When, after the fall of Brutus and Cassius, there remained none to fight for the Commonwealth, and her arms were no longer in her own hands; when Sextus Pompeius was utterly31 defeated in Sicily, Lepidus bereft33 of his command. Marc Anthony slain34; and of all the chiefs of the late Dictator's party, only Octavius his nephew was left; he put off the invidious name of Triumvir, and styling himself Consul4, pretended that the jurisdiction attached to the Tribuneship was his highest aim, as in it the protection of the populace was his only view: but when once he had laid his foundations wider, secured the soldiery by liberality and donations, gained the people by store of provisions, and charmed all by the blessings35 and sweetness of public peace, he began by politic36 gradations to exalt37 himself, to extend his domination, and with his own power to consolidate38 the authority of the Senate, jurisdiction of the Magistrate2, and weight and force of the Laws; usurpations in which he was thwarted39 by no man: all the bravest Republicans and his most daring foes41 were slain in battle, or gleaned42 up by the late sanguinary proscriptions; and for the surviving Nobility, they were covered with wealth, and distinguished43 with public honours, according to the measure of their debasement, and promptness to bondage44. Add, that all the creatures of this new Power, who in the loss of public freedom had gained private fortunes, preferred a servile condition, safe and possessed45, to the revival46 of ancient liberty with personal peril47. Neither were the Provinces averse48 to the present Revolution, and Sovereignty of one; since under that of the people and Senate they had lived in constant fear and mistrust, sorely rent and harassed49 as they were by the raging competition amongst our Grandees51, as well as by the grievous rapine and exactions of our Magistrates; in vain too, under these their oppressions, had been their appeal to the protection of the laws, which were utterly enfeebled and borne down by might and violence, by faction52 and parties; nay53, even by subornation and money.
Moreover, Augustus, in order to fortify54 his domination with collateral55 bulwarks56, raised his sister's son Claudius Marcellus, a perfect youth, to the dignity of Pontiff and that of Aedile; preferred Marcus Agrippa to two successive Consulships, a man in truth meanly born but an accomplished57 soldier, and the companion of his victories; and Marcellus, the husband of Julia, soon after dying, chose him for his son-in-law. Even the sons of his wife, Tiberius Nero, and Claudius Drusus, he dignified58 with high military titles and commands; though his house was yet supported by descendants of his own blood. For into the Julian family and name of the Caesars he had already adopted Lucius and Caius, the sons of Agrippa; and though they were but children, neither of them seventeen years old, vehement59 had been his ambition to see them declared Princes of the Roman Youth and even designed to the Consulship; while openly, he was protesting against admitting these early honours. Presently, upon the decease of Agrippa, were these his children snatched away, either by their own natural but hasty fate, or by the deadly fraud of their step-mother Livia; Lucius on his journey to command the armies in Spain; Caius in his return from Armenia, ill of a wound: and as Drusus, one of her own sons, had been long since dead, Tiberius remained sole candidate for the succession. Upon this object, centred all princely honours; he was by Augustus adopted for his son, assumed Colleague in the Empire, partner in the jurisdiction tribunitial, and presented under all these dignities to the several armies: instances of grandeur60 which were no longer derived61 from the secret schemes and plottings of his mother, as in times past, while her husband had unexceptionable heirs of his own, but thenceforth bestowed64 at her open suit. For as Augustus was now very aged65, she had over him obtained such absolute sway, that for her pleasure he banished67 into the Isle68 of Planasia his only surviving grandson, Agrippa Postumus; one, in truth, destitute69 of laudable accomplishments70, in his temper untractable, and stupidly conceited71 of his mighty72 strength, but branded with no misdemeanour or transgression73. The Emperor had withal set Germanicus, the son of Drusus, over eight legions quartered upon the Rhine, and obliged Tiberius to adopt him, though Tiberius had then a son of his own, one of competent years; but it was the study of Augustus, to secure himself and the succession by variety of stays and engraftments. War at that time there was none, except that in Germany, kept on foot rather to abolish the disgrace sustained by Quinctilius Varus, there slain with his army, than from any ambition to enlarge the Empire, or for any other valuable advantage. In profound tranquillity74 were affairs at Rome. To the Magistrates remained their wonted names; of the Romans the younger sort had been born since the battle of Actium, and even most of the old during the civil wars: how few were then living who had seen the ancient free State!
The frame and economy of Rome being thus totally overturned, amongst the Romans were no longer found any traces of their primitive76 spirit, or attachment77 to the virtuous78 institutions of antiquity79. But as the equality of the whole was extinguished by the sovereignty of one, all men regarded the orders of the Prince as the only rule of conduct and obedience80; nor felt they any anxiety, while Augustus yet retained vigour81 of life, and upheld the credit of his administration with public peace, and the imperial fortune of his house. But when he became broken with the pressure of age and infirmities; when his end was at hand, and thence a new source of hopes and views was presented, some few there were who began to reason idly about the blessings and recovery of Liberty; many dreaded82 a civil war, others longed for one; while far the greater part were uttering their several apprehensions84 of their future masters; "that naturally stern and savage85 was the temper of Agrippa, and by his public contumely enraged86 into fury; and neither in age nor experience was he equal to the weight of Empire. Tiberius indeed had arrived at fulness of years, and was a distinguished captain, but possessed the inveterate87 pride entailed88 upon the Claudian race; and many indications of a cruel nature escaped him, in spite of all his arts to disguise it; besides that from his early infancy90 he was trained up in a reigning91 house, and even in his youth inured92 to an accumulation of power and honours, consulships and triumphs: nor during the several years of his abode93 at Rhodes, where, under the plausible94 name of retirement95, a real banishment96 was covered, did he exercise other occupation than that of meditating97 future vengeance98, studying the arts of treachery, and practising secret, abominable99 sensualities: add to these considerations, that of his mother, a woman inspired with all the tyranny of her sex; yes, the Romans must be under bondage to a woman, and moreover enthralled100 by two youths, who would first combine to oppress the State, and then falling into dissension, rend101 it piecemeal102."
While the public was engaged in these and the like debates, the illness of Augustus waxed daily more grievous; and some strongly suspected the pestilent practices of his wife. For there had been, some months before, a rumour103 abroad, that Augustus having singled out a few of his most faithful servants, and taken Fabius Maximus for his only companion, had, with no other retinue104, sailed secretly over to the Island of Planasia, there to visit his Grandson Agrippa; that many tears were shed on both sides, many tokens of mutual105 tenderness shown, and hopes from thence conceived, that the unhappy youth would be restored to his own place in his Grandfather's family. That Maximus had disclosed it to Martia, she to Livia; and thence the Emperor knew that the secret was betrayed: that Maximus being soon after dead (dead, as it was doubted, through fear, by his own hands), Martia was observed, in her lamentations and groans106 at his funeral, to accuse herself as the sad cause of her husband's destruction. Whatever truth was in all this, Tiberius was scarce entered Illyrium, but he was hastily recalled by his mother's letters: nor is it fully known whether at his return to Nola, he found Augustus yet breathing, or already breathless. For Livia had carefully beset107 the palace, and all the avenues to it, with detachments of the guards; and good news of his recovery were from time to time given out. When she had taken all measures necessary in so great a conjuncture, in one and the same moment was published the departure of Augustus, and the accession of Tiberius.
The first feat32 of this new reign was the murder of young Agrippa: the assassin, a bold and determined110 Centurion111, found him destitute of arms, and little apprehending112 such a destiny, yet was scarce able to despatch113 him. Of this transaction Tiberius avoided any mention in the Senate: he would have it pass for done by the commands of Augustus; as if he had transmitted written orders to the Tribune, who guarded Agrippa, "to slay114 him the instant he heard of his grandfather's decease." It is very true that Augustus had made many and vehement complaints of the young man's obstinate115 and unruly demeanour, and even solicited116 from the Senate a decree to authorise his banishment: but he never hardened himself against the sentiments of nature, nor in any instance dipped his hands in his own blood; neither is it credible117 that he would barbarously sacrifice the life of his grandson for the security and establishment of his step-son. More probable it is, that this hasty murder was purely118 the work of Tiberius and Livia; that the young Prince, hated and dreaded by both, fell thus untimely, to rid the one of his apprehensions and a rival, and to satiate in the other the rancorous spirit of a step-mother. When the Centurion, according to the custom of the army, acquainted Tiberius, "that his commands were executed;" he answered, "he had commanded no such execution, and the Centurion must appear before the Senate, and for it be answerable to them." This alarmed Sallustius Crispus, who shared in all his secret counsels, and had sent the Centurion the warrant: he dreaded that he should be arraigned120 for the assassination121, and knew it equally perilous122 either to confess the truth, and charge the Emperor; or falsely to clear the Emperor, and accuse himself. Hence he had recourse to Livia, and warned her, "never to divulge123 the secrets of the palace, never to expose to public examination the ministers who advised, nor the soldiers who executed: Tiberius should beware of relaxing the authority of the Prince, by referring all things to that of the Senate; since it was the indispensable prerogative124 of sovereignty for all men to be accountable only to one."
Now at Rome, Consuls5, Senators, and Roman Knights125, were all rushing with emulation127 into bondage, and the higher the quality of each the more false and forward the men; all careful so to frame their faces, as to reconcile false joy for the accession of Tiberius, with feigned129 sadness for the loss of Augustus: hence they intermingled fears with gladness, wailings with gratulations, and all with servile flattery. Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius, at that time Consuls, took first the oath of fidelity131 to Tiberius; then administered it to Seius Strabo and Caius Turranius; the former Captain of the Praetorian Guards, the other Intendant of the Public Stores. The oath was next given to the Senate, to the people, and to the soldiery: all by the same Consuls; for Tiberius affected132 to derive62 all public transactions from the legal ministry133 of the Consuls, as if the ancient Republic still subsisted134, and he were yet unresolved about embracing the sovereign rule: he even owned in his edict for summoning the Senate, that he issued it by virtue135 of the Tribunitial power, granted him under Augustus. The edict, too, was short and unexceptionably modest. It imported that, "they were to consider of the funeral honours proper to be paid his deceased Father: for himself he would not depart from the corpse136; and further than this edict implied, he claimed no share in the public administration." Yet from the moment Augustus was dead, he usurped137 all the prerogatives138 of imperial state, gave the word to the Praetorian Cohorts; had soldiers about the palace, guards about his person, went guarded in the street, guarded to the Senate, and bore all the marks of Majesty139: nay, he writ19 letters to the several armies in the undisguised style of one already their Prince: nor did he ever hesitate in expression, or speak with perplexity, but when he spoke140 to the Senate. The chief cause of his obscurity there proceeded from his fear of Germanicus: he dreaded that he, who was master of so many legions, of numberless auxiliaries141, and of all the allies of Rome; he, who was the darling of the people, might wish rather to possess the Empire, than to wait for it; he likewise, in this mysterious way of dealing142 with the Senate, sought false glory, and would rather seem by the Commonwealth chosen and called to the Empire, than to have crept darkly into it by the intrigues143 of a woman, or by adoption144 from a superannuated145 Prince. It was also afterwards found, that by this abstruseness147 and counterfeit148 irresolution149 he meant to penetrate150 into the designs and inclinations151 of the great men: for his jealous spirit construed152 all their words, all their looks, into crimes; and stored them up in his heart against a day of vengeance.
When he first met the Senate, he would bear no other business to be transacted153 but that about the funeral of Augustus. His last will was brought in by the Vestal Virgins154: in it Tiberius and Livia were appointed his heirs, Livia adopted into the Julian family, and dignified with the name of Augusta: into the next and second degree of heirship155 he adopted his grandchildren and their children; and in the third degree he named the great men of Rome, most of them hated by him, but out of vainglory he named them, and for future renown. His legacies156 were not beyond the usual bounds; only he left to the Roman people four hundred thousand great sesterces, {Footnote: £362,500.} to the populace or common sort, thirty-five thousand; to every common soldier of the Praetorian Guards, a thousand small sesterces, {Footnote: £8, 6s. 8d.} and to every soldier of the Roman legions three hundred. {Footnote: £2, 10s.} The funeral honours were next considered. The chief proposed were these: Asinius Gallus moved that "the funeral should pass through the Triumphal Gate:" Lucius Arruntius, "that the titles of all the laws which he had made, and the names of all the nations which he had conquered, should be carried before the corpse:" Valerius Messala added, that "the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed every year;" and being asked by Tiberius, "whether at his instigation he had made that motion?" "I spoke it as my opinion," says Messala; "nor will I ever be determined by any but my own, in things which concern the commonweal; let who will be provoked by my freedom." Only this new turn was wanting to complete the prevailing flattery of the time. The Senators then concurred157 in a loud cry, "that upon their own shoulders they must bear the body to the pile." But Tiberius declined the offer from an arrogant158 show of moderation. Moreover, he cautioned the people by an edict, "not to disturb the funeral functions with a zeal159 over-passionate160, as they had those of Julius Caesar; nor to insist that the corpse of Augustus should be burnt rather in the Forum161, than in the field of Mars, which was the place appointed." On the funeral day the soldiers under arms kept guard; a mighty mockery this to those who had either seen, or heard their fathers describe, the day when Caesar the Dictator was slain: servitude was then new, its sorrows yet fresh and bitter; and liberty unsuccessfully retrieved162 by a deed which, while it seemed impious to some, was thought altogether glorious by others, and hence tore Rome into tumults165 and the violence of parties: they who knew that turbulent day, and compared it with the quiet exit of Augustus, ridiculed166 the foppery of "calling an aid of soldiers to secure a peaceable burial to a Prince who had grown old in peace and power, and even provided against a relapse into liberty, by a long train of successors."
Hence much and various matter of observation concerning Augustus: the superstitious167 multitude admired the fortuitous events of his fortune; "that the last day of his life, and the first of his reign, was the same; that he died at Nola, in the same village, and in the same house, and in the same chamber169, where his father Octavius died. They observed to his glory, his many Consulships, equal in number to those of Valerius Corvinus and of Caius Marius, joined together; that he had exercised the power of the Tribuneship seven-and-thirty continued years: that he was one-and-twenty times proclaimed Imperator; with many other numerous honours repeated to him, or created for him." Men of deeper discernment entered further into his life, but differed about it. His admirers said, "that his filial piety170 to his father Caesar, and the distractions172 of the Republic, where the laws no longer governed, had driven him into a civil war; which, whatever be the first cause, can never be begun or carried, on by just and gentle means." Indeed, to be revenged on the murderers of his father, he had made many great sacrifices to the violent genius of Anthony; many to Lepidus: but when Lepidus was become sunk and superannuated in sloth173; when Anthony was lost headlong in sensuality, there was then no other remedy for the distracted State, rent piecemeal by its Chiefs, but the sovereignty of one: Augustus, however, never had assumed to be over his country King, or Dictator; but settled the government under the legal name of Prince, or Chief of the Senate: he had extended the Empire, and set for its bounds the distant ocean and rivers far remote; the several parts and forces of the State, the legions, the provinces, and the navy, were all properly balanced and connected; the citizens lived dutifully under the protection of the law, the Allies in terms of respect, and Rome itself was adorned174 with magnificent structures: indeed, in a few instances he had exerted the arbitrary violence of power; and in but a few, only to secure the peace of the whole.
