambrians, purposely posted by Sabinus in readiness against an exigency; a people these, equally terrible in the boisterous and mixed uproar372 of their voices and arms.
He afterwards pitched his camp nearer to the enemy; having in his former entrenchments left the Thracians, whom I have mentioned to have joined us. To them too was permitted "to lay waste, burn, and plunder375; on condition that their ravages376 were confined to the day; and that, at nights, they kept within the camp, secure under guard." This restriction was at first observed; but, anon lapsing377 into luxury, and grown opulent in plunder, they neglected their guards, and resigned themselves to gaiety and banquetting, to the intoxication378 and sloth379 of wine and sleep. The enemy therefore apprised of their negligence380, formed themselves into two bands; one to set upon the plunderers; the other to assault the Roman camp, with no hopes of taking it; but only that the soldiers alarmed with shouts and darts381, and all intent upon their own defence, might not hear the din25 of the other battle: moreover to heighten the terror, it was to be done by night. Those who assailed382 the lines of the legions were easily repulsed: but, the auxiliary383 Thracians were terrified with the sudden encounter, as they were utterly unprepared. Part of them lay along the entrenchments; many were roaming abroad; and both were slain with the keener vengeance, as they were upbraided384 "for fugitives385 and traitors, who bore arms to establish servitude over their country and themselves."
Next day Sabinus drew up his army in view of the enemy, on ground equal to both; to try, if elated with their success by night, they would venture a battle: and, when they still kept within the fortress, or on the cluster of hills, he began to begird them with a siege; and strengthening his old lines and adding new, enclosed a circuit of four miles. Then to deprive them of water and forage386, he straitened his entrenchment373 by degrees, and hemmed387 them in still closer. A bulwark388 was also raised, whence the enemy now within throw, were annoyed with discharges of stones, darts, and fire. But nothing aggrieved them so vehemently389 as thirst, whilst only a single fountain remained amongst a huge multitude of armed men and families: their horses too and cattle, penned up with the people, after the barbarous manner of the country, perished for want of provender390: amongst the carcasses of beasts lay those of men; some dead of thirst, some of their wounds; a noisome391 mixture of misery392 and death; all was foul393 and tainted394 with putrefaction395, stench, and filthy396 contamination. To these distresses397 also accrued another, and of all calamities398 the most consummate399, the calamity400 of discord401: some were disposed to surrender; others proposed present death, and to fall upon one another. There were some too who advised a sally, and to die avenging402 their deaths. Nor were these last mean men, though dissenting403 from the rest.
But there was one of their leaders, his name Dinis, a man stricken in years, who, by long experience, acquainted with the power and clemency404 of the Romans, argued, "that they must lay down their arms, the same being the sole cure for their pressing calamities;" and was the first who submitted, with his wife and children to the conqueror. There followed him all that were weak through sex or age, and such as had a greater passion for life than glory. The young men were parted between Tarsa and Turesis; both determined to fall with liberty: but Tarsa declared earnestly "for instant death; and that by it all hopes and fears were at once to be extinguished;" and setting an example, buried his sword in his breast. Nor were there wanting some who despatched themselves the same way. Turesis and his band stayed for night: of which our General was aware. The guards were therefore strengthened with extraordinary reinforcements: and now with the night, darkness prevailed, its horror heightened by outrageous rain; and the enemy with tumultuous shouts, and by turns with vast silence, alarmed and puzzled the besiegers. Sabinus therefore going round the camp, warned the soldiers, "that they should not be misguided by the deceitful voice of uproar, nor trust to a feigned calm, and thence open an advantage to the enemy, who by these wiles405 sought it; but keep immovably to their several posts; nor throw their darts at random406."
Just then came the Barbarians, pouring in distinct droves: here, with stones, with wooden javelins407 hardened in the fire, and with the broken limbs of trees, they battered408 the palisade: there with hurdles409, faggots and dead bodies, they filled the trench374: by others, bridges and ladders, both before framed, were planted against the battlements; these they violently grappled and tore, and struggled hand to hand with those who opposed them. The Romans, on the other side, beat them back with their bucklers, drove them down with darts, and hurled410 upon them great mural stakes and heaps of stones. On both sides were powerful stimulations: on ours the hopes of victory almost gained, if we persisted; and thence the more glaring infamy, if we recoiled411: on theirs, the last struggle for their life; most of them, too, inspired with the affecting presence of their mothers and wives, and made desperate by their dolorous412 wailings. The night was an advantage to the cowardly and the brave; by it, the former became more resolute; by it, the latter hid their fear: blows were dealt, the striker knew not upon whom; and wounds received, the wounded knew not whence: such was the utter indistinction of friend and foe. To heighten the general jumble413 and blind confusion, the echo from the cavities of the mountain represented to the Romans the shouts of the enemy as behind them: hence in some places they deserted414 their lines, as believing them already broken and entered: and yet such of the enemy, as broke through, were very few. All the rest, their most resolute champions being wounded or slain, were at the returning light driven back to their fort; where they were at length forced to surrender; as did the places circumjacent of their own accord. The remainder could then be neither forced nor famished415; as they were protected by a furious winter, always sudden about Mount Haemus.
