On that method therefore he fixed10: whilst Publius Vitellius and Publius Cantius were sent to collect the tribute of the Gauls; Silius, Anteius, and Caecina had the direction of building the fleet. A thousand vessels11 were thought sufficient, and with despatch12 finished: some were short, sharp at both ends, and wide in the middle, the easier to endure the agitations13 of the waves; some had flat bottoms, that without damage they might bear to run aground; several had helms at each end, that by suddenly turning the oars15 only they might work either way. Many were arched over, for carrying the engines of war. They were fitted for holding horses and provisions, to fly with sails, to run with oars, and the spirit and alacrity16 of the soldiers heightened the show and terror of the fleet. They were to meet at the Isle17 of Batavia, which was chosen for its easy landing, for its convenience to receive the forces, and thence to transport them to the war. For the Rhine, flowing in one continual channel, or only broken by small islands, is, at the extremity18 of Batavia, divided as it were into two rivers; one running still through Germany, and retaining the same name and violent current, till it mixes with the ocean; the other, washing the Gallic shore, with a broader and more gentle stream, is by the inhabitants called by another name, the Wahal, which it soon after changes for that of the river Meuse, by whose immense mouth it is discharged into the same ocean.
While the fleet sailed, Germanicus commanded Silius, his lieutenant19, with a flying band, to invade the Cattans; and he himself, upon hearing that the fort upon the river Luppia {Footnote: Lippe.} was besieged20, led six legions thither21: but the sudden rains prevented Silius from doing more than taking some small plunder22, with the wife and daughter of Arpus, Prince of the Cattans; nor did the besiegers stay to fight Germanicus, but upon the report of his approach stole off and dispersed23. As they had, however, thrown down the common tomb lately raised over the Varian legions, and the old altar erected24 to Drusus, he restored the altar; and performed in person with the legions the funeral ceremony of running courses to the honour of his father. To replace the tomb was not thought fit; but all the space between Fort Aliso and the Rhine, he fortified25 with a new barrier.
The fleet was now arrived, the provisions were sent forward; ships were assigned to the legions and the allies; and he entered the canal cut by Drusus, and called by his name. Here he invoked26 his father "to be propitious28 to his son attempting the same enterprises; to inspire him with the same counsels, and animate30 him by his example." Hence he sailed fortunately through the lakes and the ocean to the river Amisia, {Footnote: Ems.} and at the town of Amisia the fleet was left upon the left shore; and it was a fault that it sailed no higher, for he landed the army on the right shore, so that in making bridges many days were consumed. The horse and the legions passed over without danger, as it was yet ebb31; but the returning tide disordered the rear, especially the Batavians, while they played with the waves, and showed their dexterity33 in swimming; and some were drowned. Whilst Germanicus was encamping, he was told of the revolt of the Angrivarians behind him, and thither he despatched a body of horse and light foot, under Stertinius, who with fire and slaughter34 took vengeance35 on the perfidious36 revolters.
Between the Romans and the Cheruscans flowed the river Visurgis, {Footnote: Weser.} and on the banks of it stood Arminius, with the other chiefs: he inquired whether Germanicus was come; and being answered that he was there, he prayed leave to speak with his brother. This brother of his was in the army, his name Flavius; one remarkable37 for his lasting38 faith towards the Romans, and for the loss of an eye in the war under Tiberius. This request was granted: Flavius stepped forward, and was saluted39 by Arminius, who, having removed his own attendance, desired that our archers40 ranged upon the opposite banks might retire. When they were withdrawn41, "How came you," says he to his brother, "by that deformity in your face?" The brother having informed him where, and in what fight, was next asked, "what reward he had received?" Flavius answered, "Increase of pay, the chain, the crown, and other military gifts;" all which Arminius treated with derision, as the vile43 wages of servitude.
Here began a warm contest: Flavius pleaded "the grandeur44 of the Roman Empire, the power of the Emperor, the Roman clemency45 to submitting nations, the heavy yoke46 of the vanquished47; and that neither the wife nor son of Arminius was used like a captive." Arminius to all this opposed "the natural rights of their country, their ancient liberty, the domestic Gods of Germany; he urged the prayers of their common mother joined to his own, that he would not prefer the character of a deserter, that of a betrayer of his family, his countrymen, and kindred, to the glory of being their commander." By degrees they fell into reproaches; nor would the interposition of the river have restrained them from blows, had not Stertinius hasted to lay hold on Flavius, full of rage, and calling for his arms and his horse. On the opposite side was seen Arminius, swelling48 with ferocity and threats, and denouncing battle. For, of what he said, much was said in Latin, having as the General of his countrymen served in the Roman armies.
Next day, the German army stood embattled beyond the Visurgis. Germanicus, who thought it became not a General to endanger the legions, till for their passage and security he had placed bridges and guards, made the horse ford49 over. They were led by Stertinius, and Aemilius, Lieutenant-Colonel of a legion; and these two officers crossed the river in distant places, to divide the foe50. Cariovalda, Captain of the Batavians, passed it where most rapid, and was by the Cheruscans, who feigned51 flight, drawn42 into a plain surrounded with woods, whence they rushed out upon him and assaulted him on every side; overthrew52 those who resisted, and pressed vehemently53 upon those who gave way. The distressed56 Batavians formed themselves into a ring, but were again broken, partly by a close assault, partly by distant showers of darts57. Cariovalda, having long sustained the fury of the enemy, exhorted58 his men to draw up into platoons, and break through the prevailing59 host; he himself forced his way into their centre, and fell with his horse under a shower of darts, and many of the principal Batavians round him; the rest were saved by their own bravery, or rescued by the cavalry under Stertinius and Aemilius.
Germanicus, having passed the Visurgis, learned from a deserter, that Arminius had marked out the place of battle; that more nations had also joined him; that they rendezvoused61 in a wood sacred to Hercules, and would attempt to storm our camp by night. The deserter was believed; the enemy's fires were discerned; and the scouts62 having advanced towards them, reported that they had heard the neighing of horses, and the hollow murmur63 of a mighty64 and tumultuous host. In this important conjuncture, upon the approach of a decisive battle, Germanicus thought it behoved him to learn the inclinations66 and spirit of the soldiers and deliberated with himself how to be informed without fraud: "for the reports of the Tribunes and Centurions67 used to be oftener pleasing than true; his Freedmen had still slavish souls, incapable68 of free speech; friends were apt to flatter; there was the same uncertainty69 in an assemble, where the counsel proposed by a few was wont70 to be echoed by all; in truth, the minds of the soldiery were then best known, when they were least watched; when free and over their meals, they frankly71 disclosed their hopes and fears."
In the beginning of night, he went out at the augural73 gate, with a single attendant; himself disguised with the skin of a wild beast hanging over his shoulders; and choosing secret ways, he escaped the notice of the watch, entered the lanes of the camp, listened from tent to tent, and enjoyed the pleasing display of his own popularity and fame; as one was magnifying the imperial birth of his general; another, his graceful74 person; and all, his patience, condescension75, and the equality of his soul in every temper, pleasant or grave: they confessed the gratitude76 due to so much merit, and that in battle they ought to express it, and to sacrifice at the same time to glory and revenge these perfidious Germans, who for ever violated stipulations and peace. In the meantime one of the enemy who understood Latin rode up to the palisades, and with a loud voice offered, in the name of Arminius, to every deserter a wife and land, and as long as the war lasted an hundred sesterces a day. {Footnote: 16s. 8d.} This contumely kindled77 the wrath78 of the legions: "Let day come," they cried, "let battle be given: the soldiers would seize and not accept the lands of the Germans; take and not receive German wives; they, however, received the offer as an omen79 of victory, and considered the money and women as their destined80 prey81." Near the third watch of the night, they approached and insulted the camp; but without striking a blow, when they found the ramparts covered thick with cohorts, and no advantage given.
Germanicus had the same night a joyful82 dream: he thought he sacrificed, and, in place of his own robe besmeared with the sacred blood, received one fairer from the hands of his grandmother Augusta; so that elevated by the omen, and by equal encouragement from the auspices83, he called an assembly, where he opened his deliberations concerning the approaching battle with all the advantages contributing to victory: "That to the Roman soldiers not only plains and dales, but, with due circumspection84, even woods and forests were commodious85 for an engagement. The huge targets, the enormous spears, of the Barbarians86 could never be wielded87 amongst thickets88 and trunks of trees like Roman swords and javelins89, and armour90 adjusted to the shape and size of their bodies, so that with these tractable91 arms they might thicken their blows, and strike with certainty at the naked faces of the enemy, since the Germans were neither furnished with headpiece nor coat of mail, nor were their bucklers bound with leather or fortified with iron, but all bare basket-work or painted boards; and though their first ranks were armed with pikes, the rest had only stakes burnt at the end, or short and contemptible93 darts; for their persons, as they were terrible to sight and violent in the onset94, so they were utterly95 impatient of wounds, unaffected with their own disgrace, unconcerned for the honour of their general, whom they ever deserted96 and fled; in distress55 cowards, in prosperity despisers of all divine, of all human laws. In fine, if the army, after their fatigues98 at sea and their tedious marches by land, longed for an utter end of their labour, by this battle they might gain it. The Elbe was now nearer than the Rhine; and if they would make him a conqueror99 in those countries where his father and his uncle had conquered, the war was concluded." The ardour of the soldiers followed the speech of the general, and the signal for the onset was given.
Neither did Arminius or the other chiefs neglect to declare to their several bands that "these Romans were the cowardly fugitives100 of the Varian army, who, because they could not endure to fight, had afterwards chosen to rebel. That some with backs deformed102 by wounds, some with limbs maimed by tempests, forsaken103 of hope, and the Gods against them, were once more presenting their lives to their vengeful foes104. Hitherto a fleet, and unfrequented seas, had been the resources of their cowardice105 against an assaulting or a pursuing enemy; but now that they were to engage hand to hand, vain would be their relief from wind and oars after a defeat. The Germans needed only remember their rapine, cruelty, and pride; and that to themselves nothing remained but either to maintain their native liberty, or by death to prevent bondage106."
The enemy, thus inflamed107 and calling for battle, were led into a plain called Idistavisus: {Footnote: Near Minden.} it lies between the Visurgis and the hills, and winds unequally along, as it is straitened by the swellings of the mountains or enlarged by the circuits of the river. Behind rose a forest of high trees, thick of branches above but clear of bushes below. The army of Barbarians kept the plain, and the entrances of the forest. The Cheruscans alone sat down upon the mountain, in order to pour down from thence upon the Romans as soon as they became engaged in the fight. Our army marched thus: the auxiliary109 Gauls and Germans in front, after them the foot archers, next four legions, and then Germanicus with two Praetorian cohorts and the choice of the cavalry; then four legions more, and the light foot with archers on horseback and the other troops of the allies; the men all intent to march in order of battle and ready to engage as they marched.
As the impatient bands of Cheruscans were now perceived descending110 fiercely from the hills, Germanicus commanded a body of the best horse to charge them in the flank, and Stertinius with the rest to wheel round to attack them in the rear, and promised to be ready to assist them in person. During this a joyful omen appeared: eight eagles were seen to fly toward the wood, and to enter it; a presage111 of victory to the General. "Advance," he cried, "follow the Roman birds; follow the tutelar Deities112 of the legions!" Instantly the foot charged the enemy's front, and instantly the detached cavalry attacked their flank and rear: this double assault had a strange event; the two divisions of their army fled opposite ways; that in the woods ran to the plain; that in the plain rushed into the woods. The Cheruscans, between both, were driven from the hills; amongst them Arminius, remarkably113 brave, who with his hand, his voice, and distinguished114 wounds was still sustaining the fight. He had assaulted the archers, and would have broken through them, but the cohorts of the Retians, the Vindelicians, and the Gauls marched to their relief; however, by his own vigour115 and the force of his horse, he escaped, his face besmeared with his own blood to avoid being known. Some have related that the Chaucians, who were amongst the Roman auxiliaries116, knew him, and let him go; the same bravery or deceit procured117 Inguiomerus his escape; the rest were everywhere slain118; and great numbers attempting to swim the Visurgis were destroyed in it, either pursued with darts, or swallowed by the current, or overwhelmed with the weight of the crowd, or buried under the falling banks; some seeking a base refuge on the tops of trees, and concealment119 amongst the branches, were shot in sport by the archers, or squashed as the trees were felled: a mighty victory this, and to us far from bloody120!
