Tiberius had despatched two Praetorian cohorts, with directions, that the magistrates16 of Calabria, Apulia and Campania, should pay their last offices to the memory of his son: upon the shoulders therefore of the Tribunes and Centurions17 his ashes were borne; before went the ensigns rough and unadorned, with the fasces reversed. As they passed through the colonies, the populace were in black, the knights19 in purple; and each place, according to its wealth, burnt precious raiment, perfumes and whatever else is used in funeral solemnities: even they whose cities lay remote attended: to the Gods of the dead they slew20 victims, they erected22 altars, and with tears and united lamentations, testified their common sorrow. Drusus came as far as Terracina, with Claudius the brother of Germanicus, and those of his children who had been left at Rome. The Consuls23 Marcus Valerius and Marcus Aurelius (just then entered upon their office), the Senate, and great part of the people, filled the road; a scattered24 procession, each walking and weeping his own way: in this mourning, flattery had no share; for all knew how real was the joy, how hollow the grief, of Tiberius for the death of Germanicus.
Tiberius and Livia avoided appearing abroad: public lamentation14 they thought below their grandeur25; or perhaps they apprehended26 that their countenances27, examined by all eyes, might show deceitful hearts. That Antonia, mother to the deceased, bore any part in the funeral, I do not find either in the historians or in the city journals: though, besides Agrippina, and Drusus, and Claudius, his other relations are likewise there recorded by name: whether by sickness she was prevented; or whether her soul vanquished30 by sorrow, could not bear the representation of such a mighty31 calamity32. I would rather believe her constrained33 by Tiberius and Livia, who left not the palace; and affecting equal affliction with her, would have it seem that, by the example of the mother, the grandmother too and uncle were detained.
The day his remains34 were reposited in the tomb of Augustus, various were the symptoms of public grief; now the vastness of silence; now the uproar35 of lamentation; the city in every quarter full of processions; the field of Mars on a blaze of torches: here the soldiers under arms, the magistrates without the insignia, the people by their tribes, all cried in concert that "the Commonwealth36 was fallen, and henceforth there was no remain of hope;" so openly and boldly that you would have believed they had forgot, who bore sway. But nothing pierced Tiberius more than the ardent37 affections of the people towards Agrippina, while such titles they gave her as "the ornament38 of her country, the only blood of Augustus, the single instance of ancient virtue39;" and, while applying to heaven, they implored41 "the continuance of her issue, that they might survive the persecuting42 and malignant43."
There were those who missed the pomp of a public funeral, and compared with this the superior honours and magnificence bestowed44 by Augustus on that of Drusus the father of Germanicus; "that he himself had travelled, in the sharpness of winter, as far as Pavia, and thence, continuing by the corpse45, had with it entered the city; round his head were placed the images of the Claudii and Julii; he was mourned in the Forum46; his encomium47 pronounced in the Rostras; all sorts of honours, such as were the inventions of our ancestors, or the improvements of their posterity48, were heaped upon him. But to Germanicus were denied the ordinary solemnities, and such as were due to every distinguished49 Roman. In a foreign country indeed, his corpse because of the long journey, was burnt without pomp; but afterwards, it was but just to have supplied the scantiness50 of the first ceremony by the solemnity of the last: his brother met him but one day's journey; his uncle not even at the gate. Where were those generous observations of the ancients; the effigies51 of the dead borne on a bed, hymns52 composed in memory of their virtue, with the oblations of praise and tears? Where at least were the ceremonies and even outside of sorrow?"
All this was known to Tiberius; and, to suppress the discourses53 of the populace, he published an edict, "that many illustrious Romans had died for the Commonwealth, but none so vehemently55 lamented56: this however was to the glory of himself and of all men, if a measure were observed. The same things which became private families and small states, became not Princes and an Imperial People: fresh grief indeed required vent29 and ease by lamentation; but it was now time to recover and fortify57 their minds. Thus the deified Julius, upon the loss of an only daughter; thus the deified Augustus, upon the hasty death of his grandsons, had both vanquished their sorrow. More ancient examples were unnecessary; how often the Roman People sustained with constancy the slaughter58 of their armies, the death of their generals, and entire destruction of their noblest families: Princes were mortal; the Commonwealth was eternal: they should therefore resume their several vocations59." And because the Megalesian games were at hand, he added, "that they should even apply to the usual festivities."
The vacation ended, public affairs were resumed; Drusus departed for the army in Illyricum, and the minds of all men were bent60 upon seeing vengeance61 done upon Piso. They repeated their resentments62, that while he wandered over the delightful64 countries of Asia and Greece, he was stifling65, by contumacious66 and deceitful delays, the evidences of his crimes; for it was bruited67 abroad, that Martina, she who was famous for poisonings, and sent, as I have above related, by Cneius Sentius towards Rome, was suddenly dead at Brundusium; that poison lay concealed68 in a knot of her hair, but upon her body were found no symptoms of self-murder.
Piso, sending forward his son to Rome, with instructions how to soften70 the Emperor, proceeded himself to Drusus: him he hoped to find less rigid71 for the death of a brother, than favourable72 for the removal of a rival. Tiberius, to make show of a spirit perfectly73 unbiassed, received the young man graciously, and honoured him with the presents usually bestowed on young noblemen. The answer of Drusus to Piso was, "That if the current rumours74 were true, he stood in the first place of grief and revenge; but he hoped they were false and chimerical75, and that the death of Germanicus would be pernicious to none." This he declared in public, and avoided all privacy: nor was it doubted but the answer was dictated76 by Tiberius; when a youth, otherwise easy and unwary, practised thus the wiles77 and cunning of age.
Piso having crossed the sea of Dalmatia, and left his ships at Ancona, took first the road of Picenum and then the Flaminian way, following the legion which was going from Pannonia to Rome, and thence to garrison78 in Africa. This too became the subject of popular censure79, that he officiously mixed with the soldiers, and courted them in their march and quarters: he therefore, to avoid suspicion; or, because when men are in dread80, their conduct wavers, did at Narni embark81 upon the Nar, and thence sailed into the Tiber. By landing at the burying-place of the Caesars, he heightened the wrath82 of the populace: besides, he and Plancina came ashore83, in open day, in the face of the city who were crowding the banks, and proceeded with gay countenances; he attended by a long band of clients, she by a train of ladies. There were yet other provocations84 to hatred85; the situation of his house, proudly overlooking the Forum, and adorned18 and illuminated86 as for a festival; the banquet and rejoicings held in it, and all as public as the place.
The next day Fulcinius Trio arraigned87 Piso before the Consuls, but was opposed by Vitellius, Veranius, and others, who had accompanied Germanicus: they said, "that in this prosecution88 Trio had no part; nor did they themselves act as accusers, but only gathered materials, and, as witnesses, produced the last injunctions of Germanicus." Trio dropped that accusation89; but got leave to call in question his former life: and now the Emperor was desired to undertake the trial; a request which the accused did not at all oppose, dreading90 the inclinations91 of the people and Senate: he knew Tiberius, on the contrary, resolute92 in despising popular rumours, and in guilt93 confederate with his mother: besides that truth and misrepresentations were easiest distinguished by a single judge, but in assemblies odium and envy often prevailed. Tiberius was aware of the weight of the trial, and with what reproaches he was assaulted. Admitting therefore a few confidants, he heard the charge of the accusers, as also the apology of the accused; and left the cause entire to the Senate.
Drusus returned the while from Illyricum; and though the Senate had for the reduction of Maroboduus, and other his exploits the summer before, decreed him the triumph of ovation94; he postponed95 the honour, and privately96 entered the city. Piso, for his advocates, desired Titus Arruntius, Fulcinius, Asinius Gallus, Eserninus Marcellus, and Sextus Pompeius: but they all framed different excuses; and he had, in their room, Marcus Lepidus, Lucius Piso and Liveneius Regulus. Now earnest were the expectations of all men, "how great would prove the fidelity97 of the friends of Germanicus; what the assurance of the criminal, what the behaviour of Tiberius; whether he would sufficiently98 smother99, or betray his sentiments." He never had a more anxious part; neither did the people ever indulge themselves in such secret murmurs100 against their Emperor, nor harbour in silence severer suspicions.