In answer to all this, it was urged, that "his filial piety, and the unhappy situation of the Republic, were pure pretences175; but the ardent176 lust119 of reigning, his true and only motive177: with this spirit he had solicited into his service, by bribery180, a body of veteran soldiers: and though a private youth, without post or magistracy, but, in defiance181 of law, levied182 an army: with this spirit he had debauched and bought the Roman legions under the Consuls, while he was falsely feigning184 a coalition185 with Pompey's republican party: that soon after, when he had procured186 from the Senate, or rather usurped the honours and authority of the Praetorship; and when Hirtius and Pansa, the two Consuls, were slain, he seized both their armies: that it was doubted whether the Consuls fell by the enemy, or whether Pansa was not killed by pouring poison into his wounds; and Hirtius slain by his own soldiers; and whether the young Caesar was not the black contriver187 of this bloody188 treason: that by terror he had extorted189 the Consulship in spite of the Senate; and turned against the Commonwealth the very arms with which the Commonwealth had trusted him for her defence against Anthony. Add to all this his cruel proscriptions, and the massacre190 of so many citizens, his seizing from the public and distributing to his own creatures so many lands and possessions; a violation191 of property not justified192 even by those who gained by it. But, allowing him to dedicate to the Manes of the Dictator the lives of Brutus and Cassius (though more to his honour had it been to have postponed193 his own personal hate to public good), did he not betray the young Pompey by an insidious194 peace, betray Lepidus by a deceitful show of friendship? Did he not next ensnare Marc Anthony, first by treaties, those of Tarentum and Brundusium; then by a marriage, that of his sister Octavia? And did not Anthony at last pay with his life the penalty of that subdolous alliance? After this, no doubt there was peace, but a bloody peace; bloody in the tragical196 defeat of Lollius, and that of Varus, in Germany; and at Rome, the Varrones, the Egnatii, the Julii (those illustrious names) were put to death." Nor was his domestic life spared upon this occasion. "He had arbitrarily robbed Nero of his wife big with child by her husband; and mocked the Gods by consulting the Priests; whether religion permitted him to marry her before her delivery, or obliged him to stay till after. His minions197, Tedius and Vedius Pollio, had lived in scandalous and excessive luxury: his wife Livia, who wholly controlled him, had proved a cruel governess to the Commonwealth; and to the Julian house, a more cruel step-mother: he had even invaded the incommunicable honours of the Gods, and setting up for himself temples like theirs, would like them be adored in the image of a Deity198, with all the sacred solemnity of Priests and sacrifices: nor had he adopted Tiberius for his successor, either out of affection for him, or from concern for the public welfare; but having discovered in him a spirit proud and cruel, he sought future glory from the blackest opposition199 and comparison." For, Augustus, when, a few years before, he solicited the Senate to grant to Tiberius another term of the authority of the Tribuneship, though he mentioned him with honour, yet taking notice of his odd humour, behaviour, and manners, dropped some expressions, which, while they seemed to excuse him, exposed and upbraided200 him.
As soon as the funeral of Augustus was over, a temple and divine worship were forthwith decreed him. The Senate then turned their instant supplications to Tiberius, to fill his vacant place; but received an abstruse146 answer, touching201 the greatness of the Empire and his own distrust of himself; he said that "nothing but the divine genius of Augustus was equal to the mighty task: that for himself, who had been called by him into a participation202 of his cares, he had learnt by feeling them, what a daring, what a difficult toil203 was that of government, and how perpetually subject to the caprices of fortune: that in a State supported by so many illustrious patriots204 they ought not to cast the whole administration upon one; and more easy to be administered were the several offices of the Government by the united pains and sufficiency of many." A pompous205 and plausible speech, but in it little faith and sincerity206. Tiberius, even upon subjects which needed no disguises, used words dark and cautious; perhaps from his diffident nature, perhaps from a habit of dissembling: at this juncture108 indeed, as he laboured wholly to hide his heart, his language was the more carefully wrapped up in equivoques and obscurity: but the Senators, who dreaded nothing so much as to seem to understand him, burst into tears, plaints, and vows207; with extended arms they supplicated208 the Gods, invoked210 the image of Augustus, and embraced the knees of Tiberius. He then commanded the imperial register to be produced and recited. It contained a summary of the strength and income of the Empire, the number of Romans and auxiliaries in pay, the condition of the navy, of the several kingdoms paying tribute, and of the various provinces and their revenues, with the state of the public expense, the issues of the exchequer212, and all the demands upon the public. This register was all writ by the hand of Augustus; and in it he had subjoined his counsel to posterity213, that the present boundaries of the Empire should stand fixed214 without further enlargement; but whether this counsel was dictated215 by fear for the public, or by envy towards his successors, is uncertain.
Now when the Senate was stooping to the vilest216 importunity217 and prostrations, Tiberius happened to say, that, "as he was unequal to the weight of the whole government; so if they entrusted218 him with any particular part, whatever it were, he would undertake it." Here Asinius Gallus interposed: "I beg to know, Caesar," says he, "what part of the government you desire for your share?" He was astonished with the unexpected question, and, for a short space, mute; but recovering himself, answered, that "it ill became his modesty219 to choose or reject any particular branch of the administration, when he desired rather to be excused from the whole." Gallus, who in his face conjectured220 sullen221 signs of displeasure, again accosted222 him, and said, "by this question I did not mean that you should do an impracticable thing, and share that power which cannot be separated; but I meant to reason you into a confession223 that the Commonwealth is but one body, and can be governed only by one soul." He added an encomium224 upon Augustus, and reminded Tiberius himself of his many victories, of the many civil employments which he had long and nobly sustained: nor even thus could he mollify the wrath225 of Tiberius, who had long hated him, for that Gallus had married Vipsania, daughter of Marcus Agrippa, and formerly226 wife to Tiberius, who thence suspected that by this match he meant to soar above the rank of a subject, and possessed too the bold and haughty227 spirit of Asinius Pollio his father.
Lucius Arruntius incurred228 his displeasure next, by a speech not much unlike that of Gallus: it is true, that towards him Tiberius bore no old rancour; but Arruntius had mighty opulence229, prompt parts, noble accomplishments, with equal popularity, and hence was marked by him with a fell eye of suspicion. For, as Augustus, shortly before his decease, was mentioning those among the great men, who were capable of the supreme power, but would not accept it; or unequal to it, yet wished for it; or such, as had both ambition and sufficiency; he had said, that "Marcus Lepidus was qualified230, but would reject it; Asinius would be aspiring231, but had inferior talents; and that Lucius Arruntius wanted no sufficiency, and upon a proper occasion would attempt it." That he spoke thus of Lepidus and Asinius, is agreed; but, instead of Arruntius, some writers have transmitted the name of Cneius Piso: and every one of these great men, except Lepidus, were afterwards cut off, under the imputation232 of various crimes, all darkly framed by Tiberius. Quintus Haterius and Mamercus Scaurus did thereafter incense233 his distrustful spirit; the first by asking him, "How long, Caesar, wilt234 thou suffer the Commonwealth to remain destitute of a head?" Scaurus, because he had said "there was room to hope that the prayers of the Senate would not prove abortive235, since he had not opposed as Tribune, nor rendered invalid236, as he might, the motion of the Consuls in his behalf." With Haterius he fell into instant rage; towards Scaurus his resentment was more deep and implacable, and in profound silence he hid it. Wearied at last with public importunity and clamour, and with particular expostulations, he began to unbend a little; not that he would own his undertaking the Empire, but only avoid the uneasiness of perpetually rejecting endless solicitations. It is known how Haterius, when he went next day to the palace to implore237 pardon, and throwing himself at the feet of Tiberius embraced his knees, narrowly escaped being slain by the soldiers; because Tiberius, who was walking, tumbled down, whether by chance, or whether his legs were entangled238 in the arms of Haterius: neither was he a jot239 mollified by the danger which threatened so great a man, who was at length forced to supplicate209 Augusta for protection; nor could even she obtain it, but after the most laboured entreaties240.
Towards Livia, too, exorbitant241 was the flattering court of the Senate. Some were for decreeing her the general title of Mother; others the more particular one of Mother Of Her Country; and almost all moved, that to the name of Tiberius should be added, The Son Of Julia: Tiberius urged in answer, that "public honours to women ought to be warily242 adjudged, and with a sparing hand; and that with the same measure of moderation he would receive such as were presented to himself." In truth, full of envy as he was, and anxious lest his own grandeur should sink as that of his mother rose, he would not suffer so much as a Lictor to be decreed her, and even forbade the raising her an altar upon her late adoption, or paying her any such solemnities. But for Germanicus he asked the Proconsular power; and to carry him that dignity, honourable243 deputies were sent, as also to mollify his sorrow for the death of Augustus. If for Drusus he demanded not the same honour, it was because Drusus was present and already Consul designed. He then named twelve candidates for the Praetorship; the same number settled by Augustus; and though the Senate requested him to increase it, by an oath he bound himself never to exceed.
The privilege of creating Magistrates was now first translated from the assemblies of the people to the Senate; for though the Emperor had before conducted all affairs of moment at his pleasure; yet till that day some were still transacted by the Tribes, and carried by their bent244 and suffrages245. Neither did the regret of the people for the seizure246 of these their ancient rights rise higher than some impotent grumbling248. The Senate too liked the change; as by it they were released from the charge of buying votes, and from the shame of begging them: and so moderate was Tiberius, that of the twelve candidates he only reserved to himself the recommendation of four, to be accepted without opposition or caballing. At the same time, the Tribunes of the people asked leave to celebrate at their own expense certain plays in honour of Augustus, such as were to be called after his name, and inserted in the calendar. But it was decreed, that out of the Exchequer the charge should be defrayed, and the Tribunes should in the circus wear the triumphal robe; but to be carried in chariots was denied them. The annual celebration of these plays was, for the future, transferred to one of the Praetors, him in particular to whom should fall the jurisdiction of deciding suits between citizens and strangers.
Thus stood affairs at Rome when a sedition249 seized the legions in Pannonia; without any fresh grounds, save that from a change of Princes, they meant to assume a warrant for licentiousness250 and tumult164, and from a civil war hoped great earnings252 and acquisitions: they were three legions encamped together, all commanded by Junius Blesus, who, upon notice of the death of Augustus and the accession of Tiberius, had granted the soldiers a recess253 from their wonted duties for some days, as a time either of public mourning or festivity. From being idle they waxed wanton, quarrelsome, and turbulent; greedily listened to mutinous254 discourses255; the most profligate256 amongst them had most credit with them, and at last they became passionate for a life of sloth and riot, utterly averse to all military discipline and every fatigue257 of the camp. In the camp was one Percennius; formerly a busy leader in the embroilments of the theatre, and now a common soldier; a fellow of a petulant258, declaiming tongue, and by inflaming259 parties in the playhouse, well qualified to excite and infatuate a crowd. This incendiary practised upon the ignorant and unwary, such as were solicitous260 what might prove their future usage, now Augustus was dead. He engaged them in nightly confabulations, and by little and little incited261 them to violence and disorders262; and towards the evening, when the soberest and best affected were withdrawn263, he assembled the worst and most turbulent. When he had thus ripened265 them for sedition, and other ready incendiaries were combined with him, he personated the character of a lawful266 Commander, and thus questioned and harangued268 them:
"Why did they obey, like slaves, a few Centurions269 and a fewer Tribunes? When would they be bold enough to demand redress270 of their heavy grievances271, unless they snatched the present occasion, while the Emperor was yet new and his authority wavering, to prevail with him by petition, or by arms to force him? They had already by the misery272 of many years paid dear for their patient sloth and stupid silence, since decrepit273 with age and maimed with wounds, after a course of service for thirty or forty years, they were still doomed274 to carry arms: nor even to those who were discharged was there any end of the misery of warfare276; they were still kept tied to the colours, and under the creditable title of Veterans endured the same hardships, and underwent the same labours. But suppose any of them escaped so many dangers, and survived so many calamities277, where was their reward at last? Why, a long and weary march remained yet to be taken into countries far remote and strange; where, under the name of lands given them to cultivate, they had unhospitable bogs278 to drain, and the wild wastes of mountains to manure279. Severe and ungainful of itself was the occupation of war: ten Asses280 {Footnote: About 5d.} a day the poor price of their persons and lives; out of this, they must buy clothes, and tents, and arms; out of this, bribe179 the cruel Centurions for a forbearance of blows, and occasional exemption282 from hard duty: but stripes from their officers, and wounds from their enemies, hard winters and laborious283 summers, bloody wars and barren peace, were miseries284 without end: nor remained there other cure or relief than to refuse to enlist285 but upon conditions certain, and fixed by themselves; particularly, that their pay be a denarius or sixteen Asses a day, {Footnote: About 8-1/2d.} sixteen years be the utmost term of serving; when discharged, to be no longer obliged to follow the colours, but have their reward in ready money, paid them in the camp where they earned it. Did the Praetorian Guards, they who had double pay, they who after sixteen years' service were paid off and sent home, bear severer difficulties, undergo superior dangers? He did not mean to detract from the merit of their brethren the City guards; their own lot however it was, to be placed amongst horrid286 and barbarous nations, nor could they look from their tents, but they saw the foe40."
The whole crowd received this harangue267 with shouts of applause; but from various instigations. Some displayed upon their bodies the obvious impressions of stripes, others their hoary287 heads, many their vestments ragged288 and curtailed289, with backs utterly bare; as did all, their various griefs, in the bitterness of reproach. At length to such excessive fury they grew, that they proposed to incorporate the three legions into one; nor by aught but emulation was the project defeated: for to his own legion every man claimed the prerogative of swallowing and denominating the other two. They took another method, and placed the three Eagles of the legions, with the standards of the several cohorts, altogether without rank or priority; then forthwith digged turf and were rearing a tribunal, one high enough to be seen at a distance. In this hurry arrived Blesus, who, falling into sore rebukes290, and by force interrupting particulars, called with vehemence291 to all: "Dip your hands rather in my blood: to murder your General will be a crime less shameful292 and heinous293 than to revolt from your Prince; for determined I am, either to preserve the legions in their faith and obedience, if you kill me not for my intended good office; or my death, if I fall by your hands, shall hasten your remorse294."
For all this, turfs were accumulated, and the work was already breast high, when, at last, overcome by his spirit and perseverance295, they forbore. Blesus was an able speaker: he told them "that sedition and mutiny were not the methods of conveying to the Emperor the pretensions296 of the soldiers; their demands too were new and singular; such as neither the soldiers of old had ever made to the ancient Generals, nor they themselves to the deified Augustus: besides, their claims were ill-timed, when the Prince, just upon his accession, was already embarrassed with the weight and variety of other cares. If, however, they meant to try to gain in full peace those concessions297, which, even after a civil war, the conquerors299 never claimed; yet why trample300 upon duty and obedience, why reject the laws of the army, and rules of discipline? And if they meant to petition, why meditate301 violence? They might at least appoint deputies; and in his presence trust them with their pretensions." Here they all cried out, "that the son of Blesus, one of their Tribunes, should execute that deputation; and demand in their name that, after sixteen years' service they should be discharged: they said they would give him new orders, when he had succeeded in these." After the departure of the young officer, a moderate recess ensued; the soldiers however exulted302 to have carried such a point: the sending the son of their General, as the public advocate for their cause, was to them full proof that they had gained by force and terror that which by modesty and gentle means they would never have gained.
In the meantime those companies which, before the sedition began, were sent to Nauportum {Footnote: Over-Laybach, in Carniola.} to mend roads and bridges, and upon other duties, no sooner heard of the uproar303 in the camp, but they cast off all obedience, tore away the ensigns, and plundered304 the neighbouring villages; even Nauportum itself, which for greatness resembled a municipal town, was plundered. The endeavours of the Centurions to restrain this violence, were first returned with mockery and contempt, then with invectives and contumelies, at last with outrage306 and blows. Their vengeance was chiefly bent against the Camp-Marshal, Aufidienus Rufus: him they dragged from his chariot, and, loading him with baggage, drove him before the first ranks; they then insulted him, and asked in scorn, "whether he would gladly bear such enormous burdens, whether endure such immense marches?" Rufus had been long a common soldier, then became a Centurion, and afterwards Camp-Marshal; a severe restorer of primitive strictness and discipline; an indefatigable308 observer of every military duty, which he exacted from others with the more rigour, as he had himself undergone them all with patience.