At Rome, discord shook the Prince's family: and, to begin the series of destruction, which was to end in Agrippina, Claudia Pulchra her cousin was accused; Domitius Afer the accuser. This man, just out of the Praetorship, in estimation small, but hasty to signalise himself by some notable exploit however heinous416, alleged against her the "crimes of prostitution, of adultery with Furnius, of magical execrations and poison prepared against the life of the Emperor." Agrippina ever vehement, and then in a flame for the peril85 of her kinswoman, flew to Tiberius, and by chance found him sacrificing to the Emperor his father. Having got this handle for upbraiding417 him, she told him "that it ill became the same man to slay418 victims to the deified Augustus and to persecute419 his children: his divine spirit was not transfused420 into dumb statues: the genuine images of Augustus were the living descendants from his celestial421 blood: she herself was one; one sensible of impending422 danger, and now in the mournful state of a supplicant423. In vain were foreign crimes pretended against Pulchra; when the only cause of her concerted overthrow was her affection for Agrippina, foolishly carried even to adoration424; forgetful as she was of the fate of Sosia, a condemned sufferer for the same fault." All these bitter words drew small answer from the dark breast of Tiberius: he rebuked425 her by quoting a Greek verse; "That she was therefore aggrieved, because she did not reign4:" Pulchra and Furnius were condemned. Afer, having thus displayed his genius, and gained a declaration from Tiberius, pronouncing him eloquent426 in his own independent right, was ranked with the most celebrated427 orators428: afterwards in prosecuting429 accusations, or in protecting the accused, he flourished more in the fame of eloquence than in that of uprightness: however, old age eminently sunk the credit and vigour430 of his eloquence; while, with parts decayed, he still retained a passion for haranguing431. {Footnote: Dum fessa mente, retinet silentii inpatientiam.}
Agrippina still fostering her wrath, and seized too with a bodily disorder, received the Emperor, come purposely to see her, with many tears and long silence. At last she accosted him with invidious expostulations and prayers; "that he would relieve her solitude432, and give her a husband. She was still endowed with proper youth; to virtuous433 women there was no consolation104 but that of marriage; and Rome afforded illustrious men who would readily assent434 to entertain the wife of Germanicus, and his children." Tiberius was not ignorant to what mighty power in the state, that demand tended; but, that he might betray no tokens of resentment324 or fear, he left her, though instant with him, without an answer. This passage, not related by the authors of our annals, I found in the commentaries of her daughter Agrippina; her, who was the mother of the Emperor Nero, and has published her own life with the fortunes of her family.
As to Agrippina; still grieving and void of foresight435, she was yet more sensibly dismayed by an artifice8 of Sejanus, who employed such, as under colour of friendship warned her, "that poison was prepared for her, and that she must shun eating at her father-in-law's table." She was a stranger to all dissimulation436: so that as she sat near him at table, she continued stately and unmoved; not a word, not a look escaped her, and she touched no part of the meat. Tiberius observed her, whether accidentally, or that he was before apprised; and, to be convinced by a more powerful experiment, praising the apples that stood before him, presented some with his own hand to his daughter-in-law. This only increased the suspicion of Agrippina; and, without ever putting them to her mouth, she delivered them to the servants. For all this, the reserved Tiberius let not a word drop from him openly; but, turning to his mother; "There was no wonder," he said, "if he had really taken harsh measures with her, who thus charged him as a poisoner." Hence a rumour spread, "that her doom356 was contrived; and that the Emperor not daring to pursue it publicly, chose to have her despatched in secret."