When the Senate met, Tiberius made a speech full of laboured moderation: "That Piso had been his father's lieutenant101 and friend; and lately appointed by himself, at the direction of the Senate, coadjutor to Germanicus in administering the affairs of the East: whether he had there by contumacy and opposition102 exasperated103 the young Prince, and exulted104 over his death, or wickedly procured105 it, they were then to judge with minds unprejudiced. For, if he who was the lieutenant of my son violated the limits of his commission, cast off obedience106 to his general, and even rejoiced at his decease and at my affliction; I will detest107 the man, I will banish108 him from my house, and for domestic injuries exert domestic revenge; not the revenge of an Emperor. But for you; if his guilt of any man's death whatsoever109 is discovered, show your just vengeance, and by it satisfy yourselves, satisfy the children of Germanicus, and us his father and grandmother. Consider too especially, whether he vitiated the discipline and promoted sedition110 in the army; whether he sought to debauch111 the affections of the soldiers, and to recover the province by arms: or whether these allegations are not published falsely and with aggravations by the accusers, with whose over-passionate113 zeal114, I am justly offended: for, whither tended the stripping the corpse and exposing it to the eyes and examination of the populace; with what view was it proclaimed even to foreign nations, that his death was the effect of poison; if all this was still doubtful, and remains yet to be tried? It is true I bewail my son, and shall ever bewail him: but neither do I hinder the accused to do what in him lies to manifest his innocence115, even at the expense of Germanicus, if aught blamable was in him. From you I entreat116 the same impartiality117: let not the connection of my sorrow with this cause, mislead you to take crimes for proved because they are imputed120. For Piso; if the tenderness of kinsmen121, if the faith of friends, has furnished him with patrons, let them aid him in his peril122, show their utmost eloquence123, and exert their best diligence. To the same pains, to the same firmness I exhort124 the accusers. Thus much we will grant to the memory of Germanicus, that the inquest concerning his death, be held rather here than in the Forum, in the Senate than the common Tribunals. In all the rest, we will descend6 to the ordinary methods. Let no man in this cause consider Drusus's tears; let none regard my sorrow, no more than the probable fictions of calumny125 against us."
Two days were then appointed for maintaining the charge; six for preparing the defence, and three for making it. Fulcinius began with things stale and impertinent, about the ambition and rapine of Piso in his administration of Spain: things which, though proved, brought him under no penalty, if acquitted126 of the present charge; nor, though he had been cleared of former faults, could he escape the load of greater enormities. After him Servaeus, Veranius, and Vitellius, all with equal zeal, but Vitellius with great eloquence urged "that Piso, in hatred to Germanicus, and passionate for innovations, had by tolerating general licentiousness128, and the oppression of the allies, corrupted129 the common soldiers to that degree, that by the most profligate131 he was styled Father of the Legions: he had, on the contrary, been outrageous132 to the best men, above all to the friends and companions of Germanicus; and, at last, by witchcraft133 and poison destroyed Germanicus himself: hence the infernal charms and immolations practised by him and Plancina: he had then attacked the Commonwealth with open arms; and, before he could be brought to be tried, they were forced to fight and defeat him."
In every article but one his defence was faltering134. For, neither his dangerous intrigues135 in debauching the soldiery, nor his abandoning the province to the most profligate and rapacious136, nor even his insults to Germanicus, were to be denied. He seemed only to wipe off the charge of poison; a charge which in truth was not sufficiently corroborated137 by the accusers, since they had only to allege138, "that at an entertainment of Germanicus, Piso, while he sat above him, with his hands poisoned the meat." It appeared absurd that amongst so many attending slaves besides his own, in so great a presence, and under the eye of Germanicus, he would attempt it: he himself required that the waiters might be racked, and offered to the rack his own domestics: but the Judges were implacable, implacable from different motives139; Tiberius for the war raised in the province; and the Senate could never be convinced that the death of Germanicus was not the effect of fraud. Some moved for the letters written to Piso from Rome; a motion opposed by Tiberius no less than by Piso. From without, at the same time, were heard the cries of the people, "that if he escaped the judgment140 of the Senate, they would with their own hands destroy him." They had already dragged his statues to the place from whence malefactors were precipitated141, and there had broken them; but by the orders of Tiberius they were rescued and replaced. Piso was put into a litter and carried back by a tribune of a Praetorian cohort; an attendance variously understood, whether as a guard for his safety, or a minister of death.
Plancina was under equal public hatred, but had more secret favour: hence it was doubted how far Tiberius durst proceed against her. For herself; while her husband's hopes were yet plausible142, she professed143 "she would accompany his fortune, whatever it were, and, if he fell, fall with him." But when by the secret solicitations of Livia, she had secured her own pardon, she began by degrees to drop her husband, and to make a separate defence. After this fatal warning, he doubted whether he should make any further efforts; but, by the advice of his sons, fortifying144 his mind, he again entered the Senate: there he found the prosecution renewed, suffered the declared indignation of the Fathers, and saw all things cross and terrible; but nothing so much daunted145 him as to behold13 Tiberius, without mercy, without wrath, close, dark, unmovable, and bent against every access of tenderness. When he was brought home, as if he were preparing for his further defence the next day, he wrote somewhat, which he sealed and delivered to his freedman: he then washed and anointed, and took the usual care of his person. Late in the night, his wife leaving the chamber146, he ordered the door to be shut; and was found, at break of day, with his throat cut, his sword lying by him.
I remember to have heard from ancient men, that in the hands of Piso was frequently seen a bundle of writings, which he did not expose, but which, as his friends constantly averred147, "contained the letters of Tiberius and his cruel orders towards Germanicus: that he resolved to lay them before the Fathers and to charge the Emperor, but was deluded148 by the hollow promises of Sejanus: and that neither did Piso die by his own hands, but by those of an express and private executioner." I dare affirm neither; nor yet ought I to conceal69 the relations of such as still lived when I was a youth. Tiberius, with an assumed air of sadness, complained to the Senate, that Piso, by that sort of death, had aimed to load him with obloquy150; and asked many questions how he had passed his last day, how his last night? The freedman answered to most with prudence151, to some in confusion. The Emperor then recited the letter sent him by Piso. It was conceived almost in these words: "Oppressed by a combination of my enemies and the imputation152 of false crimes; since no place is left here to truth and my innocence; to the Immortal153 Gods I appeal, that towards you, Caesar, I have lived with sincere faith, nor towards your mother with less reverence154. For my sons I implore40 her protection and yours: my son Cneius had no share in my late management whatever it were, since, all the while, he abode155 at Rome: and my son Marcus dissuaded156 me from returning to Syria. Oh that, old as I am, I had yielded to him, rather than he, young as he is, to me! Hence more passionately157 I pray that innocent as he is, he suffer not in the punishment of my guilt: by a series of services for five-and-forty years, I entreat you; by our former fellowship in the consulship158; by the memory of the deified Augustus, your father; by his friendship to me; by mine to you, I entreat you for the life and fortune of my unhappy son. It is the last request I shall ever make you." Of Plancina he said nothing.