By the arrival of this tumultuous band the sedition was again awakened309 to its former outrage, and the seditious, roving abroad without control, ravaged310 the country on every side. Blesus, for an example of terror to the rest, commanded those who were most laden312 with plunder305, to be punished with stripes and cast into prison: for the General was still dutifully obeyed by the Centurions, and by all the soldiers of any merit; but the criminals refused to submit, and even struggled with the guard who were carrying them off; they clasped the knees of the bystanders, implored313 help from their fellows, now calling upon every individual, and conjuring314 them by their particular names; then appealed to them in a body, and supplicated the company, the cohort, the legion to which they belonged; warning and proclaiming that the same ignominy and chastisement315 hung over them all. With the same breath they heaped invectives without measure upon their General, and called upon heaven and all the Gods to be their witnesses and avengers; nor left they aught unattempted to raise effectual hatred316, compassion317, terror, and every species of fury. Hence the whole body rushed to their relief, burst open the prison, unbound and rescued the prisoners: thus they owned for their brethren, and incorporated with themselves, infamous318 revolters, and traitors319 convict and condemned320.
Hence the violence became more raging, and hence more sedition from more leaders. There was particularly one Vibulenus, a common soldier, who, exalted321 on the shoulders of his comrades, before the tribunal of Blesus, thus declaimed in the ears of a multitude already outrageous322, and eager to hear what he had to say. "To these innocents," says he, "to these miserable323 sufferers, our fellow-soldiers, you have indeed restored breath and liberty: but who will restore life to my poor brother; who my poor brother to me? He was sent hither by the German armies, with propositions for our common good; and for this, was last night butchered by that same Blesus, who in the murder employed his gladiators, bloody men, whom he purposely entertains and arms for our common execution. Where, oh where, Blesus, hast thou thrown his unoffending and mangled324 corpse? Even open enemies do not inhumanly325 deny burial to the slain: when I have satiated my sorrow with a thousand kisses, and a flood of tears; command me also to be murdered, that these our brethren may together bury my poor brother and me, slaughtered327 both as victims, yet both guiltless of any crime but that of studying the common interest of the legions."
He inflamed those his complaints and expostulations with affecting sighs and lamentations, beat his breast, tore his face, and showed all the symptoms of anguish329. Then those who carried him giving way, he threw himself headlong at the feet of his companions; and thus prostrate330 and supplicating331, in them raised such a spirit of commiseration332 and such a storm of vengeance, that one party of them instantly seized and bound the General's gladiators; another, the rest of his family; while many ran and dispersed333 themselves to search for the corpse: and had it not been quickly manifest that there was no corpse to be found, that the slaves of Blesus had upon the rack cleared themselves, and that Vibulenus never had any brother; they had gone nigh to have sacrificed the General. As it was, they expulsed the Camp-Marshal and Tribunes; and as they fled, plundered their baggage: they likewise put to death Lucilius the Centurion, whom they had sarcastically334 named Cedo Alteram, because when upon the back of a soldier he had broken one wand, he was wont75 to call for another, and then a third. The other Centurions lurked335 in concealment336, all but Julius Clemens, who for his prompt capacity was saved, in order to manage the negotiations337 of the soldiers: even two of the legions, the eighth and the fifteenth, were ready to turn their swords upon each other; and had, but for the ninth: one Sirpicus, a centurion, was the subject of the quarrel; him the eighth required to be put to death, and the fifteenth protected him; but the ninth interposed with entreaties to both, and with threats to those who would not listen to prayers.
Tiberius, however, close and impenetrable, and ever labouring to smother338 all melancholy339 tidings, was yet driven by those from Pannonia, to despatch his son Drusus thither340, accompanied by the principal nobility and guarded by two Praetorian cohorts; but charged with no precise instructions, only to adapt his measures to the present exigency341: the cohorts were strengthened with an extraordinary addition of chosen men, with the greatest part of the Praetorian horse, and main body of the German, then the Emperor's guards. Aelius Sejanus, lately joined with his father Strabo in the command of the Praetorian bands, was also sent, not only as Governor to the young Prince, but as his credit with the Emperor was known to be mighty, to deal with the revolters by promises and terrors. When Drusus approached, the legions, for show of respect, marched out to meet him; not with the usual symptoms and shouts of joy, nor with gay ensigns and arms glittering, but in a dress and accoutrements hideous342 and squalid: in their countenances343 too, though composed to sadness, were seen greater marks of sullenness344 and contumacy.
As soon as he was within the camp, they secured the entrances with guards, and in several quarters of it placed parties upon duty: the rest crowded about the tribunal of Drusus, who stood beckoning345 with his hand for silence. Here as often as they surveyed their own numbers and met one another's resentful looks, they uttered their rage in horrible cries: again, when upon the tribunal they beheld346 Caesar, awe347 and trembling seized them: now, there prevailed an hollow and inarticulate murmur348; next, a furious clamour; then suddenly a dead silence: so that, by a hasty succession of opposite passions, they were at once dismayed and dreadful. When at last the uproar was stayed, he read his father's letters, who in them declared, "that he would take an affectionate care of the brave and invincible349 legions by whom he had sustained successfully so many wars; and, as soon as his grief was a little abated350, deal with the Senate about their demands; in the meantime he had sent them his son, on purpose to make them forthwith all the concessions, which could instantly be made them: the rest were to be reserved for the Senate, the proper distributers of rewards and punishments by a right altogether unalienable."
The assembly answered, that to Julius Clemens they had intrusted what to speak in their name: he began with their demands, "to be discharged after sixteen years' service, to have the reward which, for past services upon that discharge, they claimed; their pay to be increased to a Roman denarius; the veterans to be no longer detained under their ensigns." When Drusus urged, that wholly in the judgment351 of the Senate and his father, these matters rested he was interrupted by their clamours: "To what purpose came he; since he could neither augment352 their pay, nor alleviate353 their grievances? and while upon them every officer was allowed to inflict354 blows and death, the son of their Emperor wanted power to relieve them by one beneficent action. The policy this of the late reign, when Tiberius frustrated355 every request of the soldiers, by referring all to Augustus; now Drusus was come with the same artifices356 to delude357 them: were they never to have a higher visit than from the children of their Prince? It was, indeed, unaccountable, that to the Senate the Emperor should leave no part in the direction of the army, only the rewarding of the soldiery: ought not the same Senate to be consulted as often as a battle was to be fought, or a private man to be punished? or, were their recompenses to be adjudged by many masters, but their punishments to remain without any restraint or moderator whatsoever358?"
At last they abandoned the tribunal, and with menaces and insults fell upon all they met belonging to Drusus, either as guards or friends; meditating thus to provoke a quarrel, and an introduction to blood. Chiefly enraged they were against Cneius Lentulus, as one for years and warlike renown superior to any about the person of Drusus, and thence suspected to have hardened the Prince, and been himself the foremost to despise these outrages359 in the soldiery: nor was it long after, that as he was leaving Drusus, and from the foresight360 of danger returning to the winter quarters, they surrounded him and demanded "whither he went? to the Emperor or Senate? there also to exercise his enmity to the legions, and oppose their interest?" and instantly assaulted him with stones. He was already covered with wounds and blood, and awaiting certain assassination, when the troops attending Drusus flew to his assistance and saved him.
The following night had a formidable aspect, and threatened the speedy eruption361 of some tragical vengeance; when a phenomenon intervened and assuaged362 all. The Moon, in the midst of a clear sky, seemed to the soldiers suddenly to sicken; and they, who were ignorant of the natural cause, took this for an omen109 foreboding the issue of their present adventures: to their own labours, they compared the eclipse of the planet; and prophesied363, "that if to the distressed Goddess should be restored her wonted brightness and vigour, equally successful would be the issue of these their struggles." Hence they strove to charm and revive her with sounds, and by ringing upon brazen364 metal, and an uproar of trumpets365 and cornets, made a vehement bellowing366. As she appeared brighter or darker, they exulted or lamented367; but when gathering368 clouds had utterly bereft them of her sight, and they believed her now buried in everlasting369 darkness; then, as minds once thoroughly371 dismayed are pliant372 to superstition373, they bewailed "their own eternal sufferings thus portended374, and that against their misdeeds the angry Deities375 were contending." Drusus, who thought it behoved him to improve this disposition376 of theirs, and to reap the fruits of wisdom from the operations of chance; ordered certain persons to go round, and apply to them from tent to tent. For this purpose, he called and employed the Centurion Julius Clemens, and whoever else were by honest methods acceptable to the multitude. These insinuated377 themselves everywhere, with those who kept watch, or were upon patrol, or guarded the gates; soothing378 all with hopes, and by terrors rousing them. "How long," said they, "shall we hold the son of our Emperor thus besieged379? Where will our broils380 and wild contentions381 end? Shall we swear allegiance to Percennius and Vibulenus? Will Vibulenus and Percennius support us with pay during our service, and reward us with lands when dismissed? In short, shall two common men dispossess the Neros and the Drusi, and to themselves assume the Empire of the Roman People? Let us be wiser; and as we were the last to revolt, be the first to relent. Such demands, as comprise terms for all, are ever slowly accorded; but particulars may, when they please, merit instant favour, and instantly receive it." These reasonings alarmed them, and filled them with mutual jealousies382. Presently the fresh soldiers forsook383 the veterans, and one legion separated from another; then by degrees returned the love of duty and obedience. They relinquished384 the guard of the gates: and the Eagles and other ensigns, which in the beginning of the tumult they had thrown together, were now restored each to its distinct station.
Drusus, as soon as it was day, summoned an assembly, and though unskilled in speaking, yet with a haughtiness385 inherent in his blood, rebuked386 their past and commended their present behaviour. "With threats and terrors," he said, "it was impossible to subdue387 him; but if he saw them reclaimed388 to submission389, if from them he heard the language of supplicants, he would send to his father to accept with a reconciled spirit the petitions of the legions," Hence, at their entreaty391, for their deputy to Tiberius the same Blesus was again despatched, and with him Lucius Apronius, a Roman Knight126 of the cohort of Drusus; and Justus Catonius, a Centurion of the first order. There followed great debates in the council of Drusus, while some advised "to suspend all proceeding392 till the return of the deputies, and by a course of courtesy the while to soothe393 the soldiers; others maintained, that remedies more potent247 must needs be applied394: in a multitude, was to be found nothing on this side extremes; always imperious where they are not awed395, and to be without danger despised when frightened: to their present terror from superstition was to be added the dread of their General, by his dooming396 to death the authors of the sedition." Rather prompt to rigorous counsels was the genius of Drusus: Vibulenus and Percennius were produced, and by his command executed; it is by many recounted, that in his own tent they were secretly despatched and buried; by others, that their bodies were ignominiously397 thrown over the entrenchments, for a public spectacle of terror.
Search was then made for other remarkable399 incendiaries. Some were caught skulking400 without the camp, and there by the Centurions or Praetorian soldiers slain; others were by their several companies delivered up, as a proof of their own sincere faith. The consternation401 of the soldiers was heightened by the precipitate402 accession of winter, with rains incessant403 and so violent, that they were unable to stir from their tents, or maintain common intercourse404, nay, scarce to preserve their standards, assaulted continually by tempestuous405 winds and raging floods. Dread besides of the angry Gods still possessed them; nor was it at random406, they thought, that such profane407 traitors were thus visited with black eclipses and roaring tempests; neither against these their calamities was there other relief than the relinquishing408 of a camp by impiety409 contaminated and accursed, and after expiation410 of their guilt328 returning to their several garrisons412. The eighth legion departed first; and then the fifteenth: the ninth, with earnest clamours, pressed for continuing there till the letters from Tiberius arrived; but when deserted413 by the other two, their courage failed, and by following of their own accord, they prevented the shame of being forced. Drusus seeing order and tranquillity restored, without staying for the return of the deputies, returned himself to Rome.
Almost at the same time, and from the same causes, the legions in Germany raised an insurrection, with greater numbers, and thence with more fury. Passionate too were their hopes that Germanicus would never brook414 the rule of another, but yield to the spirit of the legions, who had force sufficient to bring the whole Empire under his sway. Upon the Rhine were two armies; that called the higher, commanded by Caius Silius, Lieutenant-General; the lower, by Aulus Caecina: the command in chief rested in Germanicus, then busy collecting the tribute in Gaul. The forces however under Silius, with cautious ambiguity415, watched the success of the revolt which others began: for the soldiers of the lower army had broken out into open outrages, which took its rise from the fifth legion, and the one-and-twentieth; who after them drew the first, and twentieth. These were altogether upon the frontiers of the Ubians, passing the campaign in utter idleness or light duty: so that upon the news that Augustus was dead, the whole swarm416 of new soldiers lately levied in the city, men accustomed to the effeminacies of Rome, and impatient of every military hardship, began to possess the ignorant minds of the rest with many turbulent expectations, "that now was presented the lucky juncture for veterans to demand entire dismission; the fresh soldiers, larger pay; and all, some mitigation of their miseries; as also to return due vengeance for the cruelties of the Centurions." These were not the harangues417 of a single incendiary, like Percennius amongst the Pannonian legions; nor uttered, as there, in the ears of men who, while they saw before their eyes armies greater than their own, mutinied with awe and trembling: but here was a sedition of many mouths, filled with many boasts, "that in their hands lay the power and fate of Rome; by their victories the empire was enlarged, and from them the Caesars took, as a compliment, the surname of Germanicus."
Neither did Caecina strive to restrain them. A madness so extensive had bereft him of all his bravery and firmness. In this precipitate frenzy418 they rushed at once, with swords drawn264, upon the Centurions, the eternal objects of their resentment, and always the first victims to their vengeance. Them they dragged to the earth, and upon each bestowed a terrible portion of sixty blows; a number proportioned to that of Centurions in a legion. Then bruised419, mangled, and half expiring, as they were, they cast them all out of the camp, some into the stream of the Rhine. Septimius, who had for refuge fled to the tribunal of Caecina, and lay clasping his feet, was demanded with such imperious vehemence, that he was forced to be surrendered to destruction. Cassius Cherea (afterwards famous to posterity for killing420 Caligula), then a young man of undaunted spirit, and one of the Centurions, boldly opened himself a passage with his sword through a crowd of armed foes striving to seize him. After this no further authority remained to the Tribunes, none to the Camp-Marshals. The seditious soldiers were their own officers; set the watch, appointed the guard, and gave all orders proper in the present exigency; hence those who dived deepest into the spirit of the soldiery, gathered a special indication how powerful and obdurate421 the present insurrection was like to prove; for in their conduct were no marks of a rabble422, where every man's will guides him, or the instigation of a few controls the whole. Here, all at once they raged, and all at once kept silence; with so much concert and steadiness, that you would have believed them under the sovereign direction of one.
To Germanicus the while, then receiving, as I have said, the tribute in Gaul, news were brought of the decease of Augustus; whose grand-daughter Agrippina he had to wife, and by her many children: he was himself the grandson of Livia, by her son Drusus, the brother of Tiberius; but ever under heavy anxiety from the secret hate which his uncle and grandmother bore him: hate the more virulent423 as its grounds were altogether unrighteous; for, dear and adored was the memory of his father Drusus amongst the Roman People, and from him was firmly expected that had he succeeded to the Empire, he would have restored public liberty: hence their zeal for Germanicus, and of him the same hopes conceived; as from his youth he possessed a popular spirit, and marvellous affability utterly remote from the comportment and address of Tiberius, ever haughty and mysterious. The animosities too between the ladies administered fresh fuel; while towards Agrippina, Livia was actuated by the despite natural to step-mothers: and over-tempestuous was the indignation of Agrippina; only that her known chastity and love for her husband, always gave her mind, however vehement, a virtuous turn.
But Germanicus, the nearer he stood to supreme rule, the more vigour he exerted to secure it to Tiberius: to him he obliged the Sequanians, a neighbouring people, as also the several Belgic cities, to swear present allegiance; and the moment he learnt the uproar of the legions, posted thither: he found them advanced without the camp to receive him, with eyes cast down, in feigned token of remorse. After he entered the entrenchments, instantly his ears were filled with plaints and grievances, uttered in hideous and mixed clamours: nay, some catching424 his hand, as if they meant to kiss it, thrust his fingers into their mouths, to feel their gums destitute of teeth; others showed their limbs enfeebled, and bodies stooping under old age. As he saw the assembly mixed at random, he commanded them "to range themselves into companies, thence more distinctly to hear his answers; as also to place before them their several ensigns, that the cohorts at least might be distinguished."