Tiberius, as a means to divert upon other matters the popular talk, attended assiduously the deliberations of the Senate; and there heard for many days the several Ambassadors from Asia, mutually contending, "in what city should be built the temple lately decreed." For this honour eleven cities strove, with equal ambition, though different in power: nor did the pleas urged by all, greatly vary; namely, "the antiquity of their original, and their distinguished zeal for the Roman People, during their several wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings." But the Trallians, the Laodiceans, the Magnesians and those of the Hypaepis, were at once dismissed, as insufficient437 for the charge. Nor, in truth, had they of Ilium, who represented, "that Troy was the mother of Rome," any superior advantage, besides the glory of antiquity. The plea of the Halicarnassians took some short consideration: they asserted, "that for twelve hundred years, no earthquake had shaken their town; and that they would fix in a solid rock the foundations of the temple." The same considerations were urged by the inhabitants of Pergamus; where already was erected438 a temple to Augustus; a distinction which was judged sufficient for them. The cities too of Ephesus and Miletus seemed fully62 employed in the ceremonies of their own distinct deities; the former in those of Diana; the other, in those of Apollo. Thus the dispute was confined to Sardis and Smyrna. The first recited a decree of the Etrurians, which owned them for kinsmen439: "for that Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, having between them divided their people, because of their multitude, Lydus re-settled in his native country; and it became the lot of Tyrrhenus to find out a fresh residence; and by the names of these chiefs the parted people came afterwards to be called, Lydians in Asia, Tyrrhenians in Italy. That the opulence440 of the Lydians spread yet farther, by their colonies sent under Pelops into Greece, which from him afterwards took its name." They likewise urged "the letters of our Generals; their mutual leagues with us during the war of Macedon; their plenty of rivers, temperate441 climate, and the fertility of the circumjacent country."
The Smyrnaeans having likewise recounted their ancient establishment, "whether Tantalus, the son of Jupiter; or Theseus, the son also of a God; or one of the old Amazons, were their founder;" proceeded to considerations in which they chiefly trusted; their friendly offices to the Roman People, having aided them with a naval442 force, not in their foreign wars only, but in those which infested443 Italy. "It was they who first reared a temple to the City of Rome, in the Consulship of Marcus Porcius; then, in truth, when the power of the Roman People was already mighty, but however not yet raised to its highest glory; for the city of Carthage still stood, and potent kings governed Asia. Witness too their generosity444 to Sylla, when the condition of his army ready to famish in a cruel winter and a scarcity445 of clothes, being related to the citizens of Smyrna then assembled; all that were present divested446 themselves of their raiments, and sent them to our legions." Thus when the votes of the Senators were gathered, the pretensions of Smyrna were preferred. It was also moved by Vibius Marsus, that Lentulus, to whom had fallen the province of Asia, should be attended by a Legate extraordinary, to supervise the building of the temple; and as Lentulus himself through modesty declined to choose one, several who had been Praetors were drawn239 by lot, and the lot fell upon Valerius Naso.
In the meantime, according to a purpose long meditated, and from time to time deferred447, Tiberius at last retired307 to Campania; in profession, to dedicate a temple to Jupiter at Capua, and one at Nola to Augustus; but in truth determined to remove, for ever, from Rome. The cause of his departure, I have before referred to the stratagems of Sejanus; but though in it I have followed most of our authors; yet, since after the execution of Sejanus, he persisted for six years in the like dark recess; I am rather influenced by a stronger probability, that the ground of his absence is more justly to be ascribed to his own spirit, while he strove to hide in the shades of solitude, what in deeds he proclaimed, the rage of his cruelty and lust. There were those who believed that, in his old age, he was ashamed of the figure of his person; for he was very lean, long and stooping, his head bald, his face ulcerous448, and for the most besmeared with salves: he was moreover wont449, during his recess at Rhodes, to avoid the public, and cover his debauches in secrecy450. It is also related that he was driven from Rome by the restless aspiring451 of his mother, whom he scorned to admit a partner in the sovereignty; nor yet could entirely seclude452, since as her gift he had received the sovereignty itself. For, Augustus had deliberated about setting Germanicus at the head of the Roman state; his sister's grandson, and one adored by all men: but subdued by the solicitations of his wife, he adopted Tiberius; and caused Tiberius to adopt Germanicus. With this grandeur453 of her own procuring454, Livia upbraided her son; and even reclaimed455 it.
His going was narrowly accompanied; by one Senator, Cocceius Nerva, formerly Consul1, and accomplished in the knowledge of the laws; and, besides Sejanus, by one dignified Roman knight, Curtius Atticus. The rest were men of letters, chiefly Greeks; whose conversation pleased and amused him. The skilled in astrology declared, "that he had left Rome in such a conjunction of the planets, as for ever to exclude his return." Hence a source of destruction to many, who conjectured456 his end to be at hand, and published their conjectures457: for, it was an event too incredible to be foreseen, that for eleven years he should of choice be withdrawn from his country. The sequel discovered the short bounds between the art and the falsehood of the art, and what obscurities perplex even the facts it happens to foretell458. That he should never return to Rome, proved not to be falsely said: as to everything else about him they were perfectly459 in the dark; since he still lived, never far distant, sometimes in the adjacent champain, sometimes on the neighbouring shore, often under the very walls of the city; and died at last in the fulness and extremity460 of age.