This slaughter of the foe, from the fifth hour of the day till night, filled the country for ten miles with carcasses and arms: amongst the spoils, chains were found, which, sure of conquering, they had brought to bind121 the Roman captives. The soldiers proclaimed Tiberius Imperator upon the field of battle, and raising a mount, placed upon it as trophies122 the German arms, with the names of all the vanquished nations inscribed123 below.
This sight filled the Germans with more anguish124 and rage than all their wounds, past afflictions, and slaughters125. They, who were just prepared to abandon their dwellings126, and flit beyond the Elbe, meditate127 war and grasp their arms: people, nobles, youth, aged108, all rush suddenly upon the Roman army in its march and disorder32 it. They next chose their camp, a strait and moist plain shut in between a river and a forest, the forest too surrounded with a deep marsh128, except on one side, which was closed with a barrier raised by the Angrivarians between them and the Cheruscans. Here stood their foot; their horse were distributed and concealed129 amongst the neighbouring groves130, thence, by surprise, to beset132 the legions in the rear as soon as they had entered the wood.
Nothing of all this was a secret to Germanicus: he knew their counsels, their stations, what steps they pursued, what measures they concealed; and, to the destruction of the enemy, turned their own subtilty and devices. To Seius Tubero, his Lieutenant, he committed the horse and the field; the infantry134 so disposed, that part might pass the level approaches into the wood, and the rest force the ramparts; this was the most arduous135 task, and to himself he reserved it; the rest he left to his Lieutenants136. Those who had the even ground to traverse, broke easily in; but they who were to assail138 the rampart, were as grievously battered139 from above, as if they had been storming a wall. The General perceived the inequality of this close attack, and drawing off the legions a small distance, ordered the slingers to throw, and the engineers to play, to beat off the enemy: immediately showers of darts were poured from the engines, and the defenders141 of the barrier, the more bold and exposed they were, with the more wounds they were beaten down. Germanicus, having taken the rampart, first forced his way, at the head of the Praetorian cohorts, into the woods, and there it was fought foot to foot; behind, the enemy were begirt with the morass142, the Romans with the mountains or the rivers; no room for either to retreat, no hope but in valour, no safety but in victory.
The Germans had no inferior courage, but they were exceeded in the fashion of arms and art of fighting. Their mighty multitude, hampered143 in narrow places, could not push nor recover their long spears, nor practise in a close combat their usual boundings and velocity144 of limbs. On the contrary, our soldiers, with handy swords, and their breasts closely guarded with a buckler, delved145 the large bodies and naked faces of the Barbarians, and opened themselves a way with a havoc146 of the enemy: besides, the activity of Arminius now failed him, either spent through his continual efforts or slackened by a wound just received. Inguiomerus was everywhere upon the spur, animating147 the battle, but fortune rather than courage deserted him. Germanicus, to be the easier known, pulled off his helmet, and exhorted his men "to prosecute148 the slaughter; they wanted no captives," he said; "only the cutting off that people root and branch would put an end to the war." It was now late in the day, and he drew off a legion to make a camp; the rest glutted149 themselves till night, with the blood of the foe; the horse fought with doubtful success.
Germanicus, in a speech from the tribunal, praised his victorious150 army, and raised a monument of arms with a proud inscription151: "That the army of Tiberius Caesar, having vanquished entirely152 the nations between the Rhine and the Elbe, had consecrated153 that monument to Mars, to Jupiter, and to Augustus." Of himself, he made no mention, either fearful of provoking envy, or that he thought it sufficient praise to have deserved it. He had next commanded Stertinius to carry the war amongst the Angrivarians; but they instantly submitted; and these supplicants, by yielding without articles, obtained pardon without reserve.
The summer now declining, some of the legions were sent back into winter quarters by land; more were embarked155 with Germanicus upon the river Amisia, to go from thence by the ocean. The sea at first was serene156, no sound or agitation14 but from the oars or sails of a thousand ships; but suddenly a black host of clouds poured a storm of hail; furious winds roared on every side, and the tempest darkened the deep, so that all prospect157 was lost; and it was impossible to steer158. The soldiers too, unaccustomed to the terrors of the sea, in the hurry of fear disordered the mariners159, or interrupted the skilful160 by unskilful help. At last the south wind, mastering all the rest, drove the ocean and the sky: the tempest derived162 new force from the windy mountains and swelling rivers of Germany, as well as from an immense train of clouds; and contracting withal fresh vigour from the boisterous163 neighbourhood of the north, it hurled164 the ships and tossed them into the open ocean, or against islands shored with rocks or dangerously beset with covered shoals. The ships by degrees, with great labour and the change of the tide, were relieved from the rocks and sands, but remained at the mercy of the winds; their anchors could not hold them; they were full of water, nor could all their pumps discharge it: hence, to lighten and raise the vessels swallowing at their decks the invading waves, the horses, beasts, baggage, and even the arms were cast into the deep.
By how much the German ocean is more outrageous165 than the rest of the sea, and the German climate excels in rigour, by so much this ruin was reckoned to exceed in greatness and novelty. They were engaged in a tempestuous166 sea, believed deep without bottom, vast without bounds, or no shores near but hostile shores: part of the fleet were swallowed up; many were driven upon remote islands void of human culture, where the men perished through famine, or were kept alive by the carcasses of horses cast in by the flood. Only the galley167 of Germanicus landed upon the coast of the Chaucians, where wandering sadly, day and night, upon the rocks and prominent shore, and incessantly168 accusing himself as the author of such mighty destruction, he was hardly restrained by his friends from casting himself desperately169 into the same hostile floods. At last, with the returning tide and an assisting gale170, the ships began to return, all maimed, almost destitute171 of oars, or with coats spread for sails; and some, utterly disabled, were dragged by those that were less. He repaired them hastily, and despatched them to search the islands; and by this care many men were gleaned172 up; many were by the Angrivarians, our new subjects, redeemed173 from their maritime174 neighbours and restored; and some, driven into Great Britain, were sent back by the little British kings. Those who had come from afar, recounted wonders at their return, "the impetuosity of whirlwinds; wonderful birds; sea monsters of ambiguous forms, between man and beasts." Strange sights these! or the effects of imagination and fear.
The noise of this wreck175, as it animated176 the Germans with hopes of renewing the war, awakened177 Germanicus also to restrain them: he commanded Caius Silius, with thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse, to march against the Cattans: he himself, with a greater force, invaded the Marsians, where he learnt from Malovendus, their general, lately taken into our subjection, that the Eagle of one of Varus's legions was hid underground in a neighbouring grove131, and kept by a slender guard. Instantly two parties were despatched; one to face the enemy and provoke them from their post; the other to beset their rear and dig up the Eagle; and success attended both. Hence Germanicus advanced with great alacrity, laid waste the country, and smote178 the foe, either not daring to engage, or, wherever they engaged, suddenly defeated. Nor, as we learnt from the prisoners, were they ever seized with greater dismay: "The Romans," they cried, "are invincible179: no calamities180 can subdue181 them: they have wrecked182 their fleet; their arms are lost; our shores are covered with the bodies of their horses and men; and yet they attack us with their usual ferocity, with the same firmness, and with numbers as it were increased."
The army was from thence led back into winter quarters, full of joy to have balanced, by this prosperous expedition, their late misfortune at sea; and by the bounty183 of Germanicus, their joy was heightened, since to each sufferer he caused to be paid as much as each declared he had lost; neither was it doubted but the enemy were humbled184, and concerting measures for obtaining peace, and that the next summer would terminate the war. But Tiberius by frequent letters urged him "to come home, there to celebrate the triumph already decreed him; urged that he had already tried enough of events, and tempted185 abundant hazards: he had indeed fought great and successful battles; but he must likewise remember his losses and calamities, which, however, owing to wind and waves, and no fault of the general, were yet great and grievous. He himself had been sent nine times into Germany by Augustus, and effected much more by policy than arms: it was thus he had brought the Sigambrians into subjection, thus drawn the Suevians and King Maroboduus under the bonds of peace. The Cheruscans too, and the other hostile nations, now the Roman vengeance was satiated, might be left to pursue their own national feuds186." Germanicus besought187 one year to accomplish his conquest; but Tiberius assailed188 his modesty189 with a new bait and fresh opportunity, by offering him another Consulship190, for the administration of which he was to attend in person at Rome. He added, "that if the war was still to be prosecuted192, Germanicus should leave a field of glory to his brother Drusus, to whom there now remained no other; since the Empire had nowhere a war to maintain but in Germany, and thence only Drusus could acquire the title of Imperator, and merit the triumphal laurel." Germanicus persisted no longer; though he knew that this was all feigned and hollow, and saw himself invidiously torn away from a harvest of ripe glory.
Decrees of the Senate were made for driving astrologers and magicians out of Italy; and one of the herd193, Lucius Pituanius, was precipitated194 from the Tarpeian Rock: Publius Marcius, another, was, by the judgment195 of the Consuls191, at the sound of trumpet196 executed without the Esquiline Gate, according to the ancient form.
Next time the Senate sat, long discourses197 against the luxury of the city were made by Quintus Haterius, a consular199, and by Octavius Fronto, formerly200 Praetor; and a law was passed "against using table-plate of solid gold, and against men debasing themselves with gorgeous and effeminate silks." Fronto went further, and desired that "the quantities of silver plate, the expense of furniture, and the number of domestics might be limited;" for it was yet common for senators to depart from the present debate and offer, as their advice, whatever they judged conducing to the interest of the commonweal. Against him it was argued by Asinius Callus, "That with the growth of the Empire private riches were likewise grown, and it was no new thing for citizens to live according to their conditions, but agreeable to the most primitive201 usage: the ancient Fabricii and the later Scipios, having different wealth, lived differently; but all suitably to the several stages of the Commonwealth202. Public property was accompanied with domestic; but when the State rose to such a height of magnificence, the magnificence of particulars rose too. As to plate, and train, and expense, there was no standard of excess or frugality203, but from the fortunes of men. The law, indeed, had made a distinction between the fortunes of senators and knights205; not for any natural difference between them, but that they who excelled in place, rank, and civil pre-eminence206, might excel too in other particulars, such as conduced to the health of the body or to the peace and solacement of the soul; unless it were expected, that the most illustrious citizens should sustain the sharpest cares, and undergo the heaviest fatigues and dangers, but continue destitute of every alleviation207 of fatigue97 and danger and care." Gallus easily prevailed, whilst under worthy208 names he avowed210 and supported popular vices133 in an assembly engaged in them. Tiberius too had said, "That it was not a season for reformation; or, if there were any corruption212 of manners, there would not be wanting one to correct them."
During these transactions, Lucius Piso, after he had declaimed bitterly in the Senate against "the ambitious practices and intrigues214 of the Forum215, the corruption of the tribunals, and the inhumanity of the pleaders breathing continual terror and impeachments," declared "he would entirely relinquish216 Rome, and retire into a quiet corner of the country, far distant and obscure." With these words he left the Senate; Tiberius was provoked; and yet not only soothed217 him with gentle words, but likewise obliged Piso's relations, by their authority or entreaties218, to retain him. The same Piso gave soon after an equal instance of the indignation of the free spirit, by prosecuting219 a suit against Urgulania; a lady whom the partial friendship of Livia had set at defiance220 with the laws. Urgulania being carried, for protection, to the palace, despised the efforts of Piso; so that neither did she submit; nor would he desist, notwithstanding the complaints and resentments221 of Livia, that in the prosecution223 "violence and indignity224 were done to her own person." Tiberius promised to attend the trial, and assist Urgulania; but only promised in civility to his mother, for so far he thought it became him; and thus left the palace, ordering his guards to follow at a distance. People the while crowded about him, and he walked with a slow and composed air: as he lingered, and prolonged the time and way with various discourse198, the trial went on. Piso would not be mollified by the importunity225 of his friends; and hence at last the Empress ordered the payment of the money claimed by him. This was the issue of the affair: by it, Piso lost no renown226; and it signally increased the credit of Tiberius. The power, however, of Urgulania was so exorbitant227 to the State, that she disdained228 to appear a witness in a certain cause before the Senate: and, when it had been always usual even for the Vestal Virgins230 to attend the Forum and Courts of Justice, as oft as their evidence was required; a Praetor was sent to examine Urgulania at her own house.