Tiberius, upon this, cleared the young man of any crime as to the civil war: he alleged159 "the orders of his father, which a son could not disobey." He likewise bewailed "that noble house, and even the grievous lot of Piso himself, however deserved," For Plancina he pleaded with shame and guilt, alleging160 the importunity161 of his mother; against whom more particularly the secret murmurs of the best people waxed bitter and poignant162. "Was it then the tender part of a grandmother to admit to her sight the murderess of her grandson, to be intimate with her, and to snatch her from the vengeance of the Senate? To Germanicus alone was denied what by the laws was granted to every citizen. By Vitellius and Veranius, the cause of that prince was mourned and pleaded: by the Emperor and his mother, Plancina was defended and protected. Henceforth she might pursue her infernal arts so successfully tried, repeat her poisonings, and by her arts and poisons assail163 Agrippina and her children; and, with the blood of that most miserable164 house, satiate the worthy165 grandmother and uncle." In this mock trial two days were wasted; Tiberius, all the while, animating166 the sons of Piso to defend their mother: when the pleaders and witnesses had vigorously pushed the charge, and no reply was made, commiseration167 prevailed over hatred. The Consul3 Aurelius Cotta was first asked his opinion: for, when the Emperor collected the voices, the magistrates likewise voted. Cotta's sentence was, "that the name of Piso should be razed168 from the annals, part of his estate forfeited169, part granted to his son Cneius, upon changing that name; his son Marcus be divested170 of his dignity, and content with fifty thousand great sestertia, {Footnote: ￡42,000.} be banished171 for ten years: and to Plancina, at the request of Livia, indemnity172 should be granted."
Much of this sentence was abated173 by the Emperor; particularly that of striking Piso's name out of the annals, when "that of Marc Anthony, who made war upon his country; that of Julius Antonius, who had by adultery violated the house of Augustus, continued still there." He also exempted175 Marcus Piso from the ignominy of degradation176, and left him his whole paternal177 inheritance; for, as I have already often observed, he was to the temptations of money incorruptible, and from the shame of having acquitted Plancina, rendered then more than usually mild. He likewise withstood the motion of Valerius Messalinus, "for erecting178 a golden statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger179;" and that of Caecina Severus, "for founding an altar to revenge." "Such monuments as these," he argued, "were only fit to be raised upon foreign victories; domestic evils were to be buried in sadness." Messalinus had added, "that to Tiberius, Livia, Antonia, Agrippina and Drusus, public thanks were to be rendered for having revenged the death of Germanicus;" but had omitted to mention Claudius. Messalinus was asked by Lucius Asprenas, in the presence of the Senate, "Whether by design he had omitted him?" and then at last the name of Claudius was subjoined. To me, the more I revolve180 the events of late or of old, the more of mockery and slipperiness appears in all human wisdom and the transactions of men: for, in popular fame, in the hopes, wishes and veneration181 of the public, all men were rather destined182 to the Empire, than he for whom fortune then reserved the sovereignty in the dark.
A few days after, Vitellius, Veranius and Servaeus, were by the Senate preferred to the honours of the Priesthood, at the motion of Tiberius. To Fulcinius he promised his interest and suffrage183 towards preferment, but advised him "not to embarrass his eloquence by impetuosity." This was the end of revenging the death of Germanicus; an affair ambiguously related, not by those only who then lived and interested themselves in it, but likewise the following times: so dark and intricate are all the highest transactions; while some hold for certain facts, the most precarious184 hearsays; others turn facts into falsehood; and both are swallowed and improved by the credulity of posterity. Drusus went now without the city, there to renew the ceremony of the auspices185, and presently re-entered in the triumph of ovation. A few days after died Vipsania his mother; of all the children of Agrippa, the only one who made a pacific end: the rest manifestly perished, or are believed to have perished, by the sword, poison, or famine.
The qualifying of the Law Papia Poppaea was afterwards proposed; a law which, to enforce those of Julius Caesar, Augustus had made when he was old, for punishing celibacy186 and enriching the Exchequer187. Nor even by this means had marriages and children multiplied, while a passion to live single and childless prevailed: but, in the meantime, the numbers threatened and in danger by it increased daily, while by the glosses188 and chicane of the impleaders every family was undone189. So that, as before the city laboured under the weight of crimes, so now under the pest of laws. From this thought I am led backwards190 to the first rise of laws, and to open the steps and causes by which we are arrived to the present number and excess; a number infinite and perplexed191.
The first race of men, free as yet from every depraved passion, lived without guile192 and crimes, and therefore without chastisements or restraints; nor was there occasion for rewards, when of their own accord they pursued righteousness: and as they courted nothing contrary to justice, they were debarred from nothing by terrors. But, after they had abandoned their original equality, and from modesty193 and shame to do evil, proceeded to ambition and violence; lordly dominion194 was introduced and arbitrary rule, and in many nations grew perpetual. Some, either from the beginning, or after they were surfeited195 with kings, preferred the sovereignty of laws; which, agreeable to the artless minds of men, were at first short and simple. The laws in most renown196 were those framed for the Cretans by Minos; for the Spartans197 by Lycurgus; and afterwards such as Solon delivered to the Athenians, now greater in number and more exquisitely198 composed. To the Romans justice was administered by Romulus according to his pleasure: after him, Numa managed the people by religious devices and laws divine. Some institutions were made by Tullus Hostilius, some by Ancus Martius; but above all our laws were those founded by Servius Tullius; they were such as even our kings were bound to obey.
Upon the expulsion of Tarquin; the people, for the security of their freedom against the encroachment199 and factions200 of the Senate, and for binding202 the public concord203, prepared many ordinances204: hence were created the Decemviri, and by them were composed the twelve tables, out of a collection of the most excellent institutions found abroad. The period this of all upright and impartial118 laws. What laws followed, though sometimes made against crimes and offenders205, were yet chiefly made by violence, through the animosity of the two Estates, and for seizing unjustly withholden offices or continuing unjustly in them, or for banishing206 illustrious patriots207, and to other wicked ends. Hence the Gracchi and Saturnini, inflamers of the people; and hence Drusus vying208, on behalf of the Senate, in popular concessions210 with these inflamers; and hence the corrupt130 promises made to our Italian allies, promises deceitfully made, or, by the interposition of some Tribune, defeated. Neither during the war of Italy, nor during the civil war, was the making of regulations discontinued; many and contradictory211 were even then made. At last Sylla the Dictator, changing or abolishing the past, added many of his own, and procured some respite212 in this matter, but not long; for presently followed the turbulent pursuits and proposals of Lepidus, and soon after were the Tribunes restored to their licentious127 authority of throwing the people into combustions at pleasure. And now laws were not made for the public only, but for particular men particular laws; and corruption213 abounding214 in the Commonwealth, the Commonwealth abounded215 in laws.
Pompey was, now in his third Consulship, chosen to correct the public enormities; and his remedies proved to the State more grievous than its distempers. He made laws such as suited his ambition, and broke them when they thwarted216 his will; and lost by arms the regulations which by arms he had procured. Henceforward for twenty years discord217 raged, and there was neither law nor settlement; the most wicked found impunity218 in the excess of their wickedness; and many virtuous219 men, in their uprightness met destruction. At length, Augustus Caesar in his sixth Consulship, then confirmed in power without a rival, abolished the orders which during the Triumvirate he had established, and gave us laws proper for peace and a single ruler. These laws had sanctions severer than any heretofore known: as their guardians220, informers were appointed, who by the Law Papia Poppaea were encouraged with rewards, to watch such as neglected the privileges annexed221 to marriage and fatherhood, and consequently could claim no legacy222 or inheritance, the same, as vacant, belonging to the Roman People, who were the public parent. But these informers struck much deeper: by them the whole city, all Italy, and the Roman citizens in every part of the Empire, were infested223 and persecuted224: numbers were stripped of their entire fortunes, and terror had seized all; when Tiberius, for a check to this evil, chose twenty noblemen, five who were formerly225 Consuls, five who were formerly Praetors, with ten other Senators, to review that law. By them many of its intricacies were explained, its strictness qualified226; and hence some present alleviation227 was yielded.