With slowness and reluctance425 it was, that they obeyed him; then beginning with an encomium upon the "venerable memory of Augustus," he proceeded to the "many victories and many triumphs of Tiberius," and with peculiar426 praises celebrated427 the "glorious and immortal428 deeds, which with these very legions in Germany he had accomplished;" he next boasted the quiet state of things, the consent of all Italy, the loyal faith of both the Gauls: and every quarter of the Roman State exempt281 from disaffection and turbulence429.
Thus far they listened with silence, at least with moderate murmuring; but the moment he touched their sedition and questioned, "where now was the wonted modesty of soldiers? where the glory of ancient discipline? whither had they chased their Tribunes, whither their Centurions?" to a man, they stripped themselves to the skin, and there exposed the seams of their wounds and bruises430 of their chastisements, in the rage of reproach. Then in the undistinguished voice of uproar, they urged "the exactions for occasional exemptions431, their scanty432 pay, and their rigorous labours;" which they represented in a long detail: "ramparts to be reared, entrenchments digged, trees felled and drawn, forage433 cut and carried, fuel prepared and fetched," with every other article of toil required by the exigencies of war, or to prevent idleness in the soldiery. Above all, from the veterans arose a cry most horrible: they enumerated434 thirty years or upwards435 undergone in the service; "and besought436 that to men utterly spent he would administer respite437, nor suffer them to be beholden to death for the last relief from their toils439; but discharge them from a warfare so lasting370 and severe, and grant them the means of a comfortable recess." Nay, some there were who of him required the money bequeathed them by Augustus; and towards Germanicus uttering zealous440 vows, with omens441 of happy fortune, declared their cordial attachment to his cause if he would himself assume the Empire. Here, as if already stained with their treason, he leaped headlong from the Tribunal; but with swords drawn they opposed his departure, and threatened his life, if he refused to return: yet, with passionate protestations that "he would rather die than be a traitor," he snatched his sword from his side, and aiming full at his breast, would have buried it there, had not those who were next him seized his hand and by force restrained him. A cluster of soldiers in the extremity442 of the assembly exhorted443 him, nay, what is incredible to hear, some particulars advancing nearer, exhorted him to strike home: in truth one Calusidius, a common soldier, presented him his naked sword, and added, "it is sharper than your own;" a behaviour which to the rest, outrageous as they were, seemed savage, and of horrid example: hence the friends of Germanicus had time to snatch him away to his tent.
It was here consulted what remedy to apply: for it was advised, that "ministers of sedition were preparing to be despatched to the other army, to draw them too into a confederacy in the revolt; that the capital of the Ubians was destined444 to be sacked; and if their hands were once inured to plunder, they would break in, and ravage311 all Gaul." This dread was augmented445 by another: the enemy knew of the sedition in the Roman army, and were ready to invade the Empire, if its barrier the Rhine were left unguarded. Now, to arm the allies and the auxiliaries of Rome, and lead them against the departing legions, was to rouse a civil war: severity was dangerous: the way of largesses infamous; and alike threatening it was to the State to grant the turbulent soldiers nothing, or yield them everything. After revolving446 every reason and objection, the result was, to feign128 letters and directions from Tiberius, "that those who had served twenty years should be finally discharged; such as served sixteen be under the ensign and privileges of veterans, released from every duty but that of repulsing447 the enemy; and the legacy448, which they demanded, should be paid and doubled."
The soldiers, who perceived that, purely to evade449 present difficulty, the concessions were forged, insisted to have them forthwith executed; and instantly the Tribunes despatched the discharge of the veterans: that of the money was adjourned450 to their several winter quarters; but the fifth legion, and the one-and-twentieth, refused to stir, till in that very camp they were paid; so that out of the money reserved by himself and his friends for travailing expenses, Germanicus was obliged to raise the sum. Caecina, Lieutenant-General, led the first legion and twentieth back to the capital of the Ubians: an infamous march, when the plunder of their General's coffers was carried amidst the ensigns and Roman Eagles. Germanicus, the while, proceeding to the army in higher Germany, brought the second, thirteenth, and sixteenth legions to swear allegiance without hesitation451: to the fourteenth, who manifested some short suspense452, he made unasked a tender of their money, and a present discharge.
But a party of veterans which belonged to the disorderly legions, and then in garrison411 among the Chaucians, as they began a sedition there, were somewhat quelled453 by the instant execution of two of their body: an execution this, commanded by Maenius, Camp-Marshal, and rather of good example, than done by competent authority. The tumult, however, swelling454 again with fresh rage, he fled, but was discovered; so that, finding no safety in lurking455, from his own bravery he drew his defence, and declared "that to himself, who was only their Camp-Marshal, these their outrages were not done, but done to the authority of Germanicus, their General, to the majesty of Tiberius their Emperor." At the same time, braving and dismaying all that would have stopped him, he fiercely snatched the colours, faced about towards the Rhine, and pronouncing the doom275 of traitors and deserters to every man who forsook his ranks, brought them back to their winter quarters, mutinous, in truth, but not daring to mutiny.
In the meantime the deputies from the Senate met Germanicus at the altar of the Ubians {Footnote: Cologne.}, whither in his return he was arrived. Two legions wintered there, the first and twentieth, with the soldiers lately placed under the standard of veterans; men already under the distractions of guilt and fear: and now a new terror possessed them, that these Senators were come armed with injunctions to cancel every concession298 which they had by sedition extorted; and, as it is the custom of the crowd to be ever charging somebody with the crimes suggested by their own false alarms, the guilt of this imaginary decree they laid upon Minutius Plancus, a Senator of consular dignity, and at the head of this deputation. In the dead of night, they began to clamour aloud for the purple standard placed in the quarters of Germanicus, and, rushing tumultuously to his gate, burst the doors, dragged the Prince out of his bed, and, with menaces of present death, compelled him to deliver the standard. Then, as they roved about the camp, they met the deputies, who, having learnt the outrage, were hastening to Germanicus: upon them they poured a deluge456 of contumelies, and to present slaughter326 were devoting them, Plancus chiefly, whom the dignity of his character had restrained from flight; nor in this mortal danger had he other refuge than the quarters of the first legion, where, embracing the Eagle and other ensigns, he sought sanctuary457 from the religious veneration458 ever paid them. But, in spite of religion, had not Calpurnius, the Eagle-bearer, by force defeated the last violence of the assault, in the Roman camp had been slain an ambassador of the Roman People, and with his blood had been stained the inviolable altars of the Gods; a barbarity rare even in the camp of an enemy. At last, day returning, when the General, and the soldiers, and their actions could be distinguished, Germanicus entered the camp, and commanding Plancus to be brought, seated him by himself upon the tribunal: he then inveighed459 against the late "pernicious frenzy, which in it, he said, had fatality460, and was rekindled461 by no despite in the soldiers, but by that of the angry Gods." He explained the genuine purposes of that embassy, and lamented with affecting eloquence462 "the outrage committed upon Plancus, altogether brutal463 and unprovoked; the foul464 violence done to the sacred person of an Ambassador, and the mighty disgrace from thence derived upon the legion." Yet as the assembly showed more stupefaction than calmness, he dismissed the deputies under a guard of auxiliary465 horse.
During this affright, Germanicus was by all men censured466, "that he retired467 not to the higher army, whence he had been sure of ready obedience, and even of succour against the revolters: already he had taken wrong measures more than enow, by discharging some, rewarding all, and other tender counsels; if he despised his own safety, yet why expose his infant son, why his wife big with child, to the fury of outrageous traitors, wantonly violating all the most sacred rights amongst men? It became him at least to restore his wife and son safe to Tiberius and to the State." He was long unresolved; besides Agrippina was averse to leave him, and urged, that "she was the grand-daughter of Augustus, and it was below her spirit to shrink in a time of danger." But embracing her and their little son, with great tenderness and many tears, he prevailed with her to depart. Thus there marched miserably468 along a band of helpless women: the wife of a great commander fled like a fugitive469, and upon her bosom470 bore her infant son: about her a troop of other ladies, dragged from their husbands, and drowned in tears, uttering their heavy lamentations; nor weaker than theirs was the grief felt by all who remained.
These groans and tears, and this spectacle of woe471, the appearances rather of a city stormed and sacked, than of a Roman camp, that of Germanicus Caesar, victorious472 and flourishing, awakened attention and inquiry473 in the soldiers: leaving their tents, they cried, "Whence these doleful wailings? what so lamentable474! so many ladies of illustrious quality, travelling thus forlorn; not a Centurion to attend them; not a soldier to guard them; their General's wife amongst them, undistinguished by any mark of her princely dignity; destitute of her ordinary train; frightened from the Roman legions, and repairing, like an exile, for shelter to Treves, there to commit herself to the faith of foreigners." Hence shame and commiseration seized them, and the remembrance of her illustrious family, with that of her own virtues475; the brave Agrippa her father; the mighty Augustus her grandfather; the amiable476 Drusus her father-in-law, herself celebrated for a fruitful bed, and of signal chastity: add the consideration of her little son, born in the camp, nursed in the arms of the legions, and by themselves named Caligula, a military name from the boots which of the same fashion with their own, in compliment to them, and to win their affections, he frequently wore. But nothing so effectually subdued477 them as their own envy towards the inhabitants of Treves: hence they all besought, all adjured478, that she would return to themselves, and with themselves remain: thus some stopped Agrippina; but the main body returned with their entreaties to Germanicus, who, as he was yet in the transports of grief and anger, addressed himself on this wise to the surrounding crowd.
"To me neither is my wife or son dearer than my father and the Commonwealth. But him doubtless the majesty of his name will defend; and there are other armies, loyal armies, to defend the Roman State. As to my wife and children, whom for your glory I could freely sacrifice, I now remove them from your rage; that by my blood alone may be expiated479 whatever further mischief480 your fury meditates481; and that the murder of the great grandson of Augustus, the murder of the daughter-in-law of Tiberius, may not be added to mine, nor to the blackness of your past guilt. For, during these days of frenzy what has been too horrid for you to commit? What so sacred that you have not violated? To this audience what name shall I give? Can I call you soldiers? you who have beset with arms the son of your Emperor, confined him in your trenches482, and held him in a siege? Roman citizens can I call you? you who have trampled483 upon the supreme authority of the Roman Senate? Laws religiously observed by common enemies, you have profaned484; violated the sacred privileges, and persons of Ambassadors; broken the laws of nations. The deified Julius Caesar quelled a sedition in his army by a single word: he called all who refused to follow him, townsmen. The deified Augustus, when, after the battle of Actium, the legions who won it lapsed485 into mutiny, terrified them into submission by the dignity of his presence and an awful look. These, it is true, are mighty and immortal names, whom I dare not emulate486; but, as I am their descendant, and inherit their blood, should the armies in Syria and Spain reject my orders, and contemn487 my authority, I should think their behaviour strange and base: are not the present legions under stronger ties than those in Syria and Spain? You are the first and the twentieth legions; the former enrolled488 by Tiberius himself; the other his constant companions in so many battles, his partners in so many victories, and by him enriched with so many bounties489! Is this the worthy490 return you make your Emperor, and late Commander, for the distinction he has shown you, for the favour he has done you, and for his liberalities towards you? And shall I be the author of such tidings to him; such heavy tidings in the midst of congratulations and happy accounts from every province in the Empire? Must it be my sad task to acquaint him that his own new levies491, as well as his own veterans who long fought under him; these not appeased492 by their discharge, and neither of them satiated with the money given them, are both still combined in a furious mutiny? must I tell him that here and only here the Centurions are butchered, the Tribunes driven away, the Ambassadors imprisoned494; that with blood the camp is stained, and the rivers flow with blood; and that for me his son, I hold a precarious495 life at the mercy of men, who owe me duty, and practise enmity?
"Why did you the other day, oh unseasonable and too officious friends! why did you leave me at their mercy by snatching from me my sword, when with it I would have put myself out of their power? He who offered me his own sword showed greater kindness, and was more my friend. I would then have fallen happy; happy that my death would have hid from mine eyes so many horrible crimes since committed by my own army; and for you, you would have chosen another general, such a general, no doubt, as would have left my death unpunished, but still one who would have sought vengeance for that of Varus and the three legions; for the Gods are too just to permit that ever the Belgians, however generously they offer their service, shall reap the credit and renown of retrieving496 the glory of the Roman name, and of reducing in behalf of Rome the German nations her foes. Filled with this passion for the glory of Rome, I here invoke211 thy spirit now with the Gods, oh deified Augustus; and thy image interwoven in the ensigns, and thy memory, oh deceased father. Let thy revered497 spirit, oh Augustus, let thy loved image and memory, oh Drusus, still dear to these legions, vindicate498 them from this guilty stain, this foul infamy499 of leaving to foreigners the honour of defending and avenging500 the Roman State. They are Romans; they already feel the remorses of shame; they are already stimulated501 with a sense of honour: improve, oh improve this generous disposition in them; that thus inspired they may turn the whole tide of their civil rage to the destruction of their common enemy. And for you, my fellow-soldiers, in whom I behold438 all the marks of compunction, other countenances, and minds happily changed; if you mean to restore to the Senate its ambassadors; to your Emperor your sworn obedience; to me, your general, my wife and son; be it the first instance of your duty, to fly the contagious502 company of incendiaries, to separate the sober from the seditious: this will be a faithful sign of remorse, this a firm pledge of fidelity."
These words softened them into supplicants: they confessed that all his reproaches were true; they besought him to punish the guilty and malicious503, to pardon the weak and misled, and to lead them against the enemy; to recall his wife, to bring back his son, nor to suffer the fosterling of the legions to be given in hostage to the Gauls. Against the recalling of Agrippina he alleged504 the advance of winter, and her approaching delivery; but said, that his son should return, and that to themselves he left to execute what remained further to be executed. Instantly, with changed resentments505, they ran, and seizing the most seditious, dragged them in bonds to Caius Cretonius, commander of the first legion, who judged and punished them in this manner. The legions, with their swords drawn, surrounded the tribunal; from thence the prisoner was by a Tribune exposed to their view, and if they proclaimed him guilty, cast headlong down, and executed even by his fellow-soldiers, who rejoiced in the execution, because by it they thought their own guilt to be expiated: nor did Germanicus restrain them, since on themselves remained the cruelty and reproach of the slaughter committed without any order of his. The veterans followed the same example of vengeance, and were soon after ordered into Rhetia, in appearance to defend that province against the invading Suevians; in reality, to remove them from a camp still horrible to their sight, as well in the remedy and punishment, as from the memory of their crime. Germanicus next passed a scrutiny506 upon the conduct and characters of the Centurions: before him they were cited singly; and each gave an account of his name, his company, country, the length of his service, exploits in war, and military presents, if with any he had been distinguished: if the Tribunes or his legion bore testimony507 of his diligence and integrity, he kept his post; upon concurring508 complaint of his avarice509 or cruelty, he was degraded.
Thus were the present commotions510 appeased; but others as great still subsisted, from the rage and obstinacy511 of the fifth and twenty-first legions. They were in winter quarters sixty miles off, in a place called the Old Camp, {Footnote: Xanten.} and had first began the sedition: nor was there any wickedness so horrid, that they had not perpetrated; nay, at this time, neither terrified by the punishment, nor reclaimed by the reformation of their fellow-soldiers, they persevered512 in their fury. Germanicus therefore determined to give them battle, if they persisted in their revolt; and prepared vessels514, arms, and troops to be sent down the Rhine.
Before the issue of the sedition in Illyricum was known at Rome, tidings of the uproar in the German legions arrived; hence the city was filled with much terror; and hence against Tiberius many complaints, "that while with feigned consultations515 and delays he mocked the Senate and people, once the great bodies of the estate, but now bereft of power and armies, the soldiery were in open rebellion, one too mighty and stubborn to be quelled by two princes so young in years and authority: he ought at first to have gone himself, and awed them with the majesty of imperial power, as doubtless they would have returned to duty upon the sight of their Emperor, a Prince of consummate516 experience, the sovereign disposer of rewards and severity. Did Augustus, even under the pressure of old age and infirmities, take so many journeys into Germany? and should Tiberius, in the vigour of his life, when the same or greater occasions called him thither, sit lazily in the Senate to watch senators and cavil517 at words? He had fully provided for the domestic servitude of Rome; he ought next to cure the licentiousness of the soldiers, to restrain their turbulent spirits, and reconcile them to a life of peace."