The procrastination232 which happened this year in the public affairs, I should not mention, but that the different opinions of Cneius Piso and Asinius Gallus about it, are worth knowing. Their dispute was occasioned by a declaration of Tiberius; "that he was about to be absent," and it was the motion of Piso, "that for that very reason, the prosecution of public business was the rather to be continued; since, as in the Prince's absence, the Senate and equestrian233 order might administer their several parts, the same would redound234 to the honour of the Commonwealth." This was a declaration for liberty, and in it Piso had prevented Gallus, who now in opposition235 said, "that nothing sufficiently236 illustrious, nor suiting the dignity of the Roman People, could be transacted237 but under the immediate140 eye of the Emperor, and therefore the conflux of suitors and affairs from Italy and the provinces must by all means be reserved for his presence." Tiberius heard and was silent, while the debate was managed on both sides with mighty vehemence238; but the adjournment239 was carried.
A debate too arose between Gallus and the Emperor: for Gallus moved "that the magistrates240 should be henceforth elected but once every five years; that the legates of the legions, who had never exercised the Praetorships, should be appointed Praetors; and that the Prince should nominate twelve candidates every year." It was not doubted but this motion had a deeper aim, and that by it the secret springs and reserves of imperial power were invaded. But Tiberius, as if he rather apprehended242 the augmentation of his power, argued "that it was a heavy task upon his moderation, to choose so many magistrates, and to postpone244 so many candidates. That disgusts from disappointments were hardly avoided in yearly elections; though, for their solacement, fresh hopes remained of approaching success in the next; now how great must be the hatred, how lasting the resentment222 of such whose pretensions245 were to be rejected beyond five years? and whence could it be foreseen that, in so long a tract92 of time, the same men would continue to have the same dispositions246, the same alliances and fortunes? even an annual designation to power made men imperious; how imperious would it make them, if they bore the honour for five years! besides, it would multiply every single magistrate241 into five, and utterly subvert247 the laws which had prescribed a proper space for exercising the diligence of the candidates, and for soliciting248 as well as enjoying preferments."
By this speech, in appearance popular, he still retained the spirit and force of the sovereignty. He likewise sustained by gratuities250, the dignity of some necessitous Senators: hence it was the more wondered, that he received with haughtiness251 and repulse252 the petition of Marcus Hortalus, a young man of signal quality and manifestly poor. He was the grandson of Hortensius the Orator253; and had been encouraged by the deified Augustus, with a bounty of a thousand great sestertia, {Footnote: £8333.} to marry for posterity254; purely255 to prevent the extinction256 of a family most illustrious and renowned257. The Senate were sitting in the palace, and Hortalus having set his four children before the door, fixed his eyes, now upon the statue of Hortensius, placed amongst the orators258; then upon that of Augustus; and instead of speaking to the question, began on this wise: "Conscript Fathers, you see there the number and infancy259 of my children; not mine by my own choice, but in compliance260 with the advice of the Prince: such too was the splendour of my ancestors, that it merited to be perpetuated261 in their race; but for my own particular, who, marred262 by the revolution of the times, could not raise wealth, nor engage popular favour, nor cultivate the hereditary263 fortune of our house, the fortune of Eloquence264: I deemed it sufficient if, in my slender circumstances, I lived no disgrace to myself, no burden to others. Commanded by the Emperor, I took a wife; behold265 the offspring of so many Consuls; behold the descendants of so many Dictators! nor is this remembrance invidiously made, but made to move mercy. In the progress of your reign249, Caesar, these children may arrive at the honours in your gift; defend them in the meantime from want: they are the great-grandsons of Hortensius; they are the foster sons of Augustus."
The inclination65 of the Senate was favourable266; an incitement267 this to Tiberius the more eagerly to thwart268 Hortalus. These were in effect his words: "If all that are poor recur269 hither for a provision of money to their children, the public will certainly fail, and yet particulars never be satiated. Our ancestors, when they permitted a departure from the question, to propose somewhat more important to the State, did not therefore permit it, that we might here transact213 domestic matters, and augment243 our private rents: an employment invidious both in the Senate and the Prince; since, whether they grant or deny the petitioned bounties270, either the people or the petitioners271 will ever be offended. But these, in truth, are not petitions; they are demands made against order, and made by surprise: while you are assembled upon other affairs, he stands up and urges your pity, by the number and infancy of his children; with the same violence, he charges the attack to me, and as it were bursts open the exchequer272; but if by popular bounties we exhaust it, by rapine and oppression we must supply it. The deified Augustus gave you money, Hortalus; but without solicitation273 he gave it, and on no condition that it should always be given: otherwise diligence will languish274; sloth275 will prevail; and men having no hopes in resources of their own, no anxiety for themselves, but all securely relying on foreign relief, will become private sluggards and public burdens." These and the like reasonings of Tiberius were differently received; with approbation276 by those whose way it is to extol277, without distinction, all the doings of Princes, worthy and unworthy; by most, however, with silence, or low and discontented murmurs278. Tiberius perceived it, and having paused a little, said "his answer was particularly to Hortalus; but if the Senate thought fit, he would give his sons two hundred great sestertia each." {Footnote: £1666.} For this all the Senators presented their thanks; only Hortalus said nothing; perhaps through present awe279, or perhaps possessed280, even in poverty, with the grandeur of his ancient nobility. Nor did Tiberius ever show further pity, though the house of Hortensius was fallen into shameful281 distress.
At the end of the year, a triumphal arch was raised near the Temple of Saturn282; a monument this for the recovery of the Varian Eagles, under the conduct of Germanicus, under the auspices of Tiberius. A temple was dedicated283 to Happy Fortune near the Tiber, in the gardens bequeathed to the Roman People by Caesar, the Dictator. A chapel284 was consecrated to the Julian family, and statues to the deified Augustus, in the suburbs called Bovillae. In the consulship of Caius Celius and Lucius Pomponius, the six-and-twentieth of May, Germanicus Caesar triumphed over the Cheruscans, the Cattans, the Angrivarians, and the other nations as far as the Elbe. In the triumph were carried all the spoils and captives, with the representations of mountains, of rivers, and of battles; so that his conquests, because he was restrained from completing them, were taken for complete. His own graceful person, and his chariot filled with his five children, heightened the show and the delight of the beholders; yet they were checked with secret fears, as they remembered "that popular favour had proved malignant285 to his father Drusus; that his uncle Marcellus was snatched, in his youth, from the burning affections of the populace; and that ever short-lived and unfortunate were the favourites of the Roman People."
Tiberius distributed to the people, in the name of Germanicus, three hundred sesterces a man, {Footnote: £2, 10s.} and named himself his colleague in the Consulship. Nor even thus did he gain the opinion of tenderness and sincerity287: in effect, on pretence288 of investing the young Prince with fresh preferment and honours, he resolved to alienate289 him from Rome; and, to accomplish it, craftily290 framed an occasion, or snatched such an one as chance presented. Archelaus had enjoyed the kingdom of Cappadocia now fifty years; a Prince under the deep displeasure of Tiberius, because, in his retirement291 at Rhodes, the King had paid him no sort of court or distinction: an omission292 this which proceeded from no disdain229, but from the warnings given him by the confidents of Augustus; for that the young Caius Caesar, the presumptive heir to the sovereignty, then lived, and was sent to compose and administer the affairs of the East; hence the friendship of Tiberius was reckoned then dangerous. But when, by the utter fall of the family of the Caesars, he had gained the Empire, he enticed293 Archelaus to Rome, by means of letters from his mother, who, without dissembling her son's resentment, offered the King his mercy, provided he came and in person implored295 it. He, who was either ignorant of the snare296, or dreaded298 violence if he appeared to perceive it, hastened to the city, where he was received by Tiberius with great sternness and wrath, and soon after accused as a criminal in the Senate. The crimes alleged299 against him were mere300 fictions; yet, as equal treatment is unusual to kings, and to be treated like malefactors intolerable; Archelaus, who was broken with grief as well as age, by choice or fate ended his life; his kingdom was reduced into a province, and by its revenues Tiberius declared the tax of a hundredth penny would be abated301, and reduced it for the future to the two hundredth. At the same time died Antiochus, king of Comagena, as also Philopator, king of Cilicia; and great combustions shook these nations; whilst of the people many desired Roman government, and many were addicted302 to domestic monarchy304. The provinces, too, of Syria and Judea, as they were oppressed with impositions, prayed an abatement305 of tribute.
These affairs, and such as I have above related concerning Armenia, Tiberius represented to the Fathers, and "that the commotions of the East could only be settled by the wisdom and abilities of Germanicus; for himself, his age now declined, and that of Drusus was not yet sufficiently ripe." The provinces beyond the sea were thence decreed to Germanicus, with authority superior to all those who obtained provinces by lot, or the nomination306 of the Prince; but Tiberius had already taken care to remove from the government of Syria Creticus Silanus, one united to Germanicus in domestic alliance, by having to Nero, the eldest307 son of Germanicus, betrothed308 his daughter. In his room he had preferred Cneius Piso, a man of violent temper, incapable of subjection, and heir to all the ferocity and haughtiness of his father Piso; the same who, in the civil war, assisted the reviving party against Caesar in Africa with vehement54 efforts; and then followed Brutus and Cassius, but had at last leave to come home, yet disdained to sue for any public offices; nay309, was even courted by Augustus to accept the Consulship. His son, besides his hereditary pride and impetuosity, was elevated with the nobility and wealth of Plancina his wife; scarce yielded he to Tiberius, and, as men far beneath him, despised the sons of Tiberius; neither did he doubt but he was set over Syria on purpose to thwart the measures and defeat all the views of Germanicus. Some even believed that he had to this purpose secret orders from Tiberius, as it was certain that Livia directed Plancina to exert the spirit of the sex, and by constant emulation310 and indignities311 persecute312 Agrippina. For the whole court was rent, and their affections secretly divided between Drusus and Germanicus. Tiberius was partial to Drusus, as his own son by generation; others loved Germanicus; the more for the aversion of his uncle, and for being by his mother of more illustrious descent; as Marc Anthony was his grandfather, and Augustus his great-uncle. On the other side, Pomponius Atticus, a Roman knight204, by being the great-grandfather of Drusus, seemed thence to have derived a stain upon the images of the Claudian house; besides, Agrippina, the wife of Germanicus, did in the fruitfulness of her body and the reputation of her virtue313 far excel Livia, the wife of Drusus. Yet the two brothers lived in amiable314 dearness and concord315, no wise shaken or estranged316 by the reigning317 contention318 amongst their separate friends and adherents319.
Drusus was soon after sent into Illyricum in order to inure320 him to war, and gain him the affections of the army; besides, Tiberius thought that the youth, who loved wantoning in the luxuries of Rome, would be reformed in the camp, and that his own security would be enlarged when both his sons were at the head of the legions. But the pretence of sending him was the protection of the Suevians, who were then imploring321 assistance against the powers of the Cheruscans. For these nations, who since the departure of the Romans saw themselves no longer threatened with terrors from abroad, and were then particularly engaged in a national competition for glory, had relapsed, as usual, into their old intestine322 feuds, and turned their arms upon each other. The two people were equally powerful, and their two leaders equally brave; but differently esteemed323, as the title of king upon Maroboduus had drawn the hate and aversion of his countrymen; whilst Arminius, as a champion warring for the defence of liberty, was the universal object of popular affection.