Tiberius about this time, to the Senate recommended Nero, one of the sons of Germanicus, now seventeen years of age, and desired "that he might be exempted from executing the office of the Vigintivirate, {Footnote: Officers for distributing the public lands; for regulating the mint, the roads, and the execution of criminals.} and have leave to sue for the Quaestorship five years sooner than the laws directed." A piece of mockery, this request to all who heard it: but, Tiberius pretended "that the same concessions had been decreed to himself and his brother Drusus, at the request of Augustus." Nor do I doubt, but there were then such who secretly ridiculed228 that sort of petitions from Augustus: such policy was however natural to that Prince, while he was but yet laying the foundations of the Imperial power, and while the Republic and its late laws were still fresh in the minds of men: besides, the relation was lighter229 between Augustus and his wife's sons, than between a grandfather and his grandsons. To the grant of the Quaestorship was added a seat in the College of Pontiffs; and the first day he entered the Forum in his manly230 robe, a donative of corn and money was distributed to the populace, who exulted to behold a son of Germanicus now of age. Their joy was soon heightened by his marriage with Julia, the daughter of Drusus. But as these transactions were attended with public applauses; so the intended marriage of the daughter of Sejanus with the son of Claudius was received with popular indignation. By this alliance the nobility of the Claudian house seemed stained; and by it Sejanus, already suspected of aspiring231 views, was lifted still higher.
At the end of this year died Lucius Volusius and Sallustius Crispus; great and eminent232 men. The family of Volusius was ancient, but, in the exercise of public offices, rose never higher than the Praetorship; it was he, who honoured it with the Consulship: he was likewise created Censor233 for modelling the classes of the equestrian234 order; and first accumulated the wealth which gave that family such immense grandeur. Crispus was born of an equestrian house, great nephew by a sister to Caius Sallustius, the renowned235 Roman historian, and by him adopted: the way to the great offices was open to him; but, in imitation of Maecenas, he lived without the dignity of Senator, yet outwent in power many who were distinguished with Consulships and triumphs: his manner of living, his dress and daintiness were different from the ways of antiquity236; and, in expense and affluence237, he bordered rather upon luxury. He possessed238 however a vigour239 of spirit equal to great affairs, and exerted the greater promptness for that he hid it in a show of indolence and sloth240: he was therefore, in the time of Maecenas, the next in favour, afterwards chief confidant in all the secret counsels of Augustus and Tiberius, and privy241 and consenting to the order for slaying242 Agrippa Posthumus. In his old age he preserved with the Prince rather the outside than the vitals of authority: the same had happened to Maecenas. It is the fate of power, which is rarely perpetual; perhaps from satiety243 on both sides, when Princes have no more to grant, and Ministers no more to crave244.
Next followed the Consulship of Tiberius and Drusus; to Tiberius the fourth, to Drusus the second: a Consulship remarkable245, for that in it the father and son were colleagues. There was indeed the same fellowship between Tiberius and Germanicus, two years before; but besides the distastes of jealousy246 in the uncle, the ties of blood were not so near. In the beginning of the year, Tiberius, on pretence247 of his health, retired248 to Campania; either already meditating249 a long and perpetual retirement250; or to leave to Drusus, in his father's absence, the honour of executing the Consulship alone: and there happened a thing which, small in itself, yet as it produced mighty contestation, furnished the young Consul with matter of popular affection. Domitius Corbulo, formerly Praetor, complained to the Senate of Lucius Sylla, a noble youth, "that in the show of gladiators, Sylla would not yield him place." Age, domestic custom, and the ancient men were for Corbulo: on the other side, Mamercus Scaurus, Lucius Arruntius, and others laboured for their kinsman251 Sylla: warm speeches were made, and the examples of our ancestors were urged, "who by severe decrees had censured252 and restrained the irreverence253 of the youth." Drusus interposed with arguments proper for calming animosities, and Corbulo had satisfaction made him by Scaurus, who was to Sylla both father-in-law and uncle, and the most copious254 orator255 of that age. The same Corbulo, exclaiming against "the condition of most of the roads through Italy, that through the fraud of the undertakers and negligence256 of the overseers, they were broken and unpassable;" undertook of his own accord the cure of that abuse; an undertaking257 which he executed not so much to the advantage of the public as to the ruin of many private men in their fortunes and reputation, by his violent mulcts and unjust judgments258 and forfeitures259.
Upon this occasion Caecina Severus proposed, "that no magistrate15 should go into any province accompanied by his wife." He introduced this motion with a long preface, "that he lived with his own in perfect concord, by her he had six children; and what he offered to the public he had practised himself, having during forty years' service left her still behind him, confined to Italy. It was not indeed, without cause, established of old, that women should neither be carried by their husbands into confederate nations nor foreign. A train of women introduced luxury in peace, by their fears retarded260 war, and made a Roman army resemble, in their march, a mixed host of barbarians261. The sex was not tender only and unfit for travel, but, if suffered, cruel, aspiring, and greedy of authority: they even marched amongst the soldiers, and were obeyed by the officers. A woman had lately presided at the exercises of the troops, and at the decursions of the legions. The Senate themselves might remember, that as often as any of the magistrates were charged with plundering262 the provinces, their wives were always engaged in the guilt. To the ladies, the most profligate in the province applied263; by them all affairs were undertaken, by them transacted264: at home two distinct courts were kept, and abroad the wife had her distinct train and attendance. The ladies, too, issued distinct orders, but more imperious and better obeyed. Such feminine excesses were formerly restrained by the Oppian, and other laws; but now these restraints were violated, women ruled all things, their families, the Forum, and even the armies."
This speech was heard by few with approbation265, and many proclaimed their dissent266; "for, that neither was that the point in debate, nor was Caecina considerable enough to censure so weighty an affair." He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, who was the son of Messala, and inherited a sparkling of his father's eloquence: "that many rigorous institutions of the ancients were softened267 and changed for the better: for, neither was Rome now, as of old, beset268 with wars, nor Italy with hostile provinces; and a few concessions were made to the conveniences of women, who were so far from burdening the provinces, that to their own husbands there they were no burden. As to honours, attendance and expense, they enjoyed them in common with their husbands, who could receive no embarrassment269 from their company in time of peace. To war indeed we must go equipped and unencumbered; but after the fatigues270 of war, what was more allowable than the consolations271 of a wife? But it seemed the wives of some magistrates had given a loose to ambition and avarice272. And were the magistrates themselves free from these excesses? were not most of them governed by many exorbitant273 appetites? did we therefore send none into the provinces? It was added, that the husbands were corrupted by their corrupt wives: and were therefore all single men uncorrupt? The Oppian Laws were once thought necessary, because the exigencies274 of the State required their severity: they were afterwards relaxed and mollified, because that too was expedient275 for the State. In vain we covered our own sloth with borrowed names: if the wife broke bounds, the husband ought to bear the blame. It was moreover unjustly judged, for the weak and uxorious276 spirit of one or a few, to bereave277 all others of the fellowship of their wives, the natural partners of their prosperity and distress278. Besides, the sex, weak by nature, would be left defenceless, exposed to the luxurious279 bent of their native passions, and a prey280 to the allurements281 of adulterers: scarce under the eye and restraint of the husband was the marriage bed preserved inviolate282: what must be the consequence, when by an absence of many years, the ties of marriage would be forgot, forgot as it were in a divorce? It became them, therefore, so to cure the evils abroad as not to forget the enormities at Rome." To this Drusus added somewhat concerning his own wedlock283. "Princes," he said, "were frequently obliged to visit the remote parts of the Empire: how often did the deified Augustus travel to the East, how often to the West, still accompanied with Livia? He himself too had taken a progress to Illyricum, and, if it were expedient, was ready to visit other nations; but not always with an easy spirit, if he were to be torn from his dear wife, her by whom he had so many children." Thus was Caecina's motion eluded149.
When the Senate met next, they had a letter from Tiberius. In it he affected284 to chide285 the fathers, "that upon him they cast all public cares;" and named them M. Lepidus and Junius Blesus, to choose either for Proconsul of Africa. They were then both heard as to this nomination286: Lepidus excused himself with earnestness; he pleaded "his bodily frailty287, the tender age of his children, and a daughter fit for marriage." There was another reason too, of which he said nothing; but it was easily understood: Blesus was uncle to Sejanus, and therefore had the prevailing288 interest. Blesus too made a show of refusing, but not with the like positiveness, and was heard with partiality by the flatterers of power.