There happened to Tiberius, about that time, an accident, which, as it threatened his life, fired the empty prognostics at Rome; but to himself proved matter of more confidence in the friendship and faith of Sejanus. They were eating in a cave at a villa154, thence called Spelunca, between the Amyclean Sea and the mountains of Fondi: it was a native cave, and its mouth fell suddenly in, and buried under it some of the attendants: hence dread seized all, and they who were celebrating the entertainment fled: as to Sejanus; he covered the Emperor's body with his own, and stooping upon his knees and hands, exposed himself to the descending461 ruin; such was the posture462 he was found in by the soldiers, who came to their relief. He grew mightier463 from thence; and being now considered by Tiberius as one regardless of himself, all his counsels, however bloody and destructive, were listened to with blind credulity: so that he assumed the office of a judge against the offspring of Germanicus, and suborned such as were to act the parts of accusers, and especially to pursue and blacken Nero, the next in succession; a young Prince modest indeed, but forgetful of that restraint and circumspection464 which his present situation required. He was misguided by his freedmen and the retainers to his house; who eager to be masters of power, animated him with intemperate465 counsels; "that he would show a spirit resolute and assured; it was what the Roman People wished, what the armies longed for: nor would Sejanus dare then to resist; though he now equally insulted the tameness of an old man and the sloth of a young one."
While he listened to these and the like suggestions, there escaped him, no expressions, in truth, of any criminal purpose; but sometimes such as were resentful and unguarded: these were catched up by the spies placed upon him, and charged against him with aggravations; neither was he allowed the privilege of clearing himself. Several threatening appearances moreover dismayed him: some avoided to meet him; others having just paid him the salute466, turned instantly away: many, in the midst of conversation, broke off and left him; while the creatures of Sejanus stood still fearlessly by and sneered467 upon him. For Tiberius; he always entertained him with a stern face, or a hollow smile; and whether the youth spoke or said nothing, there were crimes in his words, crimes in his silence: nor was he safe even at the dead of night; since his uneasiness and watchings, nay, his very sighs and dreams were, by his wife, divulged468 to her mother Livia, and by Livia to Sejanus; who had also drawn his brother Drusus into the combination, by tempting469 him with the immediate prospect470 of Empire, if his elder brother, already sinking, were once set effectually aside. The genius of Druses naturally furious, instigated besides by a passion for power, and by the usual hate and competition between brothers, was further kindled471 by the partiality of Agrippina, who was fonder of Nero. However, Sejanus did not so far favour Drusus, but that against him too he was even then ripening472 the studied measures of future destruction; as he knew him to be violent, and thence more obnoxious473 to snares474.
In the end of the year departed these eminent224 persons; Asinius Agrippa, of ancestors more illustrious than ancient, and in his own character not unworthy of them: and Quintus Haterius, of a Senatorian family, and himself, while he yet lived, famous for eloquence: but the monuments of his genius, since published, are not equally esteemed. In truth, he prevailed more by rapidity than accuracy: insomuch that, as the elaborate compositions of others flourish after them; so that enchanting475 melody of voice in Haterius, with that fluency476 of words which was personal to him, died with him.
In the Consulship of Marcus Licinius and Lucius Calpurnius, the casualty of an instant, its beginning unforeseen, and ended as soon as begun, equalled in calamity the slaughter and overthrow of mighty armies. One Atilius had undertaken to erect an amphitheatre at Fidena, {Footnote: Castel Giubileo, near Rome.} there to exhibit a combat of gladiators: he was of the race of freedmen, and as he began it from no exuberance477 of wealth, nor to court popularity amongst the inhabitants, but purely478 for the meanness of gain, he neither established solid foundations, nor raised the timber-work with sufficient compactness. Thither thronged479 from Rome those of every sex and age, eager for such shows; as during the reign of Tiberius they were debarred from diversions at home; and, the nearer the place, the greater the crowds: hence the calamity was the more dreadful; for, as the theatre was surcharged with the multitude, the structure burst, and sinking violently in, while its extremities480 rushed impetuously out, huge was the press of people, who intent upon the gladiators within, or gathered round the walls, were crushed by the deadly ruin, and even buried under it. And verily, they who in the first fury of the havoc481 were smitten482 with final death, escaped as far as in such a doleful disaster they could escape, the misery of torture: much more to be lamented were those, who bereft of joints483 and pieces of their body, were yet not forsaken484 of life; those who by day could with their eyes behold their wives and children imprisoned485 in the same ruins; and by night could distinguish them by their groans486, and howlings.