Hence not only the Cheruscans and their confederates, they who had been the ancient soldiery of Arminius, took arms; but to him too revolted the Semnones and Langobards, both Suevian nations, and even subjects of Maroboduus; and by their accession he would have exceeded in puissance, but Inguiomerus with his band of followers324 deserted to Maroboduus; for no other cause than disdain, that an old man and an uncle like himself should obey Arminius, a young man, his nephew. Both armies were drawn out, with equal hopes; nor disjointed, like the old German battles, into scattered325 parties for loose and random326 attacks; for by long war with us they had learnt to follow their ensigns, to strengthen their main body with parties of reserves, and to observe the orders of their generals. Arminius was now on horseback viewing all the ranks: as he rode through them he magnified their past feats327; "their liberty recovered; the slaughtered328 legions; the spoils of arms wrested329 from the Romans; monuments of victory still retained in some of their hands." Upon Maroboduus he fell with contumelious names, as "a fugitive101, one of no abilities in war; a coward who had sought defence from the gloomy coverts330 of the Hercynian woods, and then by gifts and solicitations courted the alliance of Rome; a betrayer of his country, and a lifeguard-man of Caesar's, worthy to be exterminated331 with no less hostile vengeance than in the slaughter of Quinctilius Varus they had shown. Let them only remember so many battles bravely fought; the events of which, particularly the utter expulsion of the Romans, were sufficient proofs with whom remained the glory of the war."
Neither did Maroboduus fail to boast himself and depreciate332 the foe. "In the person of Inguiomerus," he said (holding him by the hand), "rested the whole renown of the Cheruscans; and from his counsels began all their exploits that ended in success. Arminius, a man of a frantic333 spirit, and a novice334 in affairs, assumed to himself the glory of another, for having by treachery surprised three legions, which expected no foe, and their leader, who feared no fraud; a base surprise, revenged since on Germany with heavy slaughters, and on Arminius himself with domestic infamy335, while his wife and his son still bore the bonds of captivity336. For himself, when attacked formerly by Tiberius at the head of twelve legions, he had preserved unstained the glory of Germany, and on equal terms ended the war. Nor did he repent337 of the treaty, since it was still in their hands to wage anew equal war with the Romans, or save blood and maintain peace." The armies, besides the incitements from these speeches, were animated by national stimulations of their own. The Cheruscans fought for their ancient renown; the Langobards for their recent liberty; and the Suevians and their king, on the contrary, were struggling for the augmentation of their monarchy. Never did armies make a fiercer onset; never had onset a more ambiguous event; for both the right wings were routed, and hence a fresh encounter was certainly expected, till Maroboduus drew off his army and encamped upon the hills; a manifest sign this that he was humbled. Frequent desertions too leaving him at last naked of forces, he retired338 to the Marcomannians, and thence sent ambassadors to Tiberius to implore294 succours. They were answered, "That he had no right to invoke27 aid of the Roman arms against the Cheruscans, since to the Romans, while they were warring with the same foe, he had never administered any assistance." Drusus was, however, sent away, as I have said, with the character of a negotiator of peace.
The same year twelve noble cities of Asia were overturned by an earthquake: the ruin happened in the night, and the more dreadful as its warnings were unobserved; neither availed the usual sanctuary339 against such calamities, namely, a flight to the fields, since those who fled, the gaping340 earth devoured341. It is reported "that mighty mountains subsided342, plains were heaved into high hills: and that with flashes and eruptions343 of fire, the mighty devastation344 was everywhere accompanied." The Sardians felt most heavily the rage of the concussion345, and therefore most compassion346: Tiberius promised them an hundred thousand great sesterces, {Footnote: £83,000.} and remitted347 their taxes for five years. The inhabitants of Magnesia, under Mount Sipylus, were held the next in sufferings, and had proportionable relief. The Temnians, Philadelphians, the Aegeatans, Apollonians, with those called the Mostenians or Macedonians of Hyrcania, the cities too of Hierocaesarea, Cyme, and Tmolus, were all for the same term eased of tribute. It was likewise resolved to send one of the Senate to view the desolations and administer proper remedies: Marcus Aletus was therefore chosen, one of Praetorian rank; because, a Consular Senator then governing Asia, had another of the like quality been sent, an emulation between equals was apprehended, and consequently opposition and delays.
The credit of this noble bounty to the public, he increased by private liberalities, which proved equally popular: the estate of the wealthy Aemilia Musa, claimed by the exchequer, as she died intestate, he surrendered to Aemilius Lepidus, to whose family she seemed to belong; as also to Marcus Servilius the inheritance of Patuleius, a rich Roman knight, though part of it had been bequeathed to himself; but he found Servilius named sole heir in a former and well-attested will. He said such was "the nobility of both, that they deserved to be supported." Nor did he ever to himself accept any man's inheritance, but where former friendship gave him a title. The wills of such as were strangers to him, and of such as, from hate and prejudice to others, had appointed the Prince their heir, he utterly rejected. But, as he relieved the honest poverty of the virtuous348, so he degraded from the Senate (or suffered to quit it of their own accord) Vibidius Varro, Marius Nepos, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Sylla, and Quintus Vitellius, all prodigals349, and only through debauchery indigent350.
About this time Tiberius finished and consecrated what Augustus began, the Temples of the Gods consumed by age or fire: that near the great Circus, vowed211 by Aulus Posthumius the Dictator, to Bacchus, Proserpina, and Ceres. In the same place the Temple of Flora351, founded by Lucius Publicius and Marcus Publicius while they were Aediles. The Temple of Janus, built in the Herb Market by Caius Duillius, who first signalised the Roman power at sea, and merited a naval352 triumph over the Carthaginians. That of Hope was dedicated by Germanicus: this temple Atilius had vowed in the same war.
The Consuls for the following year were, Tiberius the third time, Germanicus the second. This dignity overtook Germanicus at Nicopolis, a city of Achaia, whither he arrived by the coast of Illyricum, from visiting his brother Drusus, then abiding353 in Dalmatia; and had suffered a tempestuous passage, both in the Adriatic and Ionian Sea: he therefore spent a few days to repair his fleet, and viewed the while the Bay of Actium renowned for the naval victory there; as also the spoils consecrated by Augustus, and the Camp of Anthony, with an affecting remembrance of these his ancestors; for Anthony, as I have said, was his great uncle, Augustus his grandfather; hence this scene proved to Germanicus a mighty source of images pleasing and sad. Next he proceeded to Athens, where in concession354 to that ancient city, allied355 to Rome, he would use but one Lictor. The Greeks received him with the most elaborate honours, and to dignify356 their personal flattery, carried before him tablatures of the signal deeds and sayings of his ancestors.
Hence he sailed to Eubea, thence to Lesbos, where Agrippina was delivered of Julia, who proved her last birth; then he kept the coast of Asia and visited Perinthus and Byzantium, cities of Thrace, and entered the straits of Propontis, and the mouth of the Euxine; fond of beholding357 ancient places long celebrated358 by fame: he relieved at the same time, the provinces wherever distracted with intestine factions359, or aggrieved360 with the oppressions of their magistrates. In his return he strove to see the religious rites286 of the Samothracians, but by the violence of the north wind was repulsed361 from the shore. As he passed, he saw Troy and her remains362, venerable for the vicissitude363 of her fate, and for the birth of Rome: regaining364 the coast of Asia, he put in at Colophon, to consult there the oracle365 of the Clarian Apollo: it is no Pythoness that represents the God here, as at Delphos, but a Priest, one chosen from certain families, chiefly of Miletus; neither requires he more than just to hear the names and numbers of the querists, and then descends366 into the oracular cave; where, after a draught367 of water from a secret spring, though ignorant for the most part of letters and poetry, he yet utters his answers in verse, which has for its subject the conceptions and wishes of each consultant368. He was even said to have sung to Germanicus his hastening fate, but as oracles369 are wont, in terms dark and doubtful.
But Cneius Piso, hurrying to the execution of his purposes, terrified the city of Athens by a tempestuous entry, and reproached them in a severe speech, with oblique370 censure371 of Germanicus, "that debasing the dignity of the Roman name, he had paid excessive court, not to the Athenians by so many slaughters long since extinct, but to the then mixed scum of nations there; for that these were they who had leagued with Mithridates against Sylla, and with Anthony against Augustus." He even charged them with the errors and misfortunes of ancient Athens; her impotent attempts against the Macedonians; her violence and ingratitude373 to her own citizens. He was also an enemy to their city from personal anger; because they would not pardon at his request one Theophilus condemned374 by the Areopagus for forgery375. From thence sailing hastily through the Cyclades, and taking the shortest course, he overtook Germanicus at Rhodes, but was there driven by a sudden tempest upon the rocks: and Germanicus, who was not ignorant with what malignity376 and invectives he was pursued, yet acted with so much humanity, that when he might have left him to perish, and to casualty have referred the destruction of his enemy; he despatched galleys377 to rescue him from the wreck. This generous kindness however assuaged378 not the animosity of Piso; and scarce could he brook379 a day's delay with Germanicus, but left him in haste to arrive in Syria before him: nor was he sooner there, and found himself amongst the legions, than he began to court the common men by bounties and caresses380, to assist them with his countenance381 and credit, to form factions, to remove all the ancient centurions and every tribune of remarkable discipline and severity, and, in their places, to put dependents of his own, or men recommended only by their crimes; he permitted sloth in the camp, licentiousness382 in the towns, a rambling383 and disorderly soldiery, and carried the corruption so high, that in the discourses of the herd, he was styled Father of the Legions. Nor did Plancina restrain herself to a conduct seemly in her sex, but frequented the exercises of the cavalry, and attended the decursions of the cohorts; everywhere inveighing384 against Agrippina, everywhere against Germanicus; and some even of the most deserving soldiers became prompt to base obedience385, from a rumour386 whispered abroad, "that all this was not unacceptable to Tiberius."
These doings were all known to Germanicus; but his more instant care was to visit Armenia, an inconstant and restless nation this from the beginning; inconstant from the genius of the people, as well as from the situation of their country, which bordering with a large frontier on our provinces, and stretching thence quite to Media, is enclosed between the two great Empires, and often at variance387 with them; with the Romans through antipathy388 and hatred, with the Parthians through competition and envy. At this time and ever since the removal of Vonones, they had no king; but the affections of the nations leaned to Zeno, son of Polemon, king of Pontus, because by an attachment389, from his infancy, to the fashions and customs of the Armenians, by hunting, feasting, and other usages practised and renowned amongst the barbarians, he had equally won the nobles and people. Upon his head therefore, at the city of Artaxata, with the approbation of the nobles, in a great assembly, Germanicus put the regal diadem390; and the Armenians doing homage391 to their king, saluted him, Artaxias, a name which from that of their city, they gave him. The Cappadocians, at this time reduced into the form of a province, received for their governor Quintus Veranius; and to raise their hopes of the gentler dominion392 of Rome, several of the royal taxes were lessened393. Quintus Servaeus was set over the Comagenians, then first subjected to the jurisdiction394 of a Praetor.
From the affairs of the allies, thus all successfully settled, Germanicus reaped no pleasure, through the perverseness395 and pride of Piso, who was ordered to lead by himself or his son, part of the legions into Armenia, but contemptuously neglected to do either. They at last met at Cyrrum, the winter quarters of the tenth legion, whither each came with a prepared countenance; Piso to betray no fear, and Germanicus would not be thought to threaten. He was indeed, as I have observed, of a humane396 and reconcilable spirit: but, officious friends expert at inflaming397 animosities, aggravated398 real offences, added fictitious399, and with manifold imputations charged Piso, Plancina, and their sons. To this interview Germanicus admitted a few intimates, and began his complaints in words such as dissembled resentment dictates400. Piso replied with disdainful submissions401; and they parted in open enmity. Piso hereafter came rarely to the tribunal of Germanicus; or, if he did, sate402 sternly there, and in manifest opposition: he likewise published his spite at a feast of the Nabathean King's, where golden crowns of great weight were presented to Germanicus and Agrippina; but to Piso and the rest, such as were light: "This banquet," he said, "was made for the son of a Roman prince, not of a Parthian monarch303:" with these words, he cast away his crown, and uttered many invectives against luxury: sharp insults and provocations403 these to Germanicus; yet he bore them.