The same year the cities of Gaul, stimulated289 by their excessive debts, began a rebellion. The most vehement54 incendiaries were Julius Florus and Julius Sacrovir; the first amongst those of Treves, the second amongst the Aeduans. They were both distinguished by their nobility, and by the good services of their ancestors, who thence had acquired of old the right of Roman citizens; a privilege rare in those days, and then only the prize of virtue. When by secret meetings, they had gained those who were most prompt to rebel; with such as were desperate through indigence290, or, from guilt of past crimes, forced to commit more; they agreed that Florus should begin the insurrection in Belgia; Sacrovir amongst the neighbouring Gauls. In order to this, they had many consultations291 and cabals292, where they uttered seditious harangues293; they urged "their tribute without end, their devouring294 usury295, the pride and cruelty of their Governors: that they had now a glorious opportunity to recover their liberty; for that since the report of the murder of Germanicus, discord had seized the Roman soldiery: they need only consider their own strength and numbers; while Italy was poor and exhausted296; the Roman populace weak and unwarlike, the Roman armies destitute297 of all vigour but that derived298 from foreigners."
Scarce one city remained untainted with the seeds of this rebellion; but it first broke at Angiers and Tours. The former were reduced by Acilius Aviola, a legate, with the assistance of a cohort drawn299 from the garrison at Lyons. Those of Tours were suppressed by the same Aviola, assisted with a detachment sent from the legions, by Visellius Varro, lieutenant-governor of lower Germany. Some of the chiefs of the Gauls had likewise joined him with succours, the better to disguise their defection, and to push it with more effect hereafter. Even Sacrovir was beheld300 engaged in fight for the Romans, with his head bare, a demonstration301, he pretended, of his bravery; but the prisoners averred, that "he did it to be known to his countrymen, and to escape their darts302."
An account of all this was laid before Tiberius, who slighted it, and by hesitation303 fostered the war. Florus the while pushed his designs, and tried to debauch a regiment304 of horse, levied305 at Treves, and kept under our pay and discipline: he would have engaged them to begin the war, by putting to the sword the Roman merchants; and some few were corrupted, but the body remained in their allegiance. A rabble306 however, of his own followers307 and desperate debtors308, took arms and were making to the forest of Arden, when the legions sent from both armies by Visellius and Caius Silius, through different routes to intercept309 them, marred310 their march: and Julius Indus, one of the same country with Florus, at enmity with him, and therefore more eager to engage him, was despatched forward with a chosen band, and broke the ill-appointed multitude. Florus by lurking311 from place to place, frustrated312 the search of the conquerors313: but at last, when he saw all the passes beset with soldiers, he fell by his own hands. This was the issue of the insurrection at Treves.
Amongst the Aeduans the revolt was stronger, as much stronger as the state was more opulent; and the forces to suppress it were to be brought from afar. Augustodunum, {Footnote: Autun.} the capital of the nation, was seized by Sacrovir, and in it all the noble youth of Gaul, who were there instructed in the liberal arts. By securing these pledges he aimed to bind201 in his interest their parents and relations; and at the same time distributed to the young men the arms, which he had caused to be secretly made. He had forty thousand men, the fifth part armed like our legions, the rest with poles, hangers314, and other weapons used by hunters. To the number were added such of the slaves as had been appointed to be gladiators; these were covered, after the fashion of the country, with a continued armour315 of iron; and styled Crupellarii; a sort of militia316 unwieldy at exercising their own weapons, and impenetrable by those of others. These forces were still increased by volunteers from the neighbouring cities, where, though the public body did not hitherto avow317 the revolt, yet the zeal of particulars was manifest: they had likewise leisure to increase from the contention318 of the two Roman generals; a contention for some time undecided, while each demanded the command in that war. At length Varro, old and infirm, yielded to the superior vigour of Silius.
Now at Rome, "not only the insurrection of Treves and of the Aeduans, but likewise, that threescore and four cities of Gaul had revolted; that the Germans had joined in the revolt, and that Spain fluctuated;" were reports all believed with the usual aggravations of fame. The best men grieved in sympathy for their country: many from hatred of the present government and thirst of change, rejoiced in their own perils319: they inveighed320 against Tiberius, "that in such a mighty uproar of rebellion, he was only employed in perusing321 the informations of the State accusers." They asked, "did he mean to surrender Julius Sacrovir to the Senate, to try him for treason?" They exulted, "that there were at last found men, who would with arms restrain his bloody322 orders for private murders." And declared "that even war was a happy change for a most wretched peace." So much the more for this, Tiberius affected to appear wrapped up in security and unconcern; he neither changed place nor countenance28, but behaved himself at that time as at other times; whether from elevation323 of mind, or whether he had learned that the state of things was not alarming, and only heightened by vulgar representation.
Silius the while sending forward a band of auxiliaries324, marched with two legions, and in his march ravaged325 the villages of the Sequanians, next neighbours to the Aeduans, and their associates in arms. He then advanced towards Augustodunum; a hasty march, the standard-bearers mutually vying in expedition, and the common men breathing ardour and eagerness: they desired, "that no time might be wasted in the usual refreshments326, none of their nights in sleep; let them only see and confront the foe327: they wanted no more, to be victorious328." Twelve miles from Augustodunum, Sacrovir appeared with his forces upon the plains: in the front he had placed the iron troop; his cohorts in the wings; the half-armed in the rear: he himself, upon a fine horse, attended by the other chiefs, addressed himself to them from rank to rank; he reminded them "of the glorious achievements of the ancient Gauls; of the victorious mischiefs329 they had brought upon the Romans; of the liberty and renown attending victory; of their redoubled and intolerable servitude, if once more vanquished."
A short speech; and an unattentive, and disheartened audience! For, the embattled legions approached; and the crowd of townsmen, ill appointed and novices330 in war, stood astonished, bereft331 of the present use of eyes and hearing. On the other side, Silius, though he presumed the victory, and thence might have spared exhortations332, yet called to his men, "that they might be with reason ashamed that they, the conquerors of Germany, should be thus led against a rabble of Gauls as against an equal enemy: one cohort had newly defeated the rebels of Tours; one regiment of horse, those of Treves; a handful of this very army had routed the Sequanians: the present Aeduans, as they are more abounding in wealth, as they wallow more in voluptuousness333, are by so much more soft and unwarlike: this is what you are now to prove, and your task to prevent their escape." His words were returned with a mighty cry. Instantly the horse surrounded the foe; the foot attacked their front, and the wings were presently routed: the iron band gave some short obstruction334, as the bars of their coats withstood the strokes of sword and pike: but the soldiers had recourse to their hatchets335 and pick-axes; and, as if they had battered336 a wall, hewed337 their bodies and armour: others with clubs, and some with forks, beat down the helpless lumps, who as they lay stretched along, without one struggle to rise, were left for dead. Sacrovir fled first to Augustodunum; and thence, fearful of being surrendered, to a neighbouring town, accompanied by his most faithful adherents338. There he slew himself; and the rest, one another: having first set the town on fire, by which they were all consumed.
Now at last Tiberius wrote to the Senate about this war, and at once acquainted them with its rise and conclusion, neither aggravating339 facts nor lessening340 them; but added "that it was conducted by the fidelity and bravery of his lieutenants341, guided by his counsels." He likewise assigned the reasons why neither he, nor Drusus, went to that war; "that the Empire was an immense body; and it became not the dignity of a Prince, upon the revolt of one or two towns, to desert the capital, whence motion was derived to the whole: but since the alarm was over, he would visit those nations and settle them." The Senate decreed vows342 and supplications for his return, with other customary honours. Only Cornelius Dolabella, while he strove to outdo others, fell into ridiculous sycophancy343, and moved "that from Campania he should enter Rome in the triumph of ovation." This occasioned a letter from Tiberius: in it he declared, "he was not so destitute of glory, that after having in his youth subdued344 the fiercest nations, and enjoyed or slighted so many triumphs, he should now in his old age seek empty honours from a short progress about the suburbs of Rome."