But all these reasonings and reproaches moved not Tiberius: he was determined not to depart from the capital, the centre of power and affairs; nor to chance or peril expose his person and empire. In truth, many and contrary difficulties pressed and perplexed518 him: "the German army was the stronger; that of Pannonia nearer; the power of both the Gauls supported the former; the latter was at the gates of Italy. Now to which should he repair first? and would not the last visited be inflamed by being postponed? But by sending one of his sons to each, the equal treatment of both was maintained; as also the majesty of the supreme power, which from distance ever derived most reverence519. Besides, the young princes would be excused, if to their father they referred such demands as were for them improper520 to grant; and if they disobeyed Germanicus and Drusus, his own authority remained to appease493 or punish them: but if once they had contemned521 their Emperor himself, what other resource was behind?" However, as if he had been upon the point of marching, he chose his attendance, provided his equipage, and prepared a fleet: but by various delays and pretences, sometimes that of the winter, sometimes business, he deceived for a time even the wisest men; much longer the common people, and the provinces for a great while.
Germanicus had already drawn together his army, and was prepared to take vengeance on the seditious: but judging it proper to allow space for trial, whether they would follow the late example, and consulting their own safety do justice upon one another, he sent letters to Caecina, "that he himself approached, with a powerful force; and if they prevented him not, by executing the guilty, he would put all indifferently to the slaughter." These letters Caecina privately522 read to the principal officers, and such of the camp as the sedition had not tainted523; besought them "to redeem524 themselves from death, and all from infamy; urged that in peace alone reason was heard and merit distinguished; but in the rage of war the blind steel spared the innocent no more than the guilty." The officers, having tried those they believed for their purpose, and found the majority still to persevere513 in their duty, did, in concurrence525 with the General, settle the time for falling with the sword upon the most notoriously guilty and turbulent. Upon a particular signal given they rushed into their tents and butchered them, void as they were of all apprehension83; nor did any but the centurions and executioners know whence the massacre began, or where it would end.
This had a different face from all the civil slaughters526 that ever happened: it was a slaughter not of enemies upon enemies, nor from different and opposite camps, nor in a day of battle; but of comrades upon comrades, in the same tents where they ate together by day, where they slept together by night. From this state of intimacy527 they flew into mortal enmity, and friends launched their darts528 at friends: wounds, outcries, and blood were open to view; but the cause remained hid: wild chance governed the rest, and several innocents were slain. For the criminals, when they found against whom all this fury was bent, had also betaken themselves to their arms; neither did Caecina, nor any of the Tribunes, intervene to stay the rage; so that the soldiers had full permission to vengeance, and a licentious251 satiety529 of killing. Germanicus soon after entered the camp now full of blood and carcasses, and lamenting530 with many tears that "this was not a remedy, but cruelty and desolation," commanded the bodies to be burnt. Their minds, still tempestuous and bloody, were transported with sudden eagerness to attack the foe, as the best expiation of their tragical fury: nor otherwise, they thought, could the ghosts of their butchered brethren be appeased, than by receiving in their own profane breasts a chastisement of honourable wounds. Germanicus fell in with the ardour of the soldiers, and laying a bridge upon the Rhine, marched over twelve thousand legionary soldiers, twenty-six cohorts of the allies, and eight regiments531 of horse; men all untainted in the late sedition.
The Germans rejoiced, not far off, at this vacation of war, occasioned first by the death of Augustus, and afterwards by intestine532 tumults in the camp; but the Romans by a hasty march passed through the Caesian woods, and levelling the barrier formerly begun by Tiberius, upon it pitched their camp. In the front and rear they were defended by a palisade; on each side by a barricade533 of the trunks of trees felled. From thence, beginning to traverse gloomy forests, they stopped to consult which of two ways they should choose, the short and frequented, or the longest and least known, and therefore unsuspected by the foe: the longest way was chosen; but in everything else despatch was observed; for by the scouts534 intelligence was brought that the Germans did, that night, celebrate a festival with great mirth and revelling535. Hence Caecina was commanded to advance with the cohorts without their baggage, and to clear a passage through the forest: at a moderate distance followed the legions; the clearness of the night facilitated the march, and they arrived at the villages of the Marsians, which with guards they presently invested. The Germans were even yet under the effects of their debauch183, scattered536 here and there, some in bed, some lying by their tables; no watch placed, no apprehension of an enemy. So utterly had their false security banished all order and care; and they were under no dread of war, without enjoying peace, other than the deceitful and lethargic537 peace of drunkards.
The legions were eager for revenge; and Germanicus, to extend their ravage, divided them into four battalions538. The country was wasted by fire and sword fifty miles round; nor sex nor age found mercy; places sacred and profane had the equal lot of destruction, all razed539 to the ground, and with them the temple of Tanfana, of all others the most celebrated amongst these nations: nor did all this execution cost the soldiers a wound, while they only slew540 men half asleep, disarmed541, or dispersed. This slaughter roused the Bructerans, the Tubantes, and the Usipetes; and they beset the passes of the forest, through which the army was to return: an event known to Germanicus, and he marched in order of battle. The auxiliary cohorts and part of the horse led the van, followed close by the first legion; the baggage was in the middle; the twenty-first legion closed the left wing, and the fifth the right; the twentieth defended the rear; and after them marched the rest of the allies. But the enemy stirred not, till the body of the army entered the wood: they then began lightly to insult the front and wings; and at last, with their whole force, fell upon the rear. The light cohorts were already disordered by the close German bands, when Germanicus riding up to the twentieth legion, and exalting542 his voice, "This was the season," he cried, "to obliterate543 the scandal of sedition: hence they should fall resolutely545 on, and into sudden praise convert their late shame and offence." These words inflamed them: at one charge they broke the enemy, drove them out of the wood, and slaughtered them in the plain. In the meanwhile, the front passed the forest, and fortified546 the camp: the rest of the march was uninterrupted; and the soldiers, trusting to the merit of their late exploits, and forgetting at once past faults and terrors, were placed in winter quarters.
The tidings of these exploits affected Tiberius with gladness and anguish: he rejoiced that the sedition was suppressed; but that Germanicus had, by discharging the veterans, by shortening the term of service to the rest, and by largesses to all, gained the hearts of the army, as well as earned high glory in war, proved to the Emperor matter of torture. To the Senate, however, he reported the detail of his feats547, and upon his valour bestowed copious548 praises, but in words too pompous and ornamental549 to be believed dictated by his heart. It was with more brevity that he commended Drusus, and his address in quelling550 the sedition of Illyricum, but more cordially withal, and in language altogether sincere; and even to the Pannonian legions he extended all the concessions made by Germanicus to his own.
There was this year an admission of new rites551, by the establishment of another College of Priests, one sacred to the deity of Augustus; as formerly Titus Tatius, to preserve the religious rites of the Sabines, had founded the fraternity of Titian Priests. To fill the society, one-and-twenty, the most considerable Romans were drawn by lot, and to them added Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, and Germanicus. The games in honour of Augustus began then first to be embroiled552 by emulation among the players, and the strife553 of parties in their behalf. Augustus had countenanced554 these players and their art, in complaisance555 to Maecenas, who was mad in love with Bathyllus the comedian556; nor to such favourite amusements of the populace had he any aversion himself; he rather judged it an acceptable courtesy to mingle130 with the multitude in these their popular pleasures. Different was the temper of Tiberius, different his politics: to severer manners, however, he durst not yet reduce the people, so many years indulged in licentious gaieties.
In the consulship of Drusus Caesar and Caius Norbanus, a triumph was decreed to Germanicus, while the war still subsisted. He was preparing with all diligence to prosecute557 it the following summer; but began much sooner by a sudden irruption early in the spring into the territories of the Cattans: an anticipation558 of the campaign, which proceeded from the hopes given him of dissension amongst the enemy, caused by the opposite parties of Arminius and Segestes; two men signally known to the Romans upon different accounts; the last for his firm faith, the first for faith violated. Arminius was the incendiary of Germany; but by Segestes had been given repeated warnings of an intended revolt, particularly during the festival immediately preceding the insurrection: he had even advised Varus "to secure himself and Arminius, and all the other chiefs; for that the multitude, thus bereft of their leaders, would dare to attempt nothing; and Varus have time to distinguish crimes and such as committed none." But by his own fate, and the sudden violence of Arminius, Varus fell. Segestes, though by the weight and unanimity559 of his nation he was forced into the war, yet remained at constant variance560 with Arminius: a domestic quarrel too heightened their hate, as Arminius had carried away the daughter of Segestes, already betrothed561 to another; and the same relations, which amongst friends prove bonds of tenderness, were fresh stimulations of wrath to an obnoxious562 son and an offended father.
Upon these encouragements, Germanicus to the command of Caecina committed four legions, five thousand auxiliaries, and some bands of Germans, dwellers563 on this side the Rhine, drawn suddenly together; he led himself as many legions with double the number of allies, and erecting564 a fort in Mount Taunus, {Footnote: Near Homburg.} upon the old foundations of one raised by his father, rushed full march against the Cattans; having behind him left Lucius Apronius, to secure the ways from the fury of inundations: for as the roads were then dry and the rivers low, events in that climate exceeding rare, he had without check expedited his march; but against his return apprehended565 the violence of rains and floods. Upon the Cattans he fell with such surprise, that all the weak through sex or age were instantly taken or slaughtered: their youth, by swimming over the Adrana, {Footnote: Eder.} escaped, and attempted to force the Romans from building a bridge to follow them, but by dint566 of arrows and engines were repulsed567; and then, having in vain tried to gain terms of peace, some submitted to Germanicus; the rest abandoned their villages and dwellings569, and dispersed themselves in the woods. Mattium, {Footnote: Maden.} the capital of the nation, he burnt, ravaged all the open country, and bent his march to the Rhine; nor durst the enemy harass50 his rear, an usual practice of theirs, when sometimes they fly more through craft than affright. The Cheruscans indeed were addicted570 to assist the Cattans, but terrified from attempting it by Caecina, who moved about with his forces from place to place; and by routing the Marsians who had dared to engage him, restrained all their efforts.
Soon after arrived deputies from Segestes, praying relief against the combination and violence of his countrymen, by whom he was held besieged; as more powerful amongst them than his was the credit of Arminius, since it was he who had advised the war. The genius this of barbarians571, to judge that men are to be trusted in proportion as they are fierce, and in public commotions ever to prefer the most resolute544. To the other deputies Segestes had added Segimundus, his son; but the young man faltered572 a while, as his own heart accused him; for that the year when Germany revolted, he, who had been by the Romans created Priest of the altar of the Ubians, rent the sacerdotal tiara and fled to the revolters: yet, encouraged by the Roman clemency573, he undertook the execution of his father's orders, was himself graciously received, and then conducted with a guard to the frontiers of Gaul. Germanicus led back his army to the relief of Segestes, and was rewarded with success. He fought the besiegers, and rescued him with a great train of his relations and followers574; amongst them too were ladies of illustrious rank, particularly the wife of Arminius, the same who was the daughter of Segestes: a lady more of the spirit of her husband than that of her father; a spirit so unsubdued, that from her eyes captivity575 forced not a tear, nor from her lips a breath in the style of a supplicant390: not a motion of her hands, nor a look escaped her; but, fast across her breast she held her arms, and upon her heavy womb her eyes were immovably fixed. There were likewise carried Roman spoils taken at the slaughter of Varus and his army, and then divided as prey576 amongst many of those who were now prisoners: at the same time appeared Segestes, of superior stature577; and from a confidence in his good understanding with the Romans, undaunted. In this manner he spoke:
"It is not the first day this, that to the Roman People I have approved my faith and adherence578: from the moment I was by the deified Augustus presented with the freedom of the city, I have continued by your interest to choose my friends, by your interest to denominate my enemies; from no hate of mine to my native country (for odious579 are traitors even to the party they embrace), but because the same measures were equally conducing to the benefit of the Romans and of the Germans; and I was rather for peace than war. For this reason to Varus, the then General, I applied, with an accusation580 against Arminius, who from me had ravished my daughter, and with you violated the faith of leagues: but growing impatient with the slowness and inactivity of Varus, and well apprised581 how little security was to be hoped from the laws, I pressed him to seize myself, and Arminius, and his accomplices582: witness that fatal night, to me I wish it had been the last! more to be lamented than defended are the sad events which followed. I moreover cast Arminius into irons, and was myself cast into irons by his faction; and as soon as to you, Caesar, I could apply, you see I prefer old engagements to present violence, and tranquillity to combustions, with no view of my own to interest or reward, but to banish66 from me the imputation of perfidiousness583. For the German nation, too, I would thus become a mediator584, if peradventure they will choose rather to repent585 than be destroyed: for my son, I intreat you, have mercy upon his youth, and pardon his error; that my daughter is your prisoner by force I own: in your breast it wholly lies under which character you will treat her, whether as one by Arminius impregnated, or by me begotten586." The answer of Germanicus was gracious: he promised indemnity587 to his children and kindred, and to himself a safe retreat in one of the old provinces; then returned with his army, and by the direction of Tiberius, received the title of Imperator. The wife of Arminius brought forth63 a male child, and the boy was brought up at Ravenna; his unhappy conflicts afterwards, with the contumelious insults of fortune, will be remembered in their place.
The desertion of Segestes being divulged588, with his gracious reception from Germanicus, affected his countrymen variously; with hope or anguish, as they were prone589 or averse to the war. Naturally violent was the spirit of Arminius, and now, by the captivity of his wife, by the fate of his child doomed to bondage though yet unborn, enraged even to distraction171: he flew about amongst the Cheruscans, calling them to arms; to arm against Segestes, to arm against Germanicus. Invectives followed his fury; "A blessed father this Segestes," he cried! "a mighty general this Germanicus! invincible warriors590 these Romans! so many troops have made prisoner of a woman. It is not thus that I conquer; before me three legions fell, and three lieutenant-generals. Open and honourable is my method of war, nor waged with big-bellied women, but against men and arms; and treason is none of my weapons. Still to be seen are the Roman standards in the German groves591, there by me hung up and devoted592 to our country Gods. Let Segestes live a slave in a conquered province; let him to his son recover a foreign priesthood: with the German nations he can never obliterate his reproach, that through him they have seen between the Elbe and Rhine rods and axes, and the Roman toga. To other nations who know not the Roman domination, executions and tributes are also unknown; evils which we too have cast off, in spite of that Augustus now dead and enrolled with the Deities; in spite too of Tiberius, his chosen successor: let us not after this dread a mutinous army, and a boy without experience, their commander; but if you love your country, your kindred, your ancient liberty and laws, better than tyrants593 and new colonies, let Arminius rather lead you to liberty and glory, than the wicked Segestes to the infamy of bondage."
By these stimulations, not the Cheruscans only were roused, but all the neighbouring nations; and into the confederacy was drawn Inguiomerus, paternal594 uncle to Arminius, a man long since in high credit with the Romans: hence a new source of fear to Germanicus, who, to avoid the shock of their whole forces, and to divert the enemy, sent Caecina with forty Roman cohorts to the river Amisia, {Footnote: Ems.} through the territories of the Bructerans. Pedo the Prefect led the cavalry595 by the confines of the Frisians: he himself, on the lake, {Footnote: The Zuyder Zee.} embarked596 four legions; and upon the bank of the said river the whole body met, foot, horse, and fleet. The Chaucians, upon offering their assistance, were taken into the service; but the Bructerans, setting fire to their effects and dwellings, were routed by Stertinius, by Germanicus despatched against them with a band lightly armed. As this party were engaged between slaughter and plunder, he found the Eagle of the nineteenth legion lost in the overthrow597 of Varus. The army marched next to the farthest borders of the Bructerans, and the whole country between the rivers Amisia and Luppia {Footnote: Lippe.} was laid waste. Not far hence lay the forest of Teutoburgium, and in it the bones of Varus and the legions, by report still unburied.