In the consulship of Marcus Silanus and Lucius Norbanus, Germanicus travelled to Egypt, to view the famous antiquities404 of the country; though for the motives405 of the journey, the care and inspection406 of the province were publicly alleged: and, indeed, by opening the granaries, he mitigated407 the price of corn, and practised many things grateful to the people; walking without guards, his feet bare, and his habit the same with that of the Greeks; after the example of Publius Scipio, who, we are told, was constant in the same practices in Sicily, even during the rage of the Punic War there. For these his assumed manners and foreign habit, Tiberius blamed him in a gentle style, but censured408 him with great asperity409 for violating an establishment of Augustus, and entering Alexandria without consent of the Prince. For Augustus, amongst other secrets of power, had appropriated Egypt, and restrained the senators, and dignified410 Roman knights from going thither without licence; as he apprehended that Italy might be distressed with famine by any who seized that province, the key to the Empire by sea and land, and defensible by a light band of men against potent372 armies.
Germanicus, not yet informed that his journey was censured, sailed up the Nile, beginning at Canopus, {Footnote: Near Aboukir.} one of its mouths: it was built by the Spartans411, as a monument to Canopus, a pilot buried there, at the time when Menelaus returning to Greece was driven to different seas and the Lybian continent. Hence he visited the next mouth of the river sacred to Hercules: him the nations aver60 to have been born amongst them; that he was the most ancient of the name, and that all the rest, who with equal virtue followed his example, were, in honour, called after him. Next he visited the mighty antiquities of ancient Thebes; {Footnote: Karnak and Luxor.} where upon huge obelisks412 yet remained Egyptian characters, describing its former opulency: one of the oldest priests was ordered to interpret them; he said they related "that it once contained seven hundred thousand fighting men; that with that army King Rhamses had conquered Lybia, Ethiopia, the Medes and Persians, the Bactrians and Scythians; and to his Empire had added the territories of the Syrians, Armenians, and their neighbours the Cappadocians; a tract of countries reaching from the sea of Bithynia to that of Lycia:" here also was read the assessment413 of tribute laid on the several nations; what weight of silver and gold; what number of horses and arms; what ivory and perfumes, as gifts to the temples; what measures of grain; what quantities of all necessaries, were by each people paid; revenues equally grand with those exacted by the denomination414 of the Parthians, or by the power of the Romans.
Germanicus was intent upon seeing other wonders: the chief were; the effigies415 of Memnon, a colossus of stone, yielding when struck by the solar rays, a vocal416 sound; the Pyramids rising, like mountains, amongst rolling and almost impassable waves of sand; monuments these of the emulation and opulency of Egyptian kings; the artificial lake, a receptacle of the overflowing417 Nile; and elsewhere abysses of such immense depth, that those, who tried, could never fathom418. Thence he proceeded to Elephantina and Syene, two islands, formerly frontiers of the Roman empire, which is now widened to the Red Sea.
Whilst Germanicus spent this summer in several provinces, Drusus was sowing feuds amongst the Germans, and thence reaped no light renown; and, as the power of Maroboduus was already broken, he engaged them to persist and complete his ruin. Amongst the Gotones was a young man of quality, his name Catualda, a fugitive long since from the violence of Maroboduus, but now in his distress, resolved on revenge: hence with a stout419 band, he entered the borders of the Marcomannians, and corrupting420 their chiefs into his alliance, stormed the regal palace, and the castle situate near it. In the pillage421 were found the ancient stores of prey accumulated by the Suevians; as also many victuallers and traders from our provinces; men who were drawn hither from their several homes, first by privilege of traffic, then retained by a passion to multiply gain, and at last, through utter oblivion of their own country, fixed, like natives, in a hostile soil.
To Maroboduus on every side forsaken, no other refuge remained but the mercy of Caesar: he therefore passed the Danube where it washes the province of Norica, and wrote to Tiberius; not however in the language of a fugitive or supplicant154, but with a spirit suitable to his late grandeur, "that many nations invited him to them, as a king once so glorious; but he preferred to all the friendship of Rome." The Emperor answered, "that in Italy he should have a safe and honourable422 retreat, and, when his affairs required his presence, the same security to return." But to the Senate he declared, "that never had Philip of Macedon been so terrible to the Athenians; nor Pyrrhus, nor Antiochus to the Roman people." The speech is extant: in it he magnifies "the greatness of the man, the fierceness and bravery of the nations his subjects; the alarming nearness of such an enemy to Italy, and his own artful measures to destroy him." Maroboduus was kept at Ravenna, for a check and terror to the Suevians; as if, when at any time they grew turbulent, he were there in readiness to recover their subjection: yet in eighteen years he left not Italy, but grew old in exile there; his renown too became eminently423 diminished; such was the price he paid for an over-passionate424 love of life. The same fate had Catualda, and no other sanctuary; he was soon after expulsed by the forces of the Hermundurans led by Vibilius, and being received under the Roman protection, was conveyed to Forum Julium, a colony in Narbon Gaul. The barbarians their followers, lest, had they been mixed with the provinces, they might have disturbed their present quiet, were placed beyond the Danube, between the rivers Marus and Cusus, and for their king had assigned them Vannius, by nation a Quadian.
As soon as it was known at Rome, that Artaxias was by Germanicus given to the Armenians for their king, the fathers decreed to him and Drusus the lesser425 triumph: triumphal arches were likewise erected, on each side of the Temple of Mars the Avenger426, supporting the statues of these two Caesars; and for Tiberius, he was more joyful to have established peace by policy, than if by battles and victories he had ended the war.
Germanicus returning from Egypt, learned that all his orders left with the legions, and the eastern cities, were either entirely abolished, or contrary regulations established: a ground this for his severe reproaches and insults upon Piso. Nor less keen were the efforts and machinations of Piso against Germanicus; yet Piso afterwards determined427 to leave Syria, but was detained by the following illness of Germanicus: again when he heard of his recovery, and perceived that vows428 were paid for his restoration; the Lictors, by his command, broke the solemnity, drove away the victims already at the altars; overturned the apparatus429 of the sacrifice; and scattered the people of Antioch employed in celebrating the festival. He then departed to Seleucia, waiting the event of the malady430 which had again assaulted Germanicus. His own persuasion431 too, that poison was given him by Piso, heightened the cruel vehemence of the disease: indeed, upon the floors and walls were found fragments of human bodies, the spoils of the grave; with charms and incantations; and the name of Germanicus graved on sheets of lead; carcasses half burnt, besmeared with gore432; and other witchcrafts, by which souls are thought doomed433 to the infernal gods: besides there were certain persons, charged as creatures of Piso, purposely sent and employed to watch the progress and efforts of the disease.
These things filled Germanicus with apprehensions434 great as his resentment: "If his doors," he said, "were besieged, if under the eyes of his enemies he must render up his spirit, what was to be expected to his unhappy wife, what to his infant children?" The progress of poison was thought too slow; Piso was impatient, and urging with eagerness to command alone the legions, to possess alone the province: but Germanicus was not sunk to such lowness and impotence, that the price of his murder should remain with the murderer: and by a letter to Piso, he renounced435 his friendship: some add, that he commanded him to depart the province. Nor did Piso tarry longer, but took ship; yet checked her sailing in order to return with the more quickness, should the death of Germanicus the while leave the government of Syria vacant.
Germanicus, after a small revival436, drooping437 again; when his end approached, spoke438 on this wise to his attending friends: "Were I to yield to the destiny of nature; just, even then, were my complaints against the Gods, for hurrying me from my parents, my children, and my country, by a hasty death, in the prime of life: now shortened in my course by the malignity of Piso, and his wife, to your breasts I commit my last prayers: tell my father, tell my brother, with what violent persecutions afflicted439, with what mortal snares440 circumvented441, I end a most miserable442 life by death of all others the worst. All they whose hopes in my fortune, all they whose kindred blood, and even they whose envy, possessed them with impressions about me whilst living, shall bewail me dead; that once great in glory, and surviving so many wars, I fell at last by the dark devices of a woman. To you will be place left to complain in the Senate, and place to invoke the aid and vengeance of the laws. To commemorate443 the dead with slothful wailings, is not the principal office of friends: they are to remember his dying wishes, to fulfil his last desires. Even strangers will lament444 Germanicus: you are my friends: if you loved me rather than my fortune, you will vindicate445 your friendship: show the people of Rome my wife, her who is the grand-daughter of Augustus, and enumerate446 to them our six children. Their compassion will surely attend you who accuse; and the accused, if they pretend clandestine447 warrants of iniquity448, will not be believed; if believed, not pardoned." His friends, as a pledge of their fidelity449, touching450 the hand of the dying prince, swore that they would forego their lives sooner than their revenge. Then turning to his wife, he besought her "that in tenderness to his memory, in tenderness to their common children, she would banish451 her haughty452 spirit, yield to her hostile fortune, nor, upon her return to Rome, by an impotent competition for ruling, irritate those who were masters of rule." So much openly, and more in secret; whence he was believed to have warned her of guile453 and danger from Tiberius. Soon after he expired, to the heavy sorrow of the province, and of all the neighbouring countries; insomuch that remote nations and foreign kings were mourners: such had been his complacency to our confederates; such his humanity to his enemies! Alike venerable he was, whether you saw him or heard him; and without ever departing from the grave port and dignity of his sublime454 rank, he yet lived destitute of arrogance455 and untouched by envy.
The funeral, which was performed without exterior456 pomp or a procession of images, drew its solemnity from the loud praises and amiable memory of his virtues457. There were those who from his loveliness, his age, his manner of dying, and even from the proximity458 of places where both departed, compared him in the circumstances of his fate, to Great Alexander: "Each of a graceful person, each of illustrious descent; in years neither much exceeding thirty; both victims to the malice459 and machinations of their own people, in the midst of foreign nations: but Germanicus gentle towards his friends; his pleasures moderate; confined to one wife; all his children by one bed; nor less a warrior460, though not so rash, and however hindered from a final reduction of Germany, broken by him in so many victories, and ready for the yoke: so that had he been sole arbiter461 of things, had he acted with the sovereignty and title of royalty462, he had easier overtaken him in the glory of conquests, as he surpassed him in clemency, in moderation, and in other virtues." His body, before its commitment to the pile, was exhibited naked in the Forum of Antioch, the place where the pile was erected: whether it bore the marks of poison, remained undecided: for, people as they were divided in their affections, as they pitied Germanicus, and presumed the guilt463 of Piso, or were partial to him, gave opposite accounts.
It was next debated amongst the legates of the legions and the other senators there, to whom should be committed the administration of Syria: and after the faint effort of others, it was long disputed between Vibius Marsus and Cneius Sentius: Marsus at last yielded to Sentius, the older man and the more vehement competitor. By him one Martina, infamous464 in that province for practices in poisoning, and a close confidant of Plancina, was sent to Rome, at the suit of Vitellius, Veranius, and others, who were preparing criminal articles against Piso and Plancina, as against persons evidently guilty.
Agrippina, though overwhelmed with sorrow, and her body indisposed, yet impatient of all delays to her revenge, embarked with the ashes of Germanicus, and her children; attended with universal commiseration465, "that a lady, in quality a princess, wont to be beheld466 in her late splendid wedlock467 with applauses and adorations, was now seen bearing in her bosom468 her husband's funeral urn7, uncertain of vengeance for him and fearful for herself; unfortunate in her fruitfulness, and from so many children obnoxious469 to so many blows of fortune." Piso the while was overtaken at the Isle of Co?s by a message, "that Germanicus was deceased," and received it intemperately470, slew471 victims and repaired with thanksgiving to the temples: and yet, however immoderate and undisguised was his joy, more arrogant472 and insulting proved that of Plancina, who immediately threw off her mourning, which for the death of a sister she wore, and assumed a dress adapted to gaiety and gladness.