Caius Sulpitius and Decimus Haterius were the following Consuls. Their year was exempt174 from disturbances345 abroad; but at home some severe blow was apprehended against luxury, which prevailed monstrously346 in all things that create a profusion347 of money. But as the more pernicious articles of expense were covered by concealing348 their prices; therefore from the excesses of the table, which were become the common subject of daily animadversion, apprehensions349 were raised of some rigid correction from a Prince, who observed himself the ancient parsimony350. For, Caius Bibulus having begun the complaint, the other Aediles took it up, and argued "that the sumptuary laws were despised; the pomp and expense of plate and entertainments, in spite of restraints, increased daily, and by moderate penalties were not to be stopped." This grievance351 thus represented to the Senate, was by them referred entire to the Emperor. Tiberius having long weighed with himself whether such an abandoned propensity352 to prodigality353 could be stemmed; whether the stemming it would not bring heavier evils upon the public; how dishonourable it would be to attempt what could not be effected, or at least effected by the disgrace of the nobility, and by the subjecting illustrious men to infamous354 punishments; wrote at last to the Senate in this manner:
"In other matters, Conscript Fathers, perhaps it might be more expedient for you to consult me in the Senate; and for me to declare there, what I judge for the public weal: but in the debate of this affair, it was best that my eyes were withdrawn355; lest, while you marked the countenances and terror of particulars charged with scandalous luxury, I too should have observed them, and, as it were, caught them in it. Had the vigilant356 Aediles first asked counsel of me, I know not whether I should not have advised them rather to have passed by potent357 and inveterate358 corruptions359, than only make it manifest, what enormities are an overmatch for us: but they in truth have done their duty, as I would have all other magistrates fulfil theirs. But for myself, it is neither commendable360 to be silent; nor does it belong to my station to speak out; since I neither bear the character of an Aedile, nor of a Praetor, nor of a Consul: something still greater and higher is required of a Prince. Every one is ready to assume to himself the credit of whatever is well done, while upon the Prince alone are thrown the miscarriages361 of all. But what is it, that I am first to prohibit, what excess retrench362 to the ancient standard? Am I to begin with that of our country seats, spacious363 without bounds; and with the number of domestics, a number distributed into nations in private families? or with the quantity of plate, silver, and gold? or with the pictures, and works, and statues of brass364, the wonders of art? or with the gorgeous vestments, promiscuously365 worn by men and women? or with what is peculiar366 to the women, those precious stones, for the purchase of which our corn is carried into foreign and hostile nations.
"I am not ignorant that at entertainments and in conversation, these excesses are censured, and a regulation is required: and yet if an equal law were made, if equal penalties were prescribed, these very censurers would loudly complain, that the State was utterly367 overturned, that snares368 and destruction were prepared for every illustrious house, that no men could be guiltless, and all men would be the prey of informers. And yet bodily diseases grown inveterate and strengthened by time, cannot be checked but by medicines rigid and violent: it is the same with the soul: the sick and raging soul, itself corrupted and scattering369 its corruption, is not to be qualified but by remedies equally strong with its own flaming lusts370. So many laws made by our ancestors, so many added by the deified Augustus; the former being lost in oblivion, and (which is more heinous) the latter in contempt, have only served to render luxury more secure. When we covet371 a thing yet unforbid, we are apt to fear that it may be forbid; but when once we can with impunity and defiance372 overleap prohibited bounds, there remains afterwards nor fear nor shame. How therefore did parsimony prevail of old? It was because, every one was a law to himself; it was because we were then only masters of one city: nor afterwards, while our dominion was confined only to Italy, had we found the same instigations to voluptuousness. By foreign conquests, we learned to waste the property of others; and in the Civil Wars, to consume our own. What a mighty matter is it that the Aediles remonstrate373! how little to be weighed in the balance with others? It is wonderful that nobody represents, that Italy is in constant want of foreign supplies; that the lives of the Roman People are daily at the mercy of uncertain seas and of tempests: were it not for our supports from the provinces; supports, by which the masters, and their slaves, and their estates, are maintained; would our own groves374 and villas376 maintain us? This care therefore, Conscript Fathers, is the business of the Prince; and by the neglect of this care, the foundations of the State would be dissolved. The cure of other defects depends upon our own private spirits: some of us, shame will reclaim377; necessity will mend the poor; satiety the rich. Or if any of the Magistrates, from a confidence of his own firmness and perseverance378, will undertake to stem the progress of so great an evil; he has both my praises, and my acknowledgment, that he discharges me of part of my fatigues: but if such will only impeach379 corruptions, and when they have gained the glory, would leave upon me the indignation (indignation of their own raising); believe me, Conscript Fathers, I am not fond of bearing resentments: I already suffer many for the Commonwealth; many that are grievous and almost all unjust; and therefore with reason I intreat that I may not be loaded with such as are wantonly and vainly raised, and promise no advantage to you nor to me."
The Senate, upon reading the Emperor's letter, released the Aediles from this pursuit: and the luxury of the table which, from the battle of Actium till the revolution made by Galba, flowed, for the space of an hundred years, in all profusion; at last gradually declined. The causes of this change are worth knowing. Formerly the great families, great in nobility or abounding in riches, were carried away with a passion for magnificence: for even then it was allowed to court the good graces of the Roman People, with the favour of kings, and confederate nations; and to be courted by them: so that each was distinguished by the lustre380 of popularity and dependances, in proportion to his affluence, the splendour of his house, and the figure he made. But after Imperial fury had long raged in the slaughter of the Grandees381, and the greatness of reputation was become the sure mark of destruction; the rest grew wiser: besides, new men frequently chosen Senators from the municipal towns, from the colonies, and even from the provinces, brought into the Senate their own domestic parsimony; and though, by fortune or industry, many of them grew wealthy as they grew old, yet their former frugal382 spirit continued. But above all, Vespasian proved the promoter of thrifty383 living, being himself the pattern of ancient economy in his person and table: hence the compliance384 of the public with the manners of the Prince, and an emulation385 to practise them; an incitement386 more prevalent than the terrors of laws and all their penalties. Or perhaps all human things go a certain round; and, as in the revolutions of time, there are also vicissitudes387 in manners: nor indeed have our ancestors excelled us in all things; our own age has produced many excellences388 worthy of praise and the imitation of posterity. Let us still preserve this strife389 in virtue with our forefathers390.
Tiberius having gained the fame of moderation; because, by rejecting the project for reforming luxury, he had disarmed391 the growing hopes of the accusers; wrote to the Senate, to desire the Tribunitial Power for Drusus. Augustus had devised this title, as best suiting the unbounded height of his views; while avoiding the odious392 name of King or Dictator, he was yet obliged to use some particular appellation393, under it to control all other powers in the State. He afterwards assumed Marcus Agrippa into a fellowship in it; and, upon his death, Tiberius; that none might doubt, who was to be his successor. By this means, he conceived, he should defeat the aspiring views of others: besides, he confided394 in the moderation of Tiberius, and in the mightiness395 of his own authority. By his example, Tiberius now advanced Drusus to the supreme396 Magistracy; whereas, while Germanicus yet lived, he acted without distinction towards both. In the beginning of his letter he besought397 the Gods "that by his counsels the Republic might prosper," and then added a modest testimony398 concerning the qualities and behaviour of the young Prince, without aggravation112 or false embellishments; "that he had a wife and three children, and was of the same age with himself, when called by the deified Augustus to that office: that Drusus was not now by him adopted a partner in the toils399 of government, precipitately400; but after eight years' experience made of his qualifications; after seditions suppressed, wars concluded, the honour of triumph, and two Consulships."
The Senators had foreseen this address; hence they received it with the more elaborate adulation. However, they could devise nothing to decree, but "statues to the two Princes, altars to the Gods, arches," and other usual honours: only that Marcus Silanus strove to honour the Princes by the disgrace of the Consulship: he proposed "that all records public and private should, for their date, be inscribed401 no more with the names of the Consuls, but of those who exercised the Tribunitial power." But Haterius Agrippa, by moving to have "the decrees of that day engraved402 in letters of gold, and hung up in the Senate," became an object of derision; for that, as he was an ancient man, he could reap from his most abominable403 flattery no other fruit but that of infamy404.