Now others from abroad excited by the sad tidings, found here their several sorrows: one bewailed his brother, one his kinsman, another his parents: even they whose friends or kindred were absent on a different account, were yet terrified: for, as it was not hitherto distinctly known upon whom the destruction had lighted, the dread was widened by uncertainty487. When the ruins began to be removed, great about the dead was the concourse of the living; frequent the kisses and embraces of tenderness and sorrow: and even frequent the contention488 about the propriety489 of the dead; where the features distorted by death or bruises490, or where parity491 of age or resemblance of person, had confounded the slain, and led into mistakes their several claimers. Fifty thousand souls were destroyed or maimed by this sad stroke: it was therefore for the future provided by a decree of Senate, "that no man under the qualification of four hundred thousand sesterces, {Footnote: ￡3,300.} should exhibit the spectacle of gladiators; and no amphitheatre should be founded but upon ground manifestly solid." Atilius was punished with exile. To conclude; during the fresh pangs of this calamity, the doors of the Grandees were thrown open; medicines were everywhere furnished; they who administered medicines, were everywhere employed to attend: and at that juncture492 the city though sorrowful of aspect, seemed to have recalled the public spirit of the ancient Romans; who, after great battles, constantly relieved the wounded, sustained them by liberality, and restored them with care.
The public agonies from this terrible blow, were not yet deadened, when another supervened; and the city felt the affliction and violence of fire, which with uncommon493 rage utterly consumed Mount Caelius. "It was a deadly and mournful year," they said, "and under boding494 omens495 the Prince had formed the design of his absence." It is the way this of the multitude; who to malignant496 counsels are wont to ascribe events altogether fortuitous. But the Emperor dissipated their murmurs497, by bestowing498 on each sufferer money to the value of his sufferings: hence he had the thanks of men of rank, in the Senate; and was by the populace rewarded with applauses, "for that without the views of ambition, without the application of friends, he had of his own accord even sought out the unknown, and by his bounty499 relieved them." It was likewise moved and decreed in Senate, "that Mount Caelius should be for the future styled Mount Augustus, since there the statue of Tiberius, standing500 in the house of Junius the Senator, escaped unhurt in the flames, though devouring501 all round them:" it was remembered, that the same rare exemption502 had formerly happened to Claudia Pulchra; that her statue being twice spared by the fury of fire, had thence been placed and consecrated503 by our ancestors in the Temple of the Mother of the Gods. Thus sacred were the Claudian race, and dear to the deities; and therefore the place, where the Gods had testified such mighty honour towards the Prince, ought to be dignified with consecration504.
It will not be impertinent to insert here, that this mount was of old named Querquetulanus, from a grove505 of oak which grew thick upon it. It was afterwards called Mount Caelius, from Caeles Vibenna, who having led to Rome a body of Tuscan auxiliaries506, was presented with that settlement by Tarquinius Priscus, or some other of our kings; for in this particular, writers differ: about other circumstances there remains no dispute; that these forces were very numerous, and extended their dwellings507 all along the plain below, as far as the Forum508. Hence the Tuscan Street, so called after these strangers.
Tiberius, having dedicated the temples in Campania; though he had by an edict warned the public, "that none should interrupt his quiet;" and though soldiers were posted to keep off all confluence509 from the neighbouring towns; nevertheless, hating the towns themselves, and the colonies, and every part in the continent, imprisoned himself in Capreae, {Footnote: Capri.} an island disjoined from the point of the Cape30 of Surrentum by a channel of three miles. I should chiefly believe that he was taken with its solitude, as the sea above it is void of havens510, as the stations for the smallest vessels511 are few and difficult, and as none could put in unperceived by the Guards. The genius of the climate is mild in winter, from the shelter of a mountain which intercepts512 the rigour of the winds: its summers are refreshed by gales513 from the west; and the sea open all round it, makes a delightful view: from thence too was beheld a most lovely landscape, before the eruptions514 of Mount Vesuvius had changed the face of the prospect. It is the tradition of fame that the Greeks occupied the opposite region, and that Capreae was particularly inhabited by the Teleboi. However it were, Tiberius then confined his retirement to twelve villas515, their names famous of old and their structure sumptuous516. And the more intent he had formerly been upon public cares, he became now so much the more buried in dark debauches, and resigned over to mischievous517 privacy: for, there remained still in him his old bent to suspicions, and rash faith in informers; qualities which even at Rome Sejanus had always fostered, and here inflamed more vigorously; his devices against Agrippina and Nero being no longer a secret. About them guards were placed, by whom every petty circumstance, the messages they sent or received, their visits and company, their open behaviour, their private conversation, were all as it were minuted into journals: there were others, too, instructed to warn them to fly to the armies in Germany; or that embracing the statue of the deified Augustus in the great Forum, they would there implore the aid and protection of the Senate and People of Rome. And these counsels, though rejected by them, were fathered and charged upon them, as just ripe for execution.