About him flocked the Centurions with officious representations, "that upon him particularly were bent473 the affections and zeal474 of the legions, and he should proceed to resume the province, at first injuriously taken from him and now destitute of a governor." As he therefore consulted what he had best pursue, his son Marcus Piso advised "a speedy journey to Rome: hitherto," he said, "nothing past expiation475 was committed; nor were impotent suspicions to be dreaded; nor the idle blazonings of fame: his variance and contention with Germanicus was perhaps subject to hate and aversion, but to no prosecution or penalty; and, by bereaving476 him of the province, his enemies were gratified: but if he returned thither, as Sentius would certainly oppose him with arms, a civil war would thence be actually begun: neither would the Centurions and soldiers persist in his party; men with whom the recent memory of their late commander, and an inveterate477 love to the Caesarian general, were still prevalent."
Domitius Celer, one in intimate credit with Piso, argued on the contrary, "that the present event must by all means be improved; it was Piso and not Sentius who had commission to govern Syria; upon him, were conferred the jurisdiction of Praetor, and the badges of magistracy, and with him the legions were instructed: so that if acts of hostility478 were by his opponents attempted, with how much better warrant could he avow209 assuming arms in his own right and defence, who was thus vested with the authority of general, and acted under special orders from the Emperor. Rumours479 too were to be neglected, and left to perish with time: in truth to the sallies and violence of recent hate the innocent were often unequal: but were he once possessed of the army, and had well augmented480 his forces, many things, not to be foreseen, would from fortune derive161 success. Are we then preposterously481 hastening to arrive at Rome with the ashes of Germanicus, that you may there fall, unheard and undefended, a victim to the wailings of Agrippina, a prey to the passionate populace governed by the first impressions of rumour? Livia, it is true, is your confederate; Tiberius is your friend; but both secretly: and indeed none will more pompously482 bewail the violent fate of Germanicus, than such as for it do most sincerely rejoice."
Piso of himself prompt to violent pursuits, was with no great labour persuaded into this opinion, and, in a letter transmitted to Tiberius, accused Germanicus "of luxury and pride: that for himself, he had been expulsed, to leave room for dangerous designs against the State, and now resumed, with his former faith and loyalty483, the care of the army." In the meantime he put Domitius on board a galley, and ordered him to avoid appearing upon the coasts or amongst the isles484, but, through the main sea, to sail to Syria. The deserters, who from all quarters were flocking to him in crowds, he formed into companies, and armed all the retainers to the camp; then sailing over to the continent, intercepted485 a regiment486 of recruits, upon their march into Syria; and wrote to the small kings of Cilicia to assist him with present succours: nor was the younger Piso slow in prosecuting all the measures of war, though to adventure a war had been against his sentiments and advice.
As they coasted Lycia and Pamphilia, they encountered the ships which carried Agrippina, with hostile spirit on each side, and each at first prepared for combat; but as equal dread297 of one another possessed both, proceeded not further than mutual487 contumelies. Vibius Marsus particularly summoned Piso, as a criminal, to Rome, there to make his defence: he answered with derision "that when the Praetor, who was to sit upon poisonings, had assigned a day to the accusers and the accused, he would attend." Domitius, the while, landing at Laodicea, a city of Syria, would have proceeded to the winter quarters of the sixth legion, which he believed to be the most prone488 to engage in novel attempts, but was prevented by Pacuvius, its commander. Sentius represented this by letter to Piso, and warned him, "at his peril2 to infect the camp by ministers of corruption; or to assail the province of war;" and drew into a body such as he knew loved Germanicus, or such as were averse137 to his foes: upon them he inculcated with much ardour, that Piso was with open arms attacking the majesty489 of the Prince, and invading the Roman State; and then marched at the head of a puissant490 body, equipped for battle and resolute491 to engage.
Neither failed Piso, though his enterprises had thus far miscarried, to apply the securest remedies to his present perplexities; and therefore seized a castle of Cilicia strongly fortified, its name Celendris: for, to the auxiliary Cilicians, sent him by the petty kings, he had joined his body of deserters, as also the recruits lately intercepted, with all his own and Plancina's slaves; and thus in number and bulk had of the whole composed a legion. To them he thus harangued492: "I who am the lieutenant of Caesar, am yet violently excluded from the province which to me Caesar has committed: not excluded by the legions (for by their invitation I am arrived), but by Sentius, who thus disguises under feigned crimes against me, his own animosity and personal hate: but with confidence you may stand in battle, where the opposite army, upon the sight of Piso, a commander lately by themselves styled their Father, will certainly refuse to fight; they know too, that were right to decide it, I am the stronger; and of no mean puissance in a trial at arms." He then arrayed his men without the fortifications, on a hill steep and craggy, for all the rest was begirt by the sea: against them stood the veterans regularly embattled, and supported with a body of reserve; so that here appeared the force of men, there only the terror and stubbornness of situation. On Piso's side was no spirit, nor hope, nor even weapons save those of rustics493, for instant necessity hastily acquired. As soon as they came to blows, the issue was no longer doubtful than while the Roman cohorts struggled up the steep: the Cilicians then fled, and shut themselves up in the castle.
Piso having the while attempted in vain to storm the fleet, which rode at a small distance, as soon as he returned, presented himself upon the walls; where, by a succession of passionate complaints and entreaties, now bemoaning494 in agonies the bitterness of his lot, then calling and cajolling every particular soldier by his name, and by rewards tempting29 all, he laboured to excite a sedition495; and thus much had already effected, that the Eagle-bearer of the sixth legion revolted to him with his Eagle. This alarmed Sentius, and instantly he commanded the cornets and trumpets496 to sound, a mound497 to be raised, the ladders placed, and the bravest men to mount, and others to pour from the engines volleys of darts and stones, and flaming torches. The obstinacy498 of Piso was at last vanquished; and he desired "that upon delivering his arms he might remain in the castle till the Emperor's pleasure, to whom he would commit the government of Syria, were known;" conditions which were not accepted; nor was aught granted him save ships and a passport to Rome.
After the illness of Germanicus grew current there, and all its circumstances, like rumours magnified by distance, were related with many aggravations; sadness seized the people; they burned with indignation, and even poured out in plaints the anguish of their souls. "For this," they said, "he had been banished499 to the extremities500 of the Empire, for this the province of Syria was committed to Piso, and these the fruits of Livia's mysterious conferences with Plancina: truly had our fathers spoken concerning his father Drusus; that the possessors of rule beheld with an evil eye the popular spirit of their sons; nor for aught else were they sacrificed, but for their equal treatment of the Roman People, and studying to restore the popular state." These lamentations of the populace were, upon the tidings of his death, so inflamed, that, without staying for an edict from the magistrates, without a decree of Senate, they by general consent assumed a vacation; the public courts were deserted, private houses shut up, prevalent everywhere were the symptoms of woe501, heavy groans502, dismal503 silence; the whole a scene of real sorrow, and nothing devised for form or show; and, though they forbore not to bear the exterior marks and habiliments of mourning; in their souls they mourned still deeper. Accidentally some merchants from Syria, who had left Germanicus still alive, brought more joyful news of his condition: these were instantly believed, and instantly proclaimed: each, as fast as they met, informed others, who forthwith conveyed their light information with improvements and accumulated joy to more, and all flew with exultation504 through the city; and, to pay their thanks and vows, burst open the temple doors: the night too heightened their credulity, and affirmation was bolder in the dark. Nor did Tiberius restrain the course of these fictions, but left them to vanish with time: hence with more bitterness they afterwards grieved for him, as if anew snatched from them.
Honours were invented and decreed to Germanicus, various as the affections and genius of the particular Senators who proposed them: "that his name should be sung in the Salian hymns505; curule chairs placed for him amongst the priests of Augustus, and over these chairs oaken crowns hung; his statue in ivory precede in the Cercensian games; none but one of the Julian race be, in the room of Germanicus, created flamen or augur72:" triumphal arches were added; one at Rome; one upon the banks of the Rhine; one upon Mount Amanus, in Syria; with inscriptions506 of his exploits, and a testimony507 subjoined, "that he died for the Commonwealth:" a sepulchre at Antioch, where his corpse508 was burnt; a tribunal at Epidaphne, the place where he ended his life. The multitude of statues, the many places where divine honours were appointed to be paid him, would not be easily recounted. They would have also decreed him, as to one of the masters of eloquence, a golden shield, signal in bulk as in metal; but Tiberius offered to dedicate one himself, such as was usual and of a like size with others; for that eloquence was not measured by fortune; and it was sufficient glory, if he were ranked with ancient writers. The battalion509 called after the name of the Junii was now, by the equestrian order, entitled the battalion of Germanicus, and a rule made that, on every fifteenth of July, these troops should follow, as their standard, the effigies of Germanicus: of these honours many continue; some were instantly omitted, or by time are utterly obliterated510.
In the height of this public sorrow, Livia, sister to Germanicus, and married to Drusus, was delivered of male twins: an event even in middling families, rare and acceptable, and to Tiberius such mighty matter of joy, that he could not refrain boasting to the fathers, "that to no Roman of the same eminence, before him, were never two children born at a birth:" for to his own glory he turned all things, even things fortuitous. But to the people, at such a sad conjuncture, it brought fresh anguish; as they feared that the family of Drusus thus increased, would press heavy upon that of Germanicus.
The same year the lubricity of women was by the Senate restrained with severe laws; and it was provided, "that no woman should become venal511, if her father, grandfather or husband, were Roman knights." For Vistilia, a lady born of a Praetorian family, had before the Aediles published herself a prostitute; upon a custom allowed by our ancestors, who thought that prostitutes were by thus avowing512 their infamy, sufficiently punished. Titidius Labeo too was questioned, that in the manifest guilt of his wife, he had neglected the punishment prescribed by the law; but he alleged that the sixty days allowed for consultation513 were not elapsed; and it was deemed sufficient to proceed against Vistilia, who was banished to the Isle of Seriphos. Measures were also taken for exterminating514 the solemnities of the Jews and Egyptians; and by decree of Senate four thousand descendants of franchised515 slaves, all defiled516 with that superstition517, but of proper strength and age, were to be transported to Sardinia; to restrain the Sardinian robbers; and if, through the malignity of the climate, they perished, despicable would be the loss: the rest were doomed to depart Italy, unless by a stated day they renounced their profane518 rites.
After this Tiberius represented that, to supply the place of Occia, who had presided seven and fifty years with the highest sanctimony519 over the Vestals, another virgin231 was to be chosen; and thanked Fonteius Agrippa and Asinius Pollio, that by offering their daughters, they contended in good offices towards the Commonwealth. Pollio's daughter was preferred; for nothing else but that her mother had ever continued in the same wedlock: for Agrippa, by a divorce, had impaired520 the credit of his house: upon her who was postponed521, Tiberius, in consolation522, bestowed523 for her fortune a thousand great sestertia. {Footnote: £8300.}
As the people murmured at the severe dearth524 of corn, he settled grain at a price certain to the buyer, and undertook to pay fourteenpence a measure to the seller: neither yet would he accept the name of Father of his Country, a title offered him before, and for these bounties, now again; nay, he sharply rebuked525 such as styled these provisions of his, divine occupations, and him, Lord: hence freedom of speech became cramped526 and insecure, under such a Prince; one who dreaded liberty, and abhorred527 flattery.
I find in the writers of those times, some of them Senators, that in the Senate were read letters from Adgandestrius, prince of the Cattans, undertaking528 to despatch Arminius, if in order to it poison were sent him; and an answer returned, "that not by frauds and blows in the dark, but armed and in the face of the sun, the Roman People took vengeance on their foes." In this Tiberius gained equal glory with our ancient captains, who rejected and disclosed a plot to poison King Pyrrhus. Arminius however, who upon the departure of the Romans and expulsion of Maroboduus, aimed at royalty, became thence engaged in a struggle against the liberty of his country; and, in defence of their liberty, his countrymen took arms against him: so that, while with various fortune he contended with them, he fell by the treachery of his own kindred: the deliverer of Germany without doubt he was; one who assailed the Roman power, not like other kings and leaders, in its first elements, but in its highest pride and elevation529; one sometimes beaten in battle, but never conquered in war: thirty-seven years he lived; twelve he commanded; and, amongst these barbarous nations, his memory is still celebrated in their songs; but his name unknown in the annals of the Greeks, who only admire their own national exploits and renown; nor even amongst the Romans does this great captain bear much distinction, while, overlooking instances of modern prowess and glory, we only delight to magnify men and feats of old.