Tiberius, while he fortified405 the vitals of his own domination, afforded the Senate a shadow of their ancient jurisdiction406; by referring to their examination petitions and claims from the provinces. For there had now prevailed amongst the Greek cities a latitude407 of instituting sanctuaries408 at pleasure. Hence the temples were filled with the most profligate fugitive409 slaves: here debtors found protection against their creditors410; and hither were admitted such as were pursued for capital crimes. Nor was any force of Magistracy or laws sufficient to bridle411 the mad zeal of the people, who confounding the sacred villainies of men with the worship peculiar to the Gods, seditiously defended these profane412 sanctuaries. It was therefore ordered that these cities should send deputies to represent their claims. Some of the cities voluntarily relinquished413 the nominal414 privileges, which they had arbitrarily assumed: many confided in their rights; a confidence grounded on the antiquity of their superstitions415, or on the merits of their kind offices to the Roman People. Glorious to the Senate was the appearance of that day, when the grants from our ancestors, the engagements of our confederates, the ordinances of kings, such kings who had reigned417 as yet independent of the Roman power; and when even the sacred worship of the Gods were now all subjected to their inspection418, and their judgment free, as of old, to ratify419 or abolish with absolute power.
First of all the Ephesians applied. They alleged, that "Diana and Apollo were not, according to the credulity of the vulgar, born at Delos: in their territory flowed the river Cenchris; where also stood the Ortygian Grove375: there the big-bellied Latona, leaning upon an olive tree, which even then remained, was delivered of these deities420; and thence by their appointment the Grove became sacred. Thither421 Apollo himself, after his slaughter of the Cyclops, retired for a sanctuary422 from the wrath of Jupiter: soon after, the victorious Bacchus pardoned the suppliant423 Amazons, who sought refuge at the altar of Diana: by the concession209 of Hercules, when he reigned in Lydia, her temple was dignified424 with an augmentation of immunities425; nor during the Persian monarchy426 were they abridged427: they were next maintained by the Macedonians, and then by us."
The Magnesians next asserted their claim, founded on an establishment of Lucius Scipio, confirmed by another of Sylla: the former after the defeat of Antiochus; the latter after that of Mithridates, having, as a testimony of the faith and bravery of the Magnesians, dignified their temple of the Leucophrynaean Diana with the privileges of an inviolable sanctuary. After them, the Aphrodisians and Stratoniceans produced a grant from Caesar the Dictator, for their early services to his party; and another lately from Augustus, with a commendation inserted, "that with zeal unshaken towards the Roman People, they had borne the irruption of the Parthians." But these two people adored different deities: Aphrodisium was a city devoted428 to Venus; that of Stratonicea maintained the worship of Jupiter and of Diana Trivia. Those of Hierocaesarea exhibited claims of higher antiquity, "that they possessed the Persian Diana, and her temple consecrated429 by King Cyrus." They likewise pleaded the authorities of Perpenna, Isauricus, and of many more Roman captains, who had allowed the same sacred immunity430 not to the temple only, but to a precinct two miles round it. Those of Cyprus pleaded right of sanctuary to three of their temples: the most ancient founded by Aerias to the Paphian Venus; another by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; the third to the Salaminian Jupiter by Teucer, the son of Telamon, when he fled from the fury of his father.
The deputies too of other cities were heard. But the Senate tired with so many, and because there was a contention begun amongst particular parties for particular cities; gave power to the Consuls "to search into the validity of their several pretensions431, and whether in them no fraud was interwoven;" with orders "to lay the whole matter once more before the Senate." The Consuls reported that, besides the cities already mentioned, "they had found the temple of AEsculapius at Pergamus to be a genuine sanctuary: the rest claimed upon originals, from the darkness of antiquity, altogether obscure. Smyrna particularly pleaded an oracle432 of Apollo, in obedience to which they had dedicated433 a temple to Venus Stratonices; as did the Isle119 of Tenos an oracular order from the same God, to erect21 to Neptune434 a statue and temple. Sardis urged a later authority, namely, a grant from the Great Alexander; and Miletus insisted on one from King Darius: as to the deities of these two cities; one worshipped Diana; the other, Apollo. And Crete too demanded the privilege of sanctuary, to a statue of the deified Augustus." Hence diverse orders of Senate were made, by which, though great reverence was expressed towards the deities, yet the extent of the sanctuaries was limited; and the several people were enjoined435 "to hang up in each temple the present decree engraven in brass, as a sacred memorial, and a restraint against their lapsing436, under the colour of religion, into the abuses and claims of superstition416."
At the same time, a vehement distemper having seized Livia, obliged the Emperor to hasten his return to Rome; seeing hitherto the mother and son lived in apparent unanimity437; or perhaps mutually disguised their hate: for, not long before, Livia, having dedicated a statue to the deified Augustus, near the theatre of Marcellus, had the name of Tiberius inscribed after her own. This he was believed to have resented heinously438, as a degrading the dignity of the Prince; but to have buried his resentment63 under dark dissimulation439. Upon this occasion, therefore, the Senate decreed "supplications to the Gods; with the celebration of the greater Roman games, under the direction of the Pontifs, the Augurs440, the College of Fifteen, assisted by the College of Seven, and the Fraternity of Augustal Priests." Lucius Apronius had moved, that "with the rest might preside the company of heralds441." Tiberius opposed it; he distinguished between the jurisdiction of the priests and theirs; "for that at no time had the heralds arrived to so much pre-eminence: but for the Augustal Fraternity, they were therefore added, because they exercised a priesthood peculiar to that family for which the present vows and solemnities were made," It is no part of my purpose to trace all the votes of particular men, unless they are memorable442 for integrity, or for notorious infamy: this I conceive to be the principal duty of an historian, that he suppress no instance of virtue; and that by the dread of future infamy and the censures443 of posterity, men may be deterred444 from detestable actions and prostitute speeches. In short, such was the abomination of those times, so prevailing the contagion445 of flattery, that not only the first nobles, whose obnoxious446 splendour found protection only in obsequiousness447; but all who had been Consuls, a great part of such as had been Praetors, and even many of the unregistered Senators, strove for priority in the vileness448 and excess of their votes. There is a tradition, that Tiberius, as often as he went out of the Senate, was wont449 to cry out in Greek, Oh men prepared for bondage450! Yes, even Tiberius, he who could not bear public liberty, nauseated451 this prostitute tameness of slaves.