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1
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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artifices
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| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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stratagems
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| n.诡计，计谋( stratagem的名词复数 )；花招 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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sedulous
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| adj.勤勉的，努力的 | |
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dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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fawning
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| adj.乞怜的，奉承的v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的现在分词 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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allure
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| n.诱惑力，魅力；vt.诱惑，引诱，吸引 | |
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allurements
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| n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 )；吸引；诱惑物；有诱惑力的事物 | |
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centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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42
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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mightiness
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| n.强大 | |
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51
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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encomium
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| n.赞颂；颂词 | |
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unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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cursorily
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| adv.粗糙地，疏忽地，马虎地 | |
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complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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lapsed
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| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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wrecks
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| n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 )；（事故中）遭严重毁坏的汽车（或飞机等）；（身体或精神上）受到严重损伤的人；状况非常糟糕的车辆（或建筑物等）v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 )；使（船舶）失事，使遇难，使下沉 | |
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extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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complaisance
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| n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺 | |
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avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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89
supplicate
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| v.恳求；adv.祈求地，哀求地，恳求地 | |
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90
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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91
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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92
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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93
ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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94
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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95
admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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96
smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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97
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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98
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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99
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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100
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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101
throbs
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| 体内的跳动( throb的名词复数 ) | |
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102
pangs
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| 突然的剧痛( pang的名词复数 )； 悲痛 | |
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103
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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104
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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105
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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106
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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107
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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109
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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110
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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111
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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112
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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113
adjure
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| v.郑重敦促(恳请) | |
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114
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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115
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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116
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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117
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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118
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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121
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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122
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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123
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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124
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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125
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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126
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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127
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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128
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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129
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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130
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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131
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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132
sate
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| v.使充分满足 | |
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133
gaily
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| adv.欢乐地，高兴地 | |
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134
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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135
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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136
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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137
retraction
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| n.撤消；收回 | |
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138
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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139
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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140
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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141
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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142
fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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143
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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144
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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145
sedulously
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| ad.孜孜不倦地 | |
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146
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
censuring
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的现在分词 ) | |
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148
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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149
narrations
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| 叙述事情的经过，故事( narration的名词复数 ) | |
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150
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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151
exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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153
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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154
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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155
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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156
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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157
circumvented
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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158
haughtiness
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| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
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159
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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160
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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161
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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162
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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163
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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164
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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165
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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166
enraging
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| 使暴怒( enrage的现在分词 ) | |
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167
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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168
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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169
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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170
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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171
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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172
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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173
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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174
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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175
accrued
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| adj.权责已发生的v.增加( accrue的过去式和过去分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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176
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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177
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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178
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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179
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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180
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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181
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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182
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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183
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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184
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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186
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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187
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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188
transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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189
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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190
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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191
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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192
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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193
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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195
gracefulness
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196
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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197
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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198
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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199
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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200
agrarian
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| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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201
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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202
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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203
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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204
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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205
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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206
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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207
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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208
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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209
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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210
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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211
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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212
satiety
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| n.饱和；(市场的)充分供应 | |
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213
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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214
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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215
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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216
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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217
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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218
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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219
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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220
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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221
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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222
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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223
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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224
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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225
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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226
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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227
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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228
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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229
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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230