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1 commotions | |
n.混乱,喧闹,骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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2 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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3 perils | |
极大危险( peril的名词复数 ); 危险的事(或环境) | |
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4 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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5 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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6 bogs | |
n.沼泽,泥塘( bog的名词复数 );厕所v.(使)陷入泥沼, (使)陷入困境( bog的第三人称单数 );妨碍,阻碍 | |
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7 urn | |
n.(有座脚的)瓮;坟墓;骨灰瓮 | |
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8 cumbersome | |
adj.笨重的,不便携带的 | |
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9 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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10 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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11 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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12 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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13 agitations | |
(液体等的)摇动( agitation的名词复数 ); 鼓动; 激烈争论; (情绪等的)纷乱 | |
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14 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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15 oars | |
n.桨,橹( oar的名词复数 );划手v.划(行)( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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16 alacrity | |
n.敏捷,轻快,乐意 | |
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17 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
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18 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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19 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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20 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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22 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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23 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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24 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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25 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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26 invoked | |
v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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27 invoke | |
v.求助于(神、法律);恳求,乞求 | |
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28 propitious | |
adj.吉利的;顺利的 | |
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29 tempting | |
a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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30 animate | |
v.赋于生命,鼓励;adj.有生命的,有生气的 | |
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31 ebb | |
vi.衰退,减退;n.处于低潮,处于衰退状态 | |
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32 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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33 dexterity | |
n.(手的)灵巧,灵活 | |
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34 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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35 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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36 perfidious | |
adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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37 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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38 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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39 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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40 archers | |
n.弓箭手,射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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41 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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42 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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43 vile | |
adj.卑鄙的,可耻的,邪恶的;坏透的 | |
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44 grandeur | |
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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45 clemency | |
n.温和,仁慈,宽厚 | |
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46 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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47 vanquished | |
v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 );战胜;克服;抑制 | |
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48 swelling | |
n.肿胀 | |
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49 Ford | |
n.浅滩,水浅可涉处;v.涉水,涉过 | |
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50 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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51 feigned | |
a.假装的,不真诚的 | |
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52 overthrew | |
overthrow的过去式 | |
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53 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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54 vehement | |
adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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55 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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56 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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57 darts | |
n.掷飞镖游戏;飞镖( dart的名词复数 );急驰,飞奔v.投掷,投射( dart的第三人称单数 );向前冲,飞奔 | |
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58 exhorted | |
v.劝告,劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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60 aver | |
v.极力声明;断言;确证 | |
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61 rendezvoused | |
v.约会,会合( rendezvous的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62 scouts | |
侦察员[机,舰]( scout的名词复数 ); 童子军; 搜索; 童子军成员 | |
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63 murmur | |
n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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64 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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65 inclination | |
n.倾斜;点头;弯腰;斜坡;倾度;倾向;爱好 | |
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66 inclinations | |
倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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67 centurions | |
n.百人队长,百夫长(古罗马的军官,指挥百人)( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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68 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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69 uncertainty | |
n.易变,靠不住,不确知,不确定的事物 | |
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70 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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71 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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72 augur | |
n.占卦师;v.占卦 | |
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73 augural | |
adj.卜占的,前兆的 | |
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74 graceful | |
adj.优美的,优雅的;得体的 | |
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75 condescension | |
n.自以为高人一等,贬低(别人) | |
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76 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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77 kindled | |
(使某物)燃烧,着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 ); 激起(感情等); 发亮,放光 | |
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78 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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79 omen | |
n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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80 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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81 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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82 joyful | |
adj.欢乐的,令人欢欣的 | |
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83 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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84 circumspection | |
n.细心,慎重 | |
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85 commodious | |
adj.宽敞的;使用方便的 | |
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86 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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87 wielded | |
手持着使用(武器、工具等)( wield的过去式和过去分词 ); 具有; 运用(权力); 施加(影响) | |
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88 thickets | |
n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 );丛状物 | |
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89 javelins | |
n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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90 armour | |
(=armor)n.盔甲;装甲部队 | |
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91 tractable | |
adj.易驾驭的;温顺的 | |
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92 tract | |
n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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93 contemptible | |
adj.可鄙的,可轻视的,卑劣的 | |
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94 onset | |
n.进攻,袭击,开始,突然开始 | |
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95 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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96 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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97 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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98 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
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99 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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100 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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101 fugitive | |
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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102 deformed | |
adj.畸形的;变形的;丑的,破相了的 | |
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103 Forsaken | |
adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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104 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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105 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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106 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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107 inflamed | |
adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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109 auxiliary | |
adj.辅助的,备用的 | |
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110 descending | |
n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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111 presage | |
n.预感,不祥感;v.预示 | |
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112 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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113 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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114 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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115 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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116 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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117 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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118 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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119 concealment | |
n.隐藏, 掩盖,隐瞒 | |
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120 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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121 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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122 trophies | |
n.(为竞赛获胜者颁发的)奖品( trophy的名词复数 );奖杯;(尤指狩猎或战争中获得的)纪念品;(用于比赛或赛跑名称)奖 | |
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123 inscribed | |
v.写,刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 );内接 | |
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124 anguish | |
n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
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125 slaughters | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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126 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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127 meditate | |
v.想,考虑,(尤指宗教上的)沉思,冥想 | |
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128 marsh | |
n.沼泽,湿地 | |
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129 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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130 groves | |
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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131 grove | |
n.林子,小树林,园林 | |
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132 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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133 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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134 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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135 arduous | |
adj.艰苦的,费力的,陡峭的 | |
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136 lieutenants | |
n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 );副职官员;空军;仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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137 averse | |
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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138 assail | |
v.猛烈攻击,抨击,痛斥 | |
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139 battered | |
adj.磨损的;v.连续猛击;磨损 | |
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140 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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141 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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142 morass | |
n.沼泽,困境 | |
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143 hampered | |
妨碍,束缚,限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144 velocity | |
n.速度,速率 | |
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145 delved | |
v.深入探究,钻研( delve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146 havoc | |
n.大破坏,浩劫,大混乱,大杂乱 | |
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147 animating | |
v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 );驱动;使栩栩如生地动作;赋予…以生命 | |
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148 prosecute | |
vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
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149 glutted | |
v.吃得过多( glut的过去式和过去分词 );(对胃口、欲望等)纵情满足;使厌腻;塞满 | |
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150 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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151 inscription | |
n.(尤指石块上的)刻印文字,铭文,碑文 | |
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152 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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153 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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154 supplicant | |
adj.恳求的n.恳求者 | |
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155 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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156 serene | |
adj. 安详的,宁静的,平静的 | |
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157 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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158 steer | |
vt.驾驶,为…操舵;引导;vi.驾驶 | |
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159 mariners | |
海员,水手(mariner的复数形式) | |
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160 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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161 derive | |
v.取得;导出;引申;来自;源自;出自 | |
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162 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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163 boisterous | |
adj.喧闹的,欢闹的 | |
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164 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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165 outrageous | |
adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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166 tempestuous | |
adj.狂暴的 | |
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167 galley | |
n.(飞机或船上的)厨房单层甲板大帆船;军舰舰长用的大划艇; | |
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168 incessantly | |
ad.不停地 | |
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169 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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170 gale | |
n.大风,强风,一阵闹声(尤指笑声等) | |
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171 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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172 gleaned | |
v.一点点地收集(资料、事实)( glean的过去式和过去分词 );(收割后)拾穗 | |
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173 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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174 maritime | |
adj.海的,海事的,航海的,近海的,沿海的 | |
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175 wreck | |
n.失事,遇难;沉船;vt.(船等)失事,遇难 | |
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176 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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177 awakened | |
v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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178 smote | |
v.猛打,重击,打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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179 invincible | |
adj.不可征服的,难以制服的 | |
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180 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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181 subdue | |
vt.制服,使顺从,征服;抑制,克制 | |
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182 wrecked | |
adj.失事的,遇难的 | |
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183 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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184 humbled | |
adj. 卑下的,谦逊的,粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下,贬低 | |
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185 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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186 feuds | |
n.长期不和,世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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187 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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188 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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189 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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190 consulship | |
领事的职位或任期 | |
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191 consuls | |
领事( consul的名词复数 ); (古罗马共和国时期)执政官 (古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长,同时共有两位,每年选举一次) | |
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192 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
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193 herd | |
n.兽群,牧群;vt.使集中,把…赶在一起 | |
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194 precipitated | |
v.(突如其来地)使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 );促成;猛然摔下;使沉淀 | |
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195 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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196 trumpet | |
n.喇叭,喇叭声;v.吹喇叭,吹嘘 | |
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197 discourses | |
论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
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198 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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199 consular | |
a.领事的 | |
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200 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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201 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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202 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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203 frugality | |
n.节约,节俭 | |
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204 knight | |
n.骑士,武士;爵士 | |
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205 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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206 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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207 alleviation | |
n. 减轻,缓和,解痛物 | |
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208 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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209 avow | |
v.承认,公开宣称 | |
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210 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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211 vowed | |
起誓,发誓(vow的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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212 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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213 transact | |
v.处理;做交易;谈判 | |
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214 intrigues | |
n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 );神秘气氛;引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 );激起…的好奇心 | |
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215 forum | |
n.论坛,讨论会 | |
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216 relinquish | |
v.放弃,撤回,让与,放手 | |
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217 soothed | |
v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 );抚慰;使舒服;减轻痛苦 | |
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218 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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219 prosecuting | |
检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 ); 对某人提起公诉; 继续从事(某事物); 担任控方律师 | |
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220 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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221 resentments | |
(因受虐待而)愤恨,不满,怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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222 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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223 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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224 indignity | |
n.侮辱,伤害尊严,轻蔑 | |
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225 importunity | |
n.硬要,强求 | |
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226 renown | |
n.声誉,名望 | |
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227 exorbitant | |
adj.过分的;过度的 | |
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228 disdained | |
鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 ); 不屑于做,不愿意做 | |
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229 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
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230 virgins | |
处女,童男( virgin的名词复数 ); 童贞玛利亚(耶稣之母) | |
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231 virgin | |
n.处女,未婚女子;adj.未经使用的;未经开发的 | |
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232 procrastination | |
n.拖延,耽搁 | |
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233 equestrian | |
adj.骑马的;n.马术 | |
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234 redound | |
v.有助于;提;报应 | |
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235 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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236 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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237 transacted | |
v.办理(业务等)( transact的过去式和过去分词 );交易,谈判 | |
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238 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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239 adjournment | |
休会; 延期; 休会期; 休庭期 | |
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240 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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241 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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242 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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243 augment | |
vt.(使)增大,增加,增长,扩张 | |
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244 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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245 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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246 dispositions | |
安排( disposition的名词复数 ); 倾向; (财产、金钱的)处置; 气质 | |
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247 subvert | |
v.推翻;暗中破坏;搅乱 | |
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248 soliciting | |
v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 );(指娼妇)拉客;索求;征求 | |
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249 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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250 gratuities | |
n.报酬( gratuity的名词复数 );小账;小费;养老金 | |
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251 haughtiness | |
n.傲慢;傲气 | |
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252 repulse | |
n.击退,拒绝;vt.逐退,击退,拒绝 | |
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253 orator | |
n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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254 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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255 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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256 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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257 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
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258 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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259 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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260 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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261 perpetuated | |
vt.使永存(perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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262 marred | |
adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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263 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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264 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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265 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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266 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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267 incitement | |
激励; 刺激; 煽动; 激励物 | |
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268 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