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boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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divulged
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| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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5
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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6
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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7
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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8
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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9
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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urn
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| n.（有座脚的）瓮；坟墓；骨灰瓮 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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12
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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13
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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14
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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15
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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16
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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17
centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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18
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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19
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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20
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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21
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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22
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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23
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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24
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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25
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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26
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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27
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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28
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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29
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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30
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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31
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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32
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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33
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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34
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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35
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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36
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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37
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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38
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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39
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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40
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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41
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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43
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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44
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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46
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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47
encomium
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| n.赞颂；颂词 | |
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48
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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49
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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50
scantiness
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| n.缺乏 | |
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51
effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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52
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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53
discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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54
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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55
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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56
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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58
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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59
vocations
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| n.（认为特别适合自己的）职业( vocation的名词复数 )；使命；神召；（认为某种工作或生活方式特别适合自己的）信心 | |
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60
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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61
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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62
resentments
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| （因受虐待而）愤恨，不满，怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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63
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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64
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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65
stifling
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| a.令人窒息的 | |
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66
contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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67
bruited
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| v.传播（传说或谣言）( bruit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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69
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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70
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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71
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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72
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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73
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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74
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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75
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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76
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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77
wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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78
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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79
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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80
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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81
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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82
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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83
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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84
provocations
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| n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 )；激怒；刺激；愤怒的原因 | |
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85
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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86
illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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87
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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88
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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89
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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90
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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91
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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92
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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93
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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94
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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95
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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96
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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97
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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98
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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99
smother
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| vt./vi.使窒息；抑制；闷死；n.浓烟；窒息 | |
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100
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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101
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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102
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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103
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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104
exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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106
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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107
detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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108
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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109
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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110
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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111
debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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112
aggravation
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| n.烦恼，恼火 | |
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113
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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114
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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115
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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116
entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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117
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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118
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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119
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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120
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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122
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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123
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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124
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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125
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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126
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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127
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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128
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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129
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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130
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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131
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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132
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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133
witchcraft
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| n.魔法，巫术 | |
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134
faltering
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| 犹豫的，支吾的，蹒跚的 | |
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135
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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136
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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137
corroborated
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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138
allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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139
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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140
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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141
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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142
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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143
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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144
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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145
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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147
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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148
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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150
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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151
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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152
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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153
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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154
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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155
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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156
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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158
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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159
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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160
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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161
importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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162
poignant
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| adj.令人痛苦的，辛酸的，惨痛的 | |
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163
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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164
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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166
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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167
commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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168
razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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169
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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171
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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173
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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174
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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175
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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177
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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178
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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179
avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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180
revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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181
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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182
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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183
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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184
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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185
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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186
celibacy
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| n.独身(主义) | |
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187
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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188
glosses
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| n.（页末或书后的）注释( gloss的名词复数 )；（表面的）光滑；虚假的外表；用以产生光泽的物质v.注解( gloss的第三人称单数 )；掩饰（错误）；粉饰；把…搪塞过去 | |
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189
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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190
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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191
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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192
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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193
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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194
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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195
surfeited
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| v.吃得过多( surfeit的过去式和过去分词 )；由于过量而厌腻 | |
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196
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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197
spartans
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| n.斯巴达（spartan的复数形式） | |
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198
exquisitely
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| adv.精致地；强烈地；剧烈地；异常地 | |
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199
encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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200
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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201
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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202
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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203
concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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204
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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205
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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206
banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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207
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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208
vying
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| adj.竞争的；比赛的 | |
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209
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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210
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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211
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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212
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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213
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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214
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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215
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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216
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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217
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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218
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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219
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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220
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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221
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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222
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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223
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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224
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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225
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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226
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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227
alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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228
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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229
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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230
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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231
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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232
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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233
censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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234
equestrian
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| adj.骑马的；n.马术 | |
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235
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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236
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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237
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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238
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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239
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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240
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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241
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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242
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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243
satiety
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| n.饱和；(市场的)充分供应 | |
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244
crave
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| vt.渴望得到，迫切需要，恳求，请求 | |
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245
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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246
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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247
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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248
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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249
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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250
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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251
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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252
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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253
irreverence
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| n.不尊敬 | |
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254
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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255
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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256
negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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257
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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258
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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259
forfeitures
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| n.（财产等的）没收，（权利、名誉等的）丧失( forfeiture的名词复数 ) | |
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260
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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261
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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262
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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263
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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264
transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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265
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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266
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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267
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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268
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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269
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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270
fatigues
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|
| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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271
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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272
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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273
exorbitant
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|
| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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274
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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275
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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276
uxorious
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| adj.宠爱妻子的 | |
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277
bereave
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|
| v.使痛失(亲人等)，剥夺，使丧失 | |
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278
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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279
luxurious
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|
| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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280
prey
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|
| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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281
allurements
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|
| n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 )；吸引；诱惑物；有诱惑力的事物 | |
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282
inviolate
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|
| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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283
wedlock
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| n.婚姻，已婚状态 | |
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284
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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285
chide
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| v.叱责；谴责 | |
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286
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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287
frailty
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|
| n.脆弱；意志薄弱 | |
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288
prevailing
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|
| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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289
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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290
indigence
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| n.贫穷 | |
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291
consultations
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|
| n.磋商（会议）( consultation的名词复数 )；商讨会；协商会；查找 | |
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292
cabals
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|
| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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293
harangues
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|
| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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294
devouring
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|
| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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295
usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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296
exhausted
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|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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297
destitute
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|
| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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298
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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299
drawn
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|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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300
beheld
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|
| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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301
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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302
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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303
hesitation
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|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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304
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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305
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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306
rabble
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|
| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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307
followers
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|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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308
debtors
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|
| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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309
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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310
marred
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|
| adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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311
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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312
frustrated
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|
| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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313
conquerors
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|
| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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314
hangers
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| n.衣架( hanger的名词复数 )；挂耳 | |
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315
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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316
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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317
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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318
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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319
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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320
inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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321
perusing
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的现在分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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322
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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323
elevation
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|
| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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324
auxiliaries
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|
| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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325
ravaged
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|
| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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326
refreshments
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|
| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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327
foe
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|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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328
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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329
mischiefs
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|
| 损害( mischief的名词复数 )； 危害； 胡闹； 调皮捣蛋的人 | |
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330
novices
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|
| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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331
bereft
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|
| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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332
exhortations
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|
| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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333
voluptuousness
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|
| n.风骚，体态丰满 | |
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334
obstruction
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|
| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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335
hatchets
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|
| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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336
battered
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|
| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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337
hewed
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|
| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的过去式和过去分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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338
adherents
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|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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339
aggravating
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|
| adj.恼人的，讨厌的 | |
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340
lessening
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| 减轻，减少，变小 | |
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341
lieutenants
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|
| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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342
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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343
sycophancy
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| n.拍马屁，奉承，谄媚；吮痈舐痔 | |
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344
subdued
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|
| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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345
disturbances
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|
| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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346
monstrously
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347
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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348
concealing
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|
| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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349
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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350
parsimony
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| n.过度节俭，吝啬 | |
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351
grievance
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|
| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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352
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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353
prodigality
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| n.浪费，挥霍 | |
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354
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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355
withdrawn
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|
| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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356
vigilant
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|
| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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357
potent
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|
| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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358
inveterate
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|
| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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359
corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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360
commendable
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|
| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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361
miscarriages
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| 流产( miscarriage的名词复数 ) | |
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362
retrench
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| v.节省，削减 | |
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363
spacious
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|
| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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364
brass
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|
| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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365
promiscuously
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|
| adv.杂乱地，混杂地 | |
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366
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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367
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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368
snares
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|
| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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369
scattering
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|
| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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370
lusts
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| 贪求（lust的第三人称单数形式） | |
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371
covet
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|
| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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372
defiance
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|
| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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373
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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374
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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375
grove
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|
| n.林子，小树林，园林 | |
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376
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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377
reclaim
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|
| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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378
perseverance
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|
| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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379
impeach
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|
| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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380
lustre
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|
| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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381
grandees
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|
| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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382
frugal
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|
| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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383
thrifty
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|
| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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384
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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385
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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386
incitement
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| 激励； 刺激； 煽动； 激励物 | |
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387
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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388
excellences
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| n.卓越( excellence的名词复数 )；（只用于所修饰的名词后）杰出的；卓越的；出类拔萃的 | |
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389
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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390
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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391
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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392
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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393
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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394
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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395
mightiness
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| n.强大 | |
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396
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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397
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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398
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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399
toils
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| 网 | |
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400
precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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401
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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402
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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403
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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404
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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405
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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406
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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407
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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408
sanctuaries
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| n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 )；庇护；圣所；庇护所 | |
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409
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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410
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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411
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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412
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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413
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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414
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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415
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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416
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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417
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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418
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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419
ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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420
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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421
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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422
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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423
suppliant
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| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
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424
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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425
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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426
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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427
abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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428
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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429
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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430
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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431
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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432
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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433
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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434
Neptune
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| n.海王星 | |
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435
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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436
lapsing
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| v.退步( lapse的现在分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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437
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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438
heinously
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| adv.可憎地，极恶地 | |
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439
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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440
augurs
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| n.（古罗马的）占兆官( augur的名词复数 )；占卜师，预言者v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的第三人称单数 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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441
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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442
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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443
censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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444
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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445
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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446
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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447
obsequiousness
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| 媚骨 | |
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448
vileness
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| n.讨厌，卑劣 | |
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449
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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450
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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451
nauseated
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| adj.作呕的，厌恶的v.使恶心，作呕( nauseate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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