Hence Germanicus became inspired with a tender passion to pay the last offices to the legions and their leader; the like tenderness also affected the whole army. They were moved with compassion, some for the fate of their friends, others for that of their relations here tragically598 slain; they were struck with the doleful casualties of war, and the sad lot of humanity. Caecina was sent before to examine the gloomy recesses599 of the forest; to lay bridges over the pools; and upon the deceitful marshes600, causeways. The army entered the doleful solitude601, hideous to sight, hideous to memory. First they saw the camp of Varus, wide in circumference602; and the three distinct spaces, allotted603 to the different Eagles, showed the number of the legions. Further, they beheld the ruinous entrenchment398, and the ditch nigh choked up: in it the remains604 of the army were supposed to have made their last effort, and in it to have found their graves. In the open fields lay their bones all bleached605 and bare, some separate, some on heaps; just as they had happened to fall, flying for their lives, or resisting unto death. Here were scattered the limbs of horses, there pieces of broken javelins606; and the trunks of trees bore the skulls607 of men. In the adjacent groves were the savage altars; where, of the tribunes and principal centurions, the barbarians had made a horrible immolation608. Those who survived the slaughter, having escaped from captivity and the sword, related the sad particulars to the rest: "Here the commanders of the legions were slain; there we lost the Eagles; here Varus had his first wound; there he gave himself another, and perished by his own unhappy hand. In that place, too, stood the tribunal whence Arminius harangued; in this quarter, for the execution of his captives, he erected609 so many gibbets; in that such a number of funeral trenches were digged; and with these circumstances of pride and despite he insulted the ensigns and Eagles."
Thus the Roman army buried the bones of the three legions, six years after the slaughter: nor could any one distinguish whether he gathered the particular remains of a stranger, or those of a kinsman610; but all considered the whole as their friends, the whole as their relations; with heightened resentments against the foe, at once sad and revengeful. In this pious163 office, so acceptable to the dead, Germanicus was a partner in the woe of the living; and upon the common tomb laid the first sod: a proceeding not liked by Tiberius; whether it were that upon every action of Germanicus he put a perverse611 meaning, or believed that the affecting spectacle of the unburied slain would sink the spirit of the army, and heighten their terror of the enemy; as also that "a general vested, as Augur612, with the intendency of religious rites, became defiled613 by touching the solemnities of the dead."
Arminius, retiring into desert and pathless places, was pursued by Germanicus; who, as soon as he reached him, commanded the horse to advance, and dislodge the enemy from the post they had possessed. Arminius, having directed his men to keep close together, and draw near to the woods, wheeled suddenly about, and to those whom he had hid in the forest gave the signal to rush out: the Roman horse, now engaged by a new army, became disordered, and to their relief some cohorts were sent, but likewise broken by the press of those that fled; and great was the consternation so many ways increased. The enemy too were already pushing them into the morass614, a place well known to the pursuers, as to the unapprised Romans it had proved pernicious, had not Germanicus drawn out the legions in order of battle. Hence the enemy became terrified, our men reassured615, and both retired with equal loss and advantage. Germanicus presently after returning with the army to the river Amisia, reconducted the legions, as he had brought them, in the fleet: part of the horse were ordered to march along the sea-shore to the Rhine. Caecina, who led his own men, was warned, that though he was to return through unknown roads, yet he should with all speed pass the causeway called the long bridges: it is a narrow track this, between vast marshes, and formerly raised by Lucius Domitius. The marshes themselves are of an uncertain soil, here full of mud, there of heavy sticking clay, or traversed with various currents. Round about are woods which rise gently from the plain, and were already filled with soldiers by Arminius; who, by shorter ways and a running march, had arrived there before our men, who were loaded with arms and baggage. Caecina, who was perplexed how at once to repair the causeway decayed by time, and to repulse568 the foe, resolved at last to encamp in the place, that whilst some were employed in the work, others might maintain the fight.
The Barbarians strove violently to break our station, and to fall upon the entrenchers: they harassed our men, assaulted the works, changed their attacks, and pushed everywhere. With the shouts of the assailants, the cries of the workmen were confusedly mixed; and all things equally combined to distress11 the Romans: the place deep with ooze616 sinking under those who stood, slippery to such as advanced; their armour617 heavy; the waters deep, nor could they in them launch their javelins. The Cheruscans, on the contrary, were inured to encounters in the bogs; their persons tall, their spears long, such as could wound at a distance. At last the legions, already yielding, were by night redeemed618 from an unequal combat; but night interrupted not the activity of the Germans, become by success indefatigable. Without refreshing619 themselves with sleep, they diverted all the courses of the springs which rise in the neighbouring mountains, and turned them into the plains: thus the Roman camp was flooded, the work, as far as they had carried it, overturned, and the labour of the poor soldiers renewed and doubled. To Caecina this year proved the fortieth of his sustaining as officer or soldier the functions of arms; a man in all the vicissitudes620 of war, prosperous or disastrous, well experienced and thence undaunted. Weighing, therefore, with himself all probable events and expedients621, he could devise no other than that of restraining the enemy to the woods, till he had sent forward the wounded men and baggage; for, from the mountains to the marshes there stretched a plain fit only to hold a little army: to this purpose the legions were thus appointed; the fifth had the right wing, and the one-and-twentieth the left; the first led the van; the twentieth defended the rear.
A restless night it was to both armies, but in different ways; the Barbarians feasted and caroused622, and with songs of triumph, or with horrid and threatening cries, filled all the plain and echoing woods. Amongst the Romans were feeble fires, sad silence, or broken words; they leaned drooping623 here and there against the pales, or wandered disconsolately624 about the tents, like men without sleep, but not quite awake. A frightful625 dream too terrified the General; he thought he heard and saw Quinctilius Varus, rising out of the marsh307 all besmeared with blood, stretching forth his hand, and calling upon him; but that he rejected the call and pushed him away. At break of day, the legions posted on the wings, through contumacy or affright, deserted their stations, and took sudden possession of a field beyond the bogs. Neither did Arminius fall straight upon them, however open they lay to his assault; but, when he perceived the baggage set fast in mire168 and ditches, the soldiers above it disorderly and embarrassed, the ranks and ensigns in confusion, and, as usual in a time of distress, every one in haste to save himself, but slow to obey his officer, he then commanded his Germans to break in, "Behold," he vehemently626 cried; "behold again Varus and his legions subdued by the same fate." Thus he cried, and instantly with a select body broke quite through our forces, and chiefly against the horse directed his havoc627; so that the ground becoming slippery by their blood and the slime of the marsh, their feet flew from them, and they cast their riders; then galloping628 and stumbling amongst the ranks, they overthrew629 all they met, and trod to death all they overthrew. The greatest difficulty was to maintain the Eagles; a storm of darts made it impossible to advance them, and the rotten ground impossible to fix them. Caecina, while he sustained the fight, had his horse shot, and having fallen was nigh taken; but the first legion saved him. Our relief came from the greediness of the enemy, who ceased slaying630 to seize the spoil: hence the legions had respite to struggle into the fair field and firm ground. Nor was here an end of their miseries: a palisade was to be raised, an entrenchment digged; their instruments too for throwing up and carrying earth, and their tools for cutting turf, were almost all lost; no tents for the soldiers; no remedies for the wounded; and their food all defiled with mire or blood. As they shared it in sadness amongst them, they lamented that mournful night, they lamented the approaching day, to so many thousand men the last.
It happened that a horse, which had broke his collar as he strayed about, became frightened with noise, and ran over some that were in his way: this raised such a consternation in the camp, from a persuasion631 that the Germans in a body had forced an entrance, that all rushed to the gates, especially to the postern, as the farthest from the foe, and safer for flight. Caecina having found the vanity of their dread, but unable to stop them, either by his authority, or by his prayers, or indeed by force, flung himself at last across the gate. This prevailed; their awe and tenderness of their General restrained them from running over his body; and the Tribunes and Centurions satisfied them the while, that it was a false alarm.
Then calling them together, and desiring them to hear him with silence, he reminded them of their difficulties, and how to conquer them: "That for their lives they must be indebted to their arms, but force was to be tempered with art; they must therefore keep close within their camp, till the enemy, in hopes of taking it by storm, advanced; then make a sudden sally on every side, and by this push they should break through the enemy, and reach the Rhine. But if they fled, more forests remained to be traversed, deeper marshes to be passed, and the cruelty of a pursuing foe to be sustained." He laid before them the motives632 and fruits of victory, public rewards and glory, with every tender domestic consideration, as well as those of military exploits and praise. Of their dangers and sufferings he said nothing. He next distributed horses, first his own, then those of the Tribunes and leaders of the legions, to the bravest soldiers impartially634; that thus mounted they might begin the charge, followed by the foot.
Amongst the Germans there was not less agitation635, from hopes of victory, greediness of spoil, and the opposite counsels of their leaders. Arminius proposed "to let the Romans march off, and to beset them in their march, when engaged in bogs and fastnesses." The advice of Inguiomerus was fiercer, and thence by the Barbarians more applauded: he declared "for forcing the camp, for that the victory would be quick, there would be more captives, and entire plunder." As soon, therefore, as it was light, they rushed out upon the camp, cast hurdles636 into the ditch, attacked and grappled the palisade. Upon it few soldiers appeared, and these seemed frozen with fear; but as the enemy was in swarms637, climbing the ramparts, the signal was given to the cohorts; the cornets and trumpets sounded, and instantly, with shouts and impetuosity, they issued out and begirt the assailants. "Here are no thickets," they scornfully cried; "no bogs; but an equal field and impartial633 Gods." The enemy, who imagined few Romans remaining, fewer arms, and an easy conquest, were struck with the sounding trumpets, with the glittering armour; and every object of terror appeared double to them who expected none. They fell like men who, as they are void of moderation in prosperity, are also destitute of conduct in distress. Arminius forsook the fight unhurt; Inguiomerus grievously wounded; their men were slaughtered as long as day and rage lasted. In the evening the legions returned, in the same want of provisions, and with more wounds; but in victory they found all things, health, vigour, and abundance.
In the meantime a report had flown, that the Roman forces were routed, and an army of Germans upon full march to invade Gaul; so that under the terror of this news there were those whose cowardice638 would have emboldened639 them to have demolished640 the bridge upon the Rhine, had not Agrippina restrained them from that infamous attempt. In truth, such was the undaunted spirit of the woman, that at this time she performed all the duties of a general, relieved the necessitous soldiers, upon the wounded bestowed medicines, and upon others clothes. Caius Plinius, the writer of the German wars, relates that she stood at the end of the bridge, as the legions returned, and accosted them with thanks and praises; a behaviour which sunk deep into the spirit of Tiberius: "For that all this officiousness of hers," he thought, "could not be upright; nor that it was against foreigners only she engaged the army. To the direction of the generals nothing was now left, when a woman reviewed the companies, attended the Eagles, and to the men distributed largesses: as if before she had shown but small tokens of ambitious designs, in carrying her child (the son of the General) in a soldier's coat about the camp, with the title of Caesar Caligula: already in greater credit with the army was Agrippina than the leaders of the legions, in greater than their generals; and a woman had suppressed sedition, which the authority of the Emperor was not able to restrain." These jealousies were inflamed, and more were added, by Sejanus; one who was well skilled in the temper of Tiberius, and purposely furnished him with sources of hatred, to lie hid in his heart, and be discharged with increase hereafter. Germanicus, in order to lighten the ships in which he had embarked his men, and fit their burden to the ebbs641 and shallows, delivered the second and fourteenth legions to Publius Vitellius, to lead them by land. Vitellius at first had an easy march on dry ground, or ground moderately overflowed642 by the tide, when suddenly the fury of the north wind swelling the ocean (a constant effect of the equinox) the legions were surrounded and tossed with the tide, and the land was all on flood; the sea, the shore, the fields, had the same tempestuous face; no distinction of depths from shallows; none of firm, from deceitful, footing. They were overturned by the billows, swallowed down by the eddies643; and horses, baggage, and drowned men encountered each other, and floated together. The several companies were mixed at random by the waves; they waded644, now breast high, now up to the chin, and as the ground failed them, they fell, some never more to rise. Their cries and mutual encouragements availed them nothing against the prevailing and inexorable waves; no difference between the coward and the brave, the wise and the foolish; none between circumspection645 and chance; but all were equally involved in the invincible violence of the flood. Vitellius, at length struggling on to an eminence646, drew the legions thither, where they passed the cold night without fire, and destitute of every convenience; most of them naked or lamed26; not less miserable than men enclosed by an enemy; for even to such remained the consolation647 of an honourable death; but here was destruction every way void of glory. The land returned with the day, and they marched to the river Vidrus, {Footnote: Weser.} whither Germanicus had gone with the fleet. There the two legions were again embarked, when fame had given them for drowned; nor was their escape believed till Germanicus and the army were seen to return.
Stertinius, who in the meanwhile had been sent before to receive Sigimerus, the brother of Segestes (a prince willing to surrender himself) brought him and his son to the city of the Ubians. Both were pardoned; the father freely, the son with more difficulty, because he was said to have insulted the corpse of Varus. For the rest, Spain, Italy, and both the Gauls strove with emulation to supply the losses of the army; and offered arms, horses, money, according as each abounded648. Germanicus applauded their zeal; but accepted only the horses and arms for the service of the war. With his own money he relieved the necessities of the soldiers: and to soften16 also by his kindness the memory of the late havoc, he visited the wounded, extolled649 the exploits of particulars, viewed their wounds, with hopes encouraged some, with a sense of glory animated650 others; and by affability and tenderness confirmed them all in devotion to himself and to his fortune in war.
The ornaments651 of triumph were this year decreed to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius, for their services under Germanicus. The title of Father of his Country, so often offered by the people to Tiberius, was rejected by him; nor would he permit swearing upon his acts, though the same was voted by the Senate. Against it he urged "the instability of all mortal things, and that the higher he was raised the more slippery he stood." But for all this ostentation652 of a popular spirit, he acquired not the reputation of possessing it, for he had revived the law concerning violated majesty; a law which, in the days of our ancestors, had indeed the same name, but implied different arraignments and crimes, namely, those against the State; as when an army was betrayed abroad, when seditions were raised at home; in short, when the public was faithlessly administered and the majesty of the Roman People was debased: these were actions, and actions were punished, but words were free. Augustus was the first who brought libels under the penalties of this wrested653 law, incensed654 as he was by the insolence655 of Cassius Severus, who had in his writings wantonly defamed men and ladies of illustrious quality. Tiberius too afterwards, when Pompeius Macer, the Praetor, consulted him "whether process should be granted upon this law?" answered, "That the laws must be executed." He also was exasperated656 by satirical verses written by unknown authors and dispersed; exposing his cruelty, his pride, and his mind naturally alienated657 from his mother.
It will be worth while to relate here the pretended crimes charged upon Falanius and Rubrius, two Roman knights of small fortunes; that hence may be seen from what beginnings, and by how much dark art of Tiberius, this grievous mischief crept in; how it was again restrained; how at last it blazed out and consumed all things. To Falanius was objected by his accusers, that "amongst the adorers of Augustus, who went in fraternities from house to house, he had admitted one Cassius, a mimic658 and prostitute; and having sold his gardens, had likewise with them sold the statue of Augustus." The crime imputed659 to Rubrius was, "That he had sworn falsely by the divinity of Augustus." When these accusations660 were known to Tiberius, he wrote to the consuls, "That Heaven was not therefore decreed to his father, that the worship of him might be a snare195 to the citizens of Rome; that Cassius, the player, was wont to assist with others of his profession at the interludes consecrated661 by his mother to the memory of Augustus: neither did it affect religion, that his effigies662, like other images of the Gods, were comprehended in the sale of houses and gardens. As to the false swearing by his name, it was to be deemed the same as if Rubrius had profaned the name of Jupiter; but to the Gods belonged the avenging of injuries done to the Gods."
Not long after, Granius Marcellus, Praetor of Bithynia, was charged with high treason by his own Quaestor, Cepio Crispinus; Romanus Hispo, the pleader, supporting the charge. This Cepio began a course of life which, through the miseries of the times and the bold wickedness of men, became afterwards famous: at first needy663 and obscure, but of a busy spirit, he made court to the cruelty of the Prince by occult informations; and presently, as an open accuser, grew terrible to every distinguished Roman. This procured him credit with one, hatred from all, and made a precedent664 to be followed by others, who from poverty became rich; from being contemned, dreadful; and in the destruction which they brought upon others, found at last their own. He accused Marcellus of "malignant665 words concerning Tiberius," an inevitable666 crime! when the accuser, collecting all the most detestable parts of the Prince's character, alleged them as the expressions of the accused; for, because they were true, they were believed to have been spoken. To this, Hispo added, "That the statue of Marcellus was by him placed higher than those of the Caesars; and that, having cut off the head of Augustus, he had in the room of it set the head of Tiberius." This enraged him so, that breaking silence, he cried, "He would himself, in this cause, give his vote explicitly667 and under the tie of an oath." By this he meant to force the assent668 of the rest of the Senate. There remained even then some faint traces of expiring liberty. Hence Cneius Piso asked him, "In what place, Caesar, will you choose to give your opinion? If first, I shall have your example to follow; if last, I fear I may ignorantly dissent669 from you." The words pierced him, but he bore them, the rather as he was ashamed of his unwary transport; and he suffered the accused to be acquitted670 of high treason. To try him for the public money was referred to the proper judges.
Nor sufficed it Tiberius to assist in the deliberations of the Senate only: he likewise sat in the seats of justice; but always on one side, because he would not dispossess the Praetor of his chair; and by his presence there, many ordinances671 were established against the intrigues and solicitations of the Grandees. But while private justice was thus promoted, public liberty was overthrown672. About this time, Pius Aurelius, the Senator, whose house, yielding to the pressure of the public road and aqueducts, had fallen, complained to the Senate and prayed relief: a suit opposed by the Praetors who managed the treasury673; but he was relieved by Tiberius, who ordered him the price of his house; for he was fond of being liberal upon honest occasions: a virtue which he long retained, even after he had utterly abandoned all other virtues. Upon Propertius Celer, once Praetor, but now desiring leave to resign the dignity of Senator, as a burden to his poverty, he bestowed a thousand great sesterces; {Footnote: £8333.} upon ample information, that Celer's necessities were derived from his father. Others, who attempted the same thing, he ordered to lay their condition before the Senate; and from an affectation of severity was thus austere674 even where he acted with uprightness. Hence the rest preferred poverty and silence to begging and relief.
The same year the Tiber, being swelled675 with continual rains, overflowed the level parts of the city; and the common destruction of men and houses followed the returning flood. Hence Asinius Callus moved "that the Sibylline676 books might be consulted." Tiberius opposed it, equally smothering677 all inquiries678 whatsoever, whether into matters human or divine. To Ateius Capito, however, and Lucius Arruntius, was committed the care of restraining the river within its banks. The provinces of Achaia and Macedon, praying relief from their public burdens, were for the present discharged of their Proconsular government, and subjected to the Emperor's lieutenants679. In the entertainment of gladiators at Rome, Drusus presided: it was exhibited in the name of Germanicus, and his own; and at it he manifested too much lust of blood, even of the blood of slaves: a quality terrible to the populace; and hence his father was said to have reproved him. His own absence from these shows was variously construed: by some it was ascribed to his impatience680 of a crowd; by others to his reserved and solitary681 genius, and his fear of an unequal comparison with Augustus, who was wont to be a cheerful spectator. But, that he thus purposely furnished matter for exposing the cruelty of his son there, and for raising him popular hate, is what I would not believe; though this too was asserted.
The dissensions of the theatre, begun last year, broke out now more violently, with the slaughter of several, not of the people only, but of the soldiers, with that of a Centurion. Nay, a Tribune of a Praetorian cohort was wounded, whilst they were securing the magistrates from insults, and quelling the licentiousness of the rabble. This riot was canvassed682 in the Senate, and votes were passing for empowering the Praetors to whip the players. Haterius Agrippa, Tribune of the People, opposed it; and was sharply reprimanded by a speech of Asinius Gallus. Tiberius was silent, and to the Senate allowed these empty apparitions683 of liberty. The opposition, however, prevailed, in reverence to the authority of Augustus; who, upon a certain occasion, had given his judgment, "that players were exempt from stripes:" nor would Tiberius assume to violate any words of his. To limit the wages of players, and restrain the licentiousness of their partisans684, many decrees were made: the most remarkable were, "That no Senator should enter the house of a pantomime; no Roman Knight attend them abroad; they should show nowhere but in the theatre; and the Praetors should have power to punish any insolence in the spectators with exile."
The Spaniards were, upon their petition, permitted to build a temple to Augustus in the colony of Tarragon; an example this for all the provinces to follow. In answer to the people, who prayed to be relieved from the centesima, a tax of one in the hundred, established at the end of the civil wars, upon all vendible685 commodities; Tiberius by an edict declared, "That upon this tax depended the fund for maintaining the army; nor even thus was the Commonwealth equal to the expense, if before their twentieth year the veterans were dismissed." So that the concessions made them during the late sedition, to discharge them finally at the end of sixteen years, as they were made through necessity, were for the future abolished.
It was next proposed to the Senate, by Arruntius and Ateius, whether, in order to restrain the overflowing686 of the Tiber, the channels of the several rivers and lakes by which it was swelled, must not be diverted. Upon this question the deputies of several cities and colonies were heard. The Florentines besought, "that the bed of the Clanis {Footnote: Chiana.} might not be turned into their river Arnus; {Footnote: Arno.} for that the same would prove their utter ruin." The like plea was urged by the Interamnates; {Footnote: Terni.} "since the most fruitful plains in Italy would be lost, if, according to the project, the Nar, branched out into rivulets687, overflowed them." Nor were the Reatinians less earnest against stopping the outlets688 of the Lake Velinus into the Nar; "otherwise," they said, "it would break over its banks, and stagnate689 all the adjacent country; the direction of nature was best in all natural things: it was she that to rivers had appointed their courses and discharges, and set them their limits as well as their sources. Regard too was to be paid to the religion of our Latin allies, who, esteeming690 the rivers of their country sacred, had to them dedicated691 Priests, and altars, and groves; nay, the Tiber himself, when bereft of his auxiliary streams, would flow with diminished grandeur." Now, whether it were that the prayers of the colonies, or the difficulty of the work, or the influence of superstition prevailed, it is certain the opinion of Piso was followed; namely, that nothing should be altered,
To Poppeus Sabinus was continued his province of Mesia; and to it was added that of Achaia and Macedon. This too was part of the politics of Tiberius, to prolong governments, and maintain the same men in the same armies, or civil employments, for the most part, to the end of their lives; with what view, is not agreed. Some think "that from an impatience of returning cares, he was for making whatever he once liked perpetual." Others, "that from the malignity692 of his invidious nature, he regretted the preferring of many." There are some who believe, "that as he had a crafty693 penetrating694 spirit, so he had an understanding ever irresolute695 and perplexed." So much is certain, that he never courted any eminent696 virtue, yet hated vice178; from the best men he dreaded danger to himself, and disgrace to the public from the worst. This hesitation mastered him so much at last that he committed foreign governments to some, whom he meant never to suffer to leave Rome.
Concerning the management of consular elections, either then or afterwards under Tiberius, I can affirm scarce anything: such is the variance about it, not only amongst historians, but even in his own speeches. Sometimes, not naming the candidates, he described them by their family, by their life and manners, and by the number of their campaigns; so as it might be apparent whom he meant. Again, avoiding even to describe them, he exhorted the candidates not to disturb the election by their intrigues, and promised himself to take care of their interests. But chiefly he used to declare, "that to him none had signified their pretensions, but such whose names he had delivered to the Consuls; others too were at liberty to offer the like pretensions, if they trusted to the favour of the Senate or their own merits." Specious697 words! but entirely698 empty, or full of fraud; and by how much they were covered with the greater guise89 of liberty, by so much threatening a more hasty and devouring699 bondage.

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收听单词发音

1
magistrates
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地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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2
magistrate
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n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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consulship
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领事的职位或任期 | |
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consul
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n.领事;执政官 | |
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consuls
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领事( consul的名词复数 ); (古罗马共和国时期)执政官 (古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长,同时共有两位,每年选举一次) | |
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exigencies
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n.急切需要 | |
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supreme
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adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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consular
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a.领事的 | |
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jurisdiction
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n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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commonwealth
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n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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distress
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n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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distressed
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痛苦的 | |
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exhausted
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adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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reign
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n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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dominion
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n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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soften
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v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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softened
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(使)变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 ); 缓解打击; 缓和; 安慰 | |
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disastrous
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adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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writ
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n.命令状,书面命令 | |
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renown
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n.声誉,名望 | |
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prevailing
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adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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abasement
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n.滥用 | |
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dread
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vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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reigned
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vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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inflamed
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adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lamed
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希伯莱语第十二个字母 | |
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briefly
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adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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fully
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adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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undertaking
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n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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resentment
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n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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utterly
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adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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32
feat
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n.功绩;武艺,技艺;adj.灵巧的,漂亮的,合适的 | |
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bereft
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adj.被剥夺的 | |
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slain
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杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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blessings
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n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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politic
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adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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exalt
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v.赞扬,歌颂,晋升,提升 | |
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consolidate
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v.使加固,使加强;(把...)联为一体,合并 | |
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thwarted
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阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 ); 使受挫折; 挫败; 横过 | |
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foe
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n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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foes
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敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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42
gleaned
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v.一点点地收集(资料、事实)( glean的过去式和过去分词 );(收割后)拾穗 | |
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distinguished
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adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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bondage
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n.奴役,束缚 | |
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possessed
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adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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revival
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n.复兴,复苏,(精力、活力等的)重振 | |
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peril
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n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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averse
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adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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harassed
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adj. 疲倦的,厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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harass
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vt.使烦恼,折磨,骚扰 | |
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51
grandees
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n.贵族,大公,显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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52
faction
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n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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53
nay
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adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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54
fortify
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v.强化防御,为…设防;加强,强化 | |
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55
collateral
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adj.平行的;旁系的;n.担保品 | |
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56
bulwarks
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n.堡垒( bulwark的名词复数 );保障;支柱;舷墙 | |
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57
accomplished
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adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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58
dignified
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a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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59
vehement
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adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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60
grandeur
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n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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61
derived
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vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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62
derive
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v.取得;导出;引申;来自;源自;出自 | |
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63
forth
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adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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64
bestowed
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赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
aged
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adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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66
banish
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vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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67
banished
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v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
isle
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n.小岛,岛 | |
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69
destitute
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adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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accomplishments
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n.造诣;完成( accomplishment的名词复数 );技能;成绩;成就 | |
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71
conceited
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adj.自负的,骄傲自满的 | |
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72
mighty
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adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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73
transgression
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n.违背;犯规;罪过 | |
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74
tranquillity
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n. 平静, 安静 | |
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75
wont
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adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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76
primitive
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adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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attachment
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n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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virtuous
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adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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antiquity
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n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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obedience
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n.服从,顺从 | |
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81
vigour
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(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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82
dreaded
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adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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83
apprehension
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n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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apprehensions
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疑惧 | |
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85
savage
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adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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enraged
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使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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inveterate
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adj.积习已深的,根深蒂固的 | |
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88
entailed
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使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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89
guise
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n.外表,伪装的姿态 | |
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infancy
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n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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91
reigning
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adj.统治的,起支配作用的 | |
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92
inured
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adj.坚强的,习惯的 | |
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93
abode
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n.住处,住所 | |
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94
plausible
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adj.似真实的,似乎有理的,似乎可信的 | |
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95
retirement
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n.退休,退职 | |
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96
banishment
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n.放逐,驱逐 | |
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97
meditating
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a.沉思的,冥想的 | |
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98
vengeance
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n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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abominable
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adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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100
enthralled
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迷住,吸引住( enthrall的过去式和过去分词 ); 使感到非常愉快 | |
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101
rend
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vt.把…撕开,割裂;把…揪下来,强行夺取 | |
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102
piecemeal
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adj.零碎的;n.片,块;adv.逐渐地;v.弄成碎块 | |
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103
rumour
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n.谣言,谣传,传闻 | |
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104
retinue
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n.侍从;随员 | |
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105
mutual
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adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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106
groans
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n.呻吟,叹息( groan的名词复数 );呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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beset
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v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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juncture
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n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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omen
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n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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determined
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adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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centurion
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n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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apprehending
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逮捕,拘押( apprehend的现在分词 ); 理解 | |
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113
despatch
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n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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114
slay
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v.杀死,宰杀,杀戮 | |
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115
obstinate
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adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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116
solicited
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v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 );(指娼妇)拉客;索求;征求 | |
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117
credible
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adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
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118
purely
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adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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119
lust
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n.性(淫)欲;渴(欲)望;vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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120
arraigned
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v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 );控告;传讯;指责 | |
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121
assassination
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n.暗杀;暗杀事件 | |
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perilous
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adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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123
divulge
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v.泄漏(秘密等);宣布,公布 | |
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124
prerogative
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n.特权 | |
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125
knights
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骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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knight
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n.骑士,武士;爵士 | |
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127
emulation
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n.竞争;仿效 | |
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128
feign
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vt.假装,佯作 | |
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129
feigned
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a.假装的,不真诚的 | |
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130
mingle
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vt.使混合,使相混;vi.混合起来;相交往 | |
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131
fidelity
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n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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affected
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adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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ministry
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n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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subsisted
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v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
virtue
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n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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corpse
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n.尸体,死尸 | |
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137
usurped
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篡夺,霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
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138
prerogatives
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n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 );特权;大主教法庭;总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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majesty
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n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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140
spoke
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n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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141
auxiliaries
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n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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142
dealing
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n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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143
intrigues
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n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 );神秘气氛;引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 );激起…的好奇心 | |
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144
adoption
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n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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145
superannuated
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adj.老朽的,退休的;v.因落后于时代而废除,勒令退学 | |
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146
abstruse
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adj.深奥的,难解的 | |
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147
abstruseness
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n.难解,深奥 | |
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148
counterfeit
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vt.伪造,仿造;adj.伪造的,假冒的 | |
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149
irresolution
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n.不决断,优柔寡断,犹豫不定 | |
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150
penetrate
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v.透(渗)入;刺入,刺穿;洞察,了解 | |
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151
inclinations
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倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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152
construed
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v.解释(陈述、行为等)( construe的过去式和过去分词 );翻译,作句法分析 | |
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153
transacted
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v.办理(业务等)( transact的过去式和过去分词 );交易,谈判 | |
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154
virgins
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处女,童男( virgin的名词复数 ); 童贞玛利亚(耶稣之母) | |
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155
heirship
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n.继承权 | |
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156
legacies
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n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 );遗留之物;遗留问题;后遗症 | |
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157
concurred
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同意(concur的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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158
arrogant
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adj.傲慢的,自大的 | |
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159
zeal
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n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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160
passionate
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adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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161
forum
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n.论坛,讨论会 | |
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162
retrieved
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v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 );恢复;寻回;检索(储存的信息) | |
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163
pious
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adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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164
tumult
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n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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165
tumults
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吵闹( tumult的名词复数 ); 喧哗; 激动的吵闹声; 心烦意乱 | |
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166
ridiculed
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v.嘲笑,嘲弄,奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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167
superstitious
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adj.迷信的 | |
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168
mire
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n.泥沼,泥泞;v.使...陷于泥泞,使...陷入困境 | |
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169
chamber
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n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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170
piety
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n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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171
distraction
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n.精神涣散,精神不集中,消遣,娱乐 | |
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172
distractions
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n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 );娱乐,消遣;心烦意乱;精神错乱 | |
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173
sloth
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n.[动]树懒;懒惰,懒散 | |
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174
adorned
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[计]被修饰的 | |
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175
pretences
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n.假装( pretence的名词复数 );作假;自命;自称 | |
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176
ardent
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adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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177
motive
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n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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178
vice
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n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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179
bribe
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n.贿赂;v.向…行贿,买通 | |
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180
bribery
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n.贿络行为,行贿,受贿 | |
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181
defiance
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n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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182
levied
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征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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183
debauch
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v.使堕落,放纵 | |
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184
feigning
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假装,伪装( feign的现在分词 ); 捏造(借口、理由等) | |
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185
coalition
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n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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186
procured
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v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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187
contriver
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发明者,创制者,筹划者 | |
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188
bloody
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adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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189
extorted
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v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 );曲解 | |
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190
massacre
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n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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191
violation
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n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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192
justified
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a.正当的,有理的 | |
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193
postponed
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vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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194
insidious
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adj.阴险的,隐匿的,暗中为害的,(疾病)不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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195
snare
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n.陷阱,诱惑,圈套;(去除息肉或者肿瘤的)勒除器;响弦,小军鼓;vt.以陷阱捕获,诱惑 | |
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196
tragical
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adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
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197
minions
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n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 );走狗;宠儿;受人崇拜者 | |
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198
deity
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n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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199
opposition
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n.反对,敌对 | |
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200
upbraided
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v.责备,申斥,谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
touching
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adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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202
participation
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n.参与,参加,分享 | |
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203
toil
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vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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204
patriots
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爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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205
pompous
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adj.傲慢的,自大的;夸大的;豪华的 | |
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206
sincerity
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n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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207
vows
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誓言( vow的名词复数 ); 郑重宣布,许愿 | |
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208
supplicated
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v.祈求,哀求,恳求( supplicate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
supplicate
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v.恳求;adv.祈求地,哀求地,恳求地 | |
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210
invoked
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v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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211
invoke
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v.求助于(神、法律);恳求,乞求 | |
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212
exchequer
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n.财政部;国库 | |
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213
posterity
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n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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214
fixed
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adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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215
dictated
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v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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216
vilest
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adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 );可耻的;极坏的;非常讨厌的 | |
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217
importunity
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n.硬要,强求 | |
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218
entrusted
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v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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219
modesty
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n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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220
conjectured
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推测,猜测,猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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221
sullen
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adj.愠怒的,闷闷不乐的,(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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222
accosted
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v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的过去式和过去分词 );跟…搭讪;(乞丐等)上前向…乞讨;(妓女等)勾搭 | |
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223
confession
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n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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224
encomium
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n.赞颂;颂词 | |
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225
wrath
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n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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226
formerly
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adv.从前,以前 | |
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227
haughty
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adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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228
incurred
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[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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229
opulence
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n.财富,富裕 | |
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230
qualified
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adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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231
aspiring
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adj.有志气的;有抱负的;高耸的v.渴望;追求 | |
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232
imputation
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n.归罪,责难 | |
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233
incense
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v.激怒;n.香,焚香时的烟,香气 | |
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234
wilt
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v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎;(指人)疲倦,衰弱 | |
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235
abortive
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adj.不成功的,发育不全的 | |
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236
invalid
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n.病人,伤残人;adj.有病的,伤残的;无效的 | |
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237
implore
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vt.乞求,恳求,哀求 | |
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238
entangled
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adj.卷入的;陷入的;被缠住的;缠在一起的v.使某人(某物/自己)缠绕,纠缠于(某物中),使某人(自己)陷入(困难或复杂的环境中)( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239
jot
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n.少量;vi.草草记下;vt.匆匆写下 | |
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240
entreaties
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n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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241
exorbitant
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adj.过分的;过度的 | |
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242
warily
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adv.留心地 | |
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243
honourable
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adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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244
bent
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n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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245
suffrages
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(政治性选举的)选举权,投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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246
seizure
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n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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247
potent
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adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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248
grumbling
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adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
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249
sedition
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n.煽动叛乱 | |
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250
licentiousness
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n.放肆,无法无天 | |
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251
licentious
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adj.放纵的,淫乱的 | |
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252
earnings
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n.工资收人;利润,利益,所得 | |
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253
recess
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n.短期休息,壁凹(墙上装架子,柜子等凹处) | |
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254
mutinous
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adj.叛变的,反抗的;adv.反抗地,叛变地;n.反抗,叛变 | |
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255
discourses
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论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
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256
profligate
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adj.行为不检的;n.放荡的人,浪子,肆意挥霍者 | |
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257
fatigue
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n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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258
petulant
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adj.性急的,暴躁的 | |
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259
inflaming
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v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
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260
solicitous
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adj.热切的,挂念的 | |
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261
incited
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刺激,激励,煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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262
disorders
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n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 );凌乱;骚乱;(身心、机能)失调 | |
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263
withdrawn
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vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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264
drawn
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v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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265
ripened
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v.成熟,使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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266
lawful
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adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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267
harangue
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n.慷慨冗长的训话,言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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268
harangued
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v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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269
centurions
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n.百人队长,百夫长(古罗马的军官,指挥百人)( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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270
redress
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n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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271
grievances
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n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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272
misery
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n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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273
decrepit
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adj.衰老的,破旧的 | |
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274
doomed
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命定的 | |
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275
doom
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n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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276
warfare
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n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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277
calamities
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n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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278
bogs
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n.沼泽,泥塘( bog的名词复数 );厕所v.(使)陷入泥沼, (使)陷入困境( bog的第三人称单数 );妨碍,阻碍 | |
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279
manure
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n.粪,肥,肥粒;vt.施肥 | |
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280
asses
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n. 驴,愚蠢的人,臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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281
exempt
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adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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282
exemption
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n.豁免,免税额,免除 | |
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283
laborious
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adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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284
miseries
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n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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285
enlist
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vt.谋取(支持等),赢得;征募;vi.入伍 | |
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286
horrid
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adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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287
hoary
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adj.古老的;鬓发斑白的 | |
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288
ragged
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adj.衣衫褴褛的,粗糙的,刺耳的 | |
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289
curtailed
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v.截断,缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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290
rebukes
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责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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291
vehemence
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n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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292
shameful
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adj.可耻的,不道德的 | |
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293
heinous
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adj.可憎的,十恶不赦的 | |
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294
remorse
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n.痛恨,悔恨,自责 | |
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295
perseverance
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n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
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296
pretensions
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自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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297
concessions
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n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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298
concession
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n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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299
conquerors
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征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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300
trample
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vt.踩,践踏;无视,伤害,侵犯 | |
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301
meditate
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v.想,考虑,(尤指宗教上的)沉思,冥想 | |
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302
exulted
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狂喜,欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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303
uproar
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n.骚动,喧嚣,鼎沸 | |
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304
plundered
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掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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305
plunder
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vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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306
outrage
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n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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307
marsh
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n.沼泽,湿地 | |
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308
indefatigable
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adj.不知疲倦的,不屈不挠的 | |
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309
awakened
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v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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310
ravaged
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毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
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311
ravage
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vt.使...荒废,破坏...;n.破坏,掠夺,荒废 | |
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312
laden
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adj.装满了的;充满了的;负了重担的;苦恼的 | |
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313
implored
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恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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314
conjuring
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n.魔术 | |
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315
chastisement
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n.惩罚 | |
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316
hatred
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n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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317
compassion
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n.同情,怜悯 | |
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318
infamous
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adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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319
traitors
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卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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320
condemned
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adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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321
exalted
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adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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322
outrageous
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adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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323
miserable
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adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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324
mangled
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vt.乱砍(mangle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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325
inhumanly
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adv.无人情味地,残忍地 | |
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326
slaughter
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n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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327
slaughtered
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v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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328
guilt
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n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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329
anguish
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n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
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330
prostrate
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v.拜倒,平卧,衰竭;adj.拜倒的,平卧的,衰竭的 | |
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331
supplicating
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v.祈求,哀求,恳求( supplicate的现在分词 ) | |
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332
commiseration
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n.怜悯,同情 | |
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333
dispersed
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adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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334
sarcastically
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adv.挖苦地,讽刺地 | |
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335
lurked
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vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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336
concealment
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n.隐藏, 掩盖,隐瞒 | |
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337
negotiations
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协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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338
smother
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vt./vi.使窒息;抑制;闷死;n.浓烟;窒息 | |
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339
melancholy
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n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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340
thither
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adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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341
exigency
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n.紧急;迫切需要 | |
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342
hideous
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adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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343
countenances
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n.面容( countenance的名词复数 );表情;镇静;道义支持 | |
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344
sullenness
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n. 愠怒, 沉闷, 情绪消沉 | |
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345
beckoning
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adj.引诱人的,令人心动的v.(用头或手的动作)示意,召唤( beckon的现在分词 ) | |
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346
beheld
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v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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347
awe
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n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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348
murmur
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n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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349
invincible
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adj.不可征服的,难以制服的 | |
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350
abated
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减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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351
judgment
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n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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352
augment
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vt.(使)增大,增加,增长,扩张 | |
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353
alleviate
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v.减轻,缓和,缓解(痛苦等) | |
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354
inflict
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vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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355
frustrated
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adj.挫败的,失意的,泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 );挫败;使受挫折;令人沮丧 | |
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356
artifices
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n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 );诡计;巧妙办法;虚伪行为 | |
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357
delude
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vt.欺骗;哄骗 | |
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358
whatsoever
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adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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359
outrages
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引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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360
foresight
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n.先见之明,深谋远虑 | |
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361
eruption
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n.火山爆发;(战争等)爆发;(疾病等)发作 | |
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362
assuaged
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v.减轻( assuage的过去式和过去分词 );缓和;平息;使安静 | |
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363
prophesied
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v.预告,预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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364
brazen
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adj.厚脸皮的,无耻的,坚硬的 | |
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365
trumpets
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喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 ); 小号; 喇叭形物; (尤指)绽开的水仙花 | |
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366
bellowing
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v.发出吼叫声,咆哮(尤指因痛苦)( bellow的现在分词 );(愤怒地)说出(某事),大叫 | |
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367
lamented
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adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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368
gathering
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n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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369
everlasting
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adj.永恒的,持久的,无止境的 | |
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370
lasting
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adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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371
thoroughly
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adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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372
pliant
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adj.顺从的;可弯曲的 | |
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373
superstition
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n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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374
portended
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v.预示( portend的过去式和过去分词 );预兆;给…以警告;预告 | |
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375
deities
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n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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376
disposition
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n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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377
insinuated
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v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 );巧妙或迂回地潜入;(使)缓慢进入;慢慢伸入 | |
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378
soothing
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adj.慰藉的;使人宽心的;镇静的 | |
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379
besieged
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包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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380
broils
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v.(用火)烤(焙、炙等)( broil的第三人称单数 );使卷入争吵;使混乱;被烤(或炙) | |
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381
contentions
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n.竞争( contention的名词复数 );争夺;争论;论点 | |
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382
jealousies
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n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 );妒羡 | |
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383
forsook
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forsake的过去式 | |
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384
relinquished
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交出,让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 ); 放弃 | |
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385
haughtiness
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n.傲慢;傲气 | |
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386
rebuked
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责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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387
subdue
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vt.制服,使顺从,征服;抑制,克制 | |
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388
reclaimed
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adj.再生的;翻造的;收复的;回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 );要求收回;从废料中回收(有用的材料);挽救 | |
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389
submission
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n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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390
supplicant
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adj.恳求的n.恳求者 | |
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391
entreaty
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n.恳求,哀求 | |
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392
proceeding
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n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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393
soothe
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v.安慰;使平静;使减轻;缓和;奉承 | |
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394
applied
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adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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395
awed
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adj.充满敬畏的,表示敬畏的v.使敬畏,使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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396
dooming
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v.注定( doom的现在分词 );判定;使…的失败(或灭亡、毁灭、坏结局)成为必然;宣判 | |
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397
ignominiously
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adv.耻辱地,屈辱地,丢脸地 | |
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398
entrenchment
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n.壕沟,防御设施 | |
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399
remarkable
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adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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400
skulking
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v.潜伏,偷偷摸摸地走动,鬼鬼祟祟地活动( skulk的现在分词 ) | |
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401
consternation
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n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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402
precipitate
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adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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403
incessant
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adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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404
intercourse
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n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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405
tempestuous
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adj.狂暴的 | |
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406
random
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adj.随机的;任意的;n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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407
profane
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adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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408
relinquishing
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|
交出,让给( relinquish的现在分词 ); 放弃 | |
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409
impiety
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n.不敬;不孝 | |
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410
expiation
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n.赎罪,补偿 | |
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411
garrison
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n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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412
garrisons
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守备部队,卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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413
deserted
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adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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414
brook
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|
n.小河,溪;v.忍受,容让 | |
参考例句: |
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|
415
ambiguity
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|
n.模棱两可;意义不明确 | |
参考例句: |
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|
416
swarm
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|
n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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|
417
harangues
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|
n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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|
418
frenzy
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|
n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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|
419
bruised
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|
[医]青肿的,瘀紫的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
420
killing
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|
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
参考例句: |
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|
421
obdurate
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|
adj.固执的,顽固的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
422
rabble
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|
n.乌合之众,暴民;下等人 | |
参考例句: |
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|
423
virulent
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|
adj.有毒的,有恶意的,充满敌意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
424
catching
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|
adj.易传染的,有魅力的,迷人的,接住 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
425
reluctance
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|
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
参考例句: |
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|
426
peculiar
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|
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
427
celebrated
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|
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
428
immortal
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|
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
429
turbulence
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|
n.喧嚣,狂暴,骚乱,湍流 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
430
bruises
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|
n.瘀伤,伤痕,擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
431
exemptions
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|
n.(义务等的)免除( exemption的名词复数 );免(税);(收入中的)免税额 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
432
scanty
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|
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
433
forage
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|
n.(牛马的)饲料,粮草;v.搜寻,翻寻 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
434
enumerated
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|
v.列举,枚举,数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
435
upwards
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|
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
436
besought
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|
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
参考例句: |
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|
437
respite
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|
n.休息,中止,暂缓 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
438
behold
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|
v.看,注视,看到 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
439
toils
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|
网 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
440
zealous
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|
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
441
omens
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|
n.前兆,预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
442
extremity
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|
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
参考例句: |
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|
443
exhorted
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|
v.劝告,劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
444
destined
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|
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
445
Augmented
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|
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
446
revolving
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|
adj.旋转的,轮转式的;循环的v.(使)旋转( revolve的现在分词 );细想 | |
参考例句: |
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|
447
repulsing
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|
v.击退( repulse的现在分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
参考例句: |
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|
448
legacy
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|
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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|
449
evade
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|
vt.逃避,回避;避开,躲避 | |
参考例句: |
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|
450
adjourned
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|
(使)休会, (使)休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
451
hesitation
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|
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
参考例句: |
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|
452
suspense
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|
n.(对可能发生的事)紧张感,担心,挂虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
453
quelled
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|
v.(用武力)制止,结束,镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
454
swelling
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|
n.肿胀 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
455
lurking
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|
潜在 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
456
deluge
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|
n./vt.洪水,暴雨,使泛滥 | |
参考例句: |
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|
457
sanctuary
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|
n.圣所,圣堂,寺庙;禁猎区,保护区 | |
参考例句: |
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|
458
veneration
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|
n.尊敬,崇拜 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
459
inveighed
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|
v.猛烈抨击,痛骂,谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
460
fatality
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|
n.不幸,灾祸,天命 | |
参考例句: |
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|
461
rekindled
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|
v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
462
eloquence
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|
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
463
brutal
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|
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
464
foul
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|
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
465
auxiliary
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|
adj.辅助的,备用的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
466
censured
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|
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
467
retired
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|
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
468
miserably
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|
adv.痛苦