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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231
asperity
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| n.粗鲁，艰苦 | |
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232
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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233
satires
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| 讽刺，讥讽( satire的名词复数 )； 讽刺作品 | |
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234
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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235
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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236
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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237
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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238
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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239
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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240
harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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241
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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242
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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243
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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244
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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245
exalts
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| 赞扬( exalt的第三人称单数 )； 歌颂； 提升； 提拔 | |
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246
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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247
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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248
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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249
accosted
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|
| v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的过去式和过去分词 )；跟…搭讪；（乞丐等）上前向…乞讨；（妓女等）勾搭 | |
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250
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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251
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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252
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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253
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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254
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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255
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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256
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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257
contemning
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| v.侮辱，蔑视( contemn的现在分词 ) | |
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258
deviated
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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259
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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260
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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261
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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262
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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263
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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264
swelled
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|
| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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265
promiscuous
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|
| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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266
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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267
watchful
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|
| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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268
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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269
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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270
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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271
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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272
approbation
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|
| n.称赞；认可 | |
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273
testimonies
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|
| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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274
persevered
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|
| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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275
sublime
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|
| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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276
covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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277
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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278
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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279
virtues
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|
| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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280
contemned
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|
| v.侮辱，蔑视( contemn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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281
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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282
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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283
importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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284
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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285
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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286
toils
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| 网 | |
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287
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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288
disinterested
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|
| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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289
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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290
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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291
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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292
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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293
recapitulated
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|
| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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294
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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295
delude
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| vt.欺骗；哄骗 | |
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296
plausible
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|
| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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297
candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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298
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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299
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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300
grandees
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| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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301
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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302
equestrian
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|
| adj.骑马的；n.马术 | |
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303
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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304
apprised
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|
| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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305
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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306
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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307
retired
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|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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308
retiredness
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| n.退休；退隐；引退；离群索居 | |
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309
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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310
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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311
thwarted
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|
| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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312
contriving
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|
| （不顾困难地）促成某事( contrive的现在分词 )； 巧妙地策划，精巧地制造（如机器）； 设法做到 | |
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313
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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314
soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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315
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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316
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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317
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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318
retirements
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| 退休( retirement的名词复数 )； 退职； 退役； 退休的实例 | |
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319
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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320
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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321
phantoms
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| n.鬼怪，幽灵( phantom的名词复数 ) | |
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322
augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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323
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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324
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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325
resentments
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| （因受虐待而）愤恨，不满，怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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326
dedicated
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|
| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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327
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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328
judicial
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|
| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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329
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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330
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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331
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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332
frankly
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|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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333
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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334
precedent
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|
| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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335
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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336
assassination
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|
| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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337
nethermost
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| adj.最下面的 | |
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338
boor
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|
| n.举止粗野的人；乡下佬 | |
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339
accomplices
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|
| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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340
exquisite
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|
| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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341
desperately
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|
| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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342
assassinated
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|
| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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343
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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344
repayment
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| n.偿还，偿还款；报酬 | |
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345
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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346
clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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347
commotion
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|
| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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348
savage
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|
| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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349
impatience
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|
| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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350
stoutest
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|
| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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352
exterminated
|
|
| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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353
hostilities
|
|
| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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354
submission
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|
| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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355
subdued
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|
| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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356
doom
|
|
| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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357
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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358
bondage
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|
| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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359
precipices
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|
| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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360
thither
|
|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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361
hazardous
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|
| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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362
renounced
|
|
| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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363
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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364
slaughter
|
|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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365
barbarians
|
|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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366
ridge
|
|
| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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367
fortress
|
|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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368
garrisoned
|
|
| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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369
rabble
|
|
| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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370
archers
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|
| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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371
disorder
|
|
| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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372
uproar
|
|
| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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373
entrenchment
|
|
| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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374
trench
|
|
| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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375
plunder
|
|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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376
ravages
|
|
| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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377
lapsing
|
|
| v.退步( lapse的现在分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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378
intoxication
|
|
| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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379
sloth
|
|
| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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380
negligence
|
|
| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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381
darts
|
|
| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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382
assailed
|
|
| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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383
auxiliary
|
|
| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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384
upbraided
|
|
| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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385
fugitives
|
|
| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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386
forage
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|
| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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387
hemmed
|
|
| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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388
bulwark
|
|
| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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389
vehemently
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|
| adv. 热烈地 | |
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390
provender
|
|
| n.刍草；秣料 | |
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391
noisome
|
|
| adj.有害的，可厌的 | |
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392
misery
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|
| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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393
foul
|
|
| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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394
tainted
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|
| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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395
putrefaction
|
|
| n.腐坏，腐败 | |
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396
filthy
|
|
| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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397
distresses
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|
| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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398
calamities
|
|
| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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399
consummate
|
|
| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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400
calamity
|
|
| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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401
discord
|
|
| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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402
avenging
|
|
| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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403
dissenting
|
|
| adj.不同意的 | |
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404
clemency
|
|
| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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405
wiles
|
|
| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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406
random
|
|
| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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407
javelins
|
|
| n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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408
battered
|
|
| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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409
hurdles
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|
| n.障碍( hurdle的名词复数 )；跳栏；（供人或马跳跃的）栏架；跨栏赛 | |
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410
hurled
|
|
| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
参考例句： |
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411
recoiled
|
|
| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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412
dolorous
|
|
| adj.悲伤的；忧愁的 | |
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413
jumble
|
|
| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
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414
deserted
|
|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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415
famished
|
|
| adj.饥饿的 | |
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416
heinous
|
|
| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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417
upbraiding
|
|
| adj.& n.谴责（的）v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的现在分词 ) | |
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418
slay
|
|
| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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419
persecute
|
|
| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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420
transfused
|
|
| v.输（血或别的液体）( transfuse的过去式和过去分词 )；渗透；使…被灌输或传达 | |
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421
celestial
|
|
| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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422
impending
|
|
| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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423
supplicant
|
|
| adj.恳求的n.恳求者 | |
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424
adoration
|
|
| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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425
rebuked
|
|
| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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426
eloquent
|
|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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427
celebrated
|
|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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428
orators
|
|
| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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429
prosecuting
|
|
| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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430
vigour
|
|
| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
参考例句： |
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431
haranguing
|
|
| v.高谈阔论( harangue的现在分词 ) | |
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432
solitude
|
|
| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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433
virtuous
|
|
| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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434
assent
|
|
| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
参考例句： |
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435
foresight
|
|
| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
参考例句： |
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436
dissimulation
|
|
| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
参考例句： |
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437
insufficient
|
|
| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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438
ERECTED
|
|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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439
kinsmen
|
|
| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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440
opulence
|
|
| n.财富，富裕 | |
参考例句： |
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441
temperate
|
|
| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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442
naval
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|
| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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443
infested
|
|
| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
参考例句： |
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444
generosity
|
|
| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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445
scarcity
|
|
| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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446
divested
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|
| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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447
deferred
|
|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
参考例句： |
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448
ulcerous
|
|
| adj.溃疡性的，患溃疡的 | |
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449
wont
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|
| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
参考例句： |
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450
secrecy
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|
| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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451
aspiring
|
|
| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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452
seclude
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|
| vi.使隔离，使孤立，使隐退 | |
参考例句： |
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453
grandeur
|
|
| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
参考例句： |
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454
procuring
|
|
| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
参考例句： |
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455
reclaimed
|
|
| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
参考例句： |
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456
conjectured
|
|
| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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457
conjectures
|
|
| 推测，猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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458
foretell
|
|
| v.预言，预告，预示 | |
参考例句： |
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459
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
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460
extremity
|
|
| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
参考例句： |
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461
descending
|
|
| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
参考例句： |
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462
posture
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|
| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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463
mightier
|
|
| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
参考例句： |
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464
circumspection
|
|
| n.细心，慎重 | |
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465
intemperate
|
|
| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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466
salute
|
|
| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
参考例句： |
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467
sneered
|
|
| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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468
divulged
|
|
| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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469
tempting
|
|
| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
参考例句： |
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470
prospect
|
|
| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
参考例句： |
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471
kindled
|
|
| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
参考例句： |
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472
ripening
|
|
| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的现在分词 )；熟化；熟成 | |
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473
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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474
snares
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| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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475
enchanting
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| a.讨人喜欢的 | |
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476
fluency
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| n.流畅，雄辩，善辩 | |
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477
exuberance
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| n.丰富；繁荣 | |
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478
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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479
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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480
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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481
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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482
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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483
joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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484
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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485
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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486
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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487
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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488
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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489
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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490
bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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491
parity
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| n.平价，等价，比价，对等 | |
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492
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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493
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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494
boding
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| adj.凶兆的，先兆的n.凶兆，前兆，预感v.预示，预告，预言( bode的现在分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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495
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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496
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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497
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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498
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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499
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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500
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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501
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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502
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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503
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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504
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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505
grove
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| n.林子，小树林，园林 | |
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506
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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507
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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508
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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509
confluence
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| n.汇合，聚集 | |
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510
havens
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| n.港口，安全地方( haven的名词复数 )v.港口，安全地方( haven的第三人称单数 ) | |
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511
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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512
intercepts
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| （数学）截距( intercept的名词复数 ) | |
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513
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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514
eruptions
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| n.喷发，爆发( eruption的名词复数 ) | |
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515
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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516
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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517
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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