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269 recur | |
vi.复发,重现,再发生 | |
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270 bounties | |
(由政府提供的)奖金( bounty的名词复数 ); 赏金; 慷慨; 大方 | |
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271 petitioners | |
n.请求人,请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 );离婚案原告 | |
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272 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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273 solicitation | |
n.诱惑;揽货;恳切地要求;游说 | |
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274 languish | |
vi.变得衰弱无力,失去活力,(植物等)凋萎 | |
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275 sloth | |
n.[动]树懒;懒惰,懒散 | |
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276 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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277 extol | |
v.赞美,颂扬 | |
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278 murmurs | |
n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 );低语声;怨言;嘀咕 | |
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279 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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280 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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281 shameful | |
adj.可耻的,不道德的 | |
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282 Saturn | |
n.农神,土星 | |
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283 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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284 chapel | |
n.小教堂,殡仪馆 | |
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285 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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286 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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287 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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288 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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289 alienate | |
vt.使疏远,离间;转让(财产等) | |
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290 craftily | |
狡猾地,狡诈地 | |
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291 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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292 omission | |
n.省略,删节;遗漏或省略的事物,冗长 | |
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293 enticed | |
诱惑,怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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294 implore | |
vt.乞求,恳求,哀求 | |
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295 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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296 snare | |
n.陷阱,诱惑,圈套;(去除息肉或者肿瘤的)勒除器;响弦,小军鼓;vt.以陷阱捕获,诱惑 | |
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297 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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298 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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299 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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300 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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301 abated | |
减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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302 addicted | |
adj.沉溺于....的,对...上瘾的 | |
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303 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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304 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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305 abatement | |
n.减(免)税,打折扣,冲销 | |
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306 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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307 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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308 betrothed | |
n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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309 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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310 emulation | |
n.竞争;仿效 | |
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311 indignities | |
n.侮辱,轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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312 persecute | |
vt.迫害,虐待;纠缠,骚扰 | |
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313 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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314 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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315 concord | |
n.和谐;协调 | |
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316 estranged | |
adj.疏远的,分离的 | |
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317 reigning | |
adj.统治的,起支配作用的 | |
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318 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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319 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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320 inure | |
v.使惯于 | |
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321 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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322 intestine | |
adj.内部的;国内的;n.肠 | |
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323 esteemed | |
adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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324 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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325 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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326 random | |
adj.随机的;任意的;n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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327 feats | |
功绩,伟业,技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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328 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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329 wrested | |
(用力)拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 ); 费力取得; (从…)攫取; ( 从… ) 强行取去… | |
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330 coverts | |
n.隐蔽的,不公开的,秘密的( covert的名词复数 );复羽 | |
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331 exterminated | |
v.消灭,根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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332 depreciate | |
v.降价,贬值,折旧 | |
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333 frantic | |
adj.狂乱的,错乱的,激昂的 | |
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334 novice | |
adj.新手的,生手的 | |
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335 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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336 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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337 repent | |
v.悔悟,悔改,忏悔,后悔 | |
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338 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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339 sanctuary | |
n.圣所,圣堂,寺庙;禁猎区,保护区 | |
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340 gaping | |
adj.口的;张口的;敞口的;多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 );张开,张大 | |
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341 devoured | |
吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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342 subsided | |
v.(土地)下陷(因在地下采矿)( subside的过去式和过去分词 );减弱;下降至较低或正常水平;一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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343 eruptions | |
n.喷发,爆发( eruption的名词复数 ) | |
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344 devastation | |
n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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345 concussion | |
n.脑震荡;震动 | |
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346 compassion | |
n.同情,怜悯 | |
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347 remitted | |
v.免除(债务),宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 );使某事缓和;寄回,传送 | |
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348 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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349 prodigals | |
n.浪费的( prodigal的名词复数 );铺张的;挥霍的;慷慨的 | |
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350 indigent | |
adj.贫穷的,贫困的 | |
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351 flora | |
n.(某一地区的)植物群 | |
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352 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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353 abiding | |
adj.永久的,持久的,不变的 | |
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354 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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355 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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356 dignify | |
vt.使有尊严;使崇高;给增光 | |
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357 beholding | |
v.看,注视( behold的现在分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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358 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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359 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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360 aggrieved | |
adj.愤愤不平的,受委屈的;悲痛的;(在合法权利方面)受侵害的v.令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式);令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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361 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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362 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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363 vicissitude | |
n.变化,变迁,荣枯,盛衰 | |
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364 regaining | |
复得( regain的现在分词 ); 赢回; 重回; 复至某地 | |
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365 oracle | |
n.神谕,神谕处,预言 | |
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366 descends | |
v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 );下去;下降;下斜 | |
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367 draught | |
n.拉,牵引,拖;一网(饮,吸,阵);顿服药量,通风;v.起草,设计 | |
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368 consultant | |
n.顾问;会诊医师,专科医生 | |
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369 oracles | |
神示所( oracle的名词复数 ); 神谕; 圣贤; 哲人 | |
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370 oblique | |
adj.斜的,倾斜的,无诚意的,不坦率的 | |
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371 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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372 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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373 ingratitude | |
n.忘恩负义 | |
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374 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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375 forgery | |
n.伪造的文件等,赝品,伪造(行为) | |
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376 malignity | |
n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
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377 galleys | |
n.平底大船,战舰( galley的名词复数 );(船上或航空器上的)厨房 | |
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378 assuaged | |
v.减轻( assuage的过去式和过去分词 );缓和;平息;使安静 | |
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379 brook | |
n.小河,溪;v.忍受,容让 | |
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380 caresses | |
爱抚,抚摸( caress的名词复数 ) | |
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381 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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382 licentiousness | |
n.放肆,无法无天 | |
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383 rambling | |
adj.[建]凌乱的,杂乱的 | |
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384 inveighing | |
v.猛烈抨击,痛骂,谩骂( inveigh的现在分词 ) | |
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385 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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386 rumour | |
n.谣言,谣传,传闻 | |
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387 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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388 antipathy | |
n.憎恶;反感,引起反感的人或事物 | |
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389 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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390 diadem | |
n.王冠,冕 | |
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391 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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392 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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393 lessened | |
减少的,减弱的 | |
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394 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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395 perverseness | |
n. 乖张, 倔强, 顽固 | |
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396 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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397 inflaming | |
v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
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398 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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399 fictitious | |
adj.虚构的,假设的;空头的 | |
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400 dictates | |
n.命令,规定,要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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401 submissions | |
n.提交( submission的名词复数 );屈从;归顺;向法官或陪审团提出的意见或论据 | |
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402 sate | |
v.使充分满足 | |
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403 provocations | |
n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 );激怒;刺激;愤怒的原因 | |
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404 antiquities | |
n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 );古迹;古人们;古代的风俗习惯 | |
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405 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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406 inspection | |
n.检查,审查,检阅 | |
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407 mitigated | |
v.减轻,缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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408 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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409 asperity | |
n.粗鲁,艰苦 | |
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410 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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411 spartans | |
n.斯巴达(spartan的复数形式) | |
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412 obelisks | |
n.方尖石塔,短剑号,疑问记号( obelisk的名词复数 ) | |
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413 assessment | |
n.评价;评估;对财产的估价,被估定的金额 | |
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414 denomination | |
n.命名,取名,(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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415 effigies | |
n.(人的)雕像,模拟像,肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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416 vocal | |
adj.直言不讳的;嗓音的;n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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417 overflowing | |
n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的,充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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418 fathom | |
v.领悟,彻底了解 | |
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420 corrupting | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的现在分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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421 pillage | |
v.抢劫;掠夺;n.抢劫,掠夺;掠夺物 | |
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422 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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423 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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424 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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425 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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426 avenger | |
n. 复仇者 | |
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427 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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428 vows | |
誓言( vow的名词复数 ); 郑重宣布,许愿 | |
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429 apparatus | |
n.装置,器械;器具,设备 | |
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430 malady | |
n.病,疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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431 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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432 gore | |
n.凝血,血污;v.(动物)用角撞伤,用牙刺破;缝以补裆;顶 | |
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433 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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434 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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435 renounced | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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436 revival | |
n.复兴,复苏,(精力、活力等的)重振 | |
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437 drooping | |
adj. 下垂的,无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
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438 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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439 afflicted | |
使受痛苦,折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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440 snares | |
n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 );圈套;诱人遭受失败(丢脸、损失等)的东西;诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉,诱陷,陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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441 circumvented | |
v.设法克服或避免(某事物),回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 );绕过,绕行,绕道旅行 | |
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442 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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443 commemorate | |
vt.纪念,庆祝 | |
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444 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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445 vindicate | |
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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446 enumerate | |
v.列举,计算,枚举,数 | |
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447 clandestine | |
adj.秘密的,暗中从事的 | |
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448 iniquity | |
n.邪恶;不公正 | |
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449 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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450 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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451 banish | |
vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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452 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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453 guile | |
n.诈术 | |
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454 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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455 arrogance | |
n.傲慢,自大 | |
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456 exterior | |
adj.外部的,外在的;表面的 | |
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457 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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458 proximity | |
n.接近,邻近 | |
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459 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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460 warrior | |
n.勇士,武士,斗士 | |
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461 arbiter | |
n.仲裁人,公断人 | |
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462 royalty | |
n.皇家,皇族 | |
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463 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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464 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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465 commiseration | |
n.怜悯,同情 | |
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466 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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467 wedlock | |
n.婚姻,已婚状态 | |
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468 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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469 obnoxious | |
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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470 intemperately | |
adv.过度地,无节制地,放纵地 | |
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471 slew | |
v.(使)旋转;n.大量,许多 | |
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472 arrogant | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的 | |
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473 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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474 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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475 expiation | |
n.赎罪,补偿 | |
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476 bereaving | |
v.使失去(希望、生命等)( bereave的现在分词 );(尤指死亡)使丧失(亲人、朋友等);使孤寂;抢走(财物) | |
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477 inveterate | |
adj.积习已深的,根深蒂固的 | |
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478 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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479 rumours | |
n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 );风闻;谣言;谣传 | |
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480 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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481 preposterously | |
adv.反常地;荒谬地;荒谬可笑地;不合理地 | |
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482 pompously | |
adv.傲慢地,盛大壮观地;大模大样 | |
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483 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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484 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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485 intercepted | |
拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 ); 截住; 截击; 拦阻 | |
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486 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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487 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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488 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
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489 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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490 puissant | |
adj.强有力的 | |
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491 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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492 harangued | |
v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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493 rustics | |
n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 );粗野的;不雅的;用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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494 bemoaning | |
v.为(某人或某事)抱怨( bemoan的现在分词 );悲悼;为…恸哭;哀叹 | |
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495 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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496 trumpets | |
喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 ); 小号; 喇叭形物; (尤指)绽开的水仙花 | |
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497 mound | |
n.土墩,堤,小山;v.筑堤,用土堆防卫 | |
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498 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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499 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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500 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
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501 woe | |
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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502 groans | |
n.呻吟,叹息( groan的名词复数 );呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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503 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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504 exultation | |
n.狂喜,得意 | |
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505 hymns | |
n.赞美诗,圣歌,颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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506 inscriptions | |
(作者)题词( inscription的名词复数 ); 献词; 碑文; 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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507 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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508 corpse | |
n.尸体,死尸 | |
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509 battalion | |
n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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510 obliterated | |
v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 );涂去;擦掉;彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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511 venal | |
adj.唯利是图的,贪脏枉法的 | |
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512 avowing | |
v.公开声明,承认( avow的现在分词 ) | |
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513 consultation | |
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议 | |
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514 exterminating | |
v.消灭,根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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515 franchised | |
v.给…以特许权,出售特许权( franchise的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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516 defiled | |
v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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517 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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518 profane | |
adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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519 sanctimony | |
n.假装神圣 | |
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520 impaired | |
adj.受损的;出毛病的;有(身体或智力)缺陷的v.损害,削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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521 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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522 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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523 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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524 dearth | |
n.缺乏,粮食不足,饥谨 | |
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525 rebuked | |
责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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526 cramped | |
a.狭窄的 | |
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527 abhorred | |
v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 );(厌恶地)回避;拒绝;淘汰 | |
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528 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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529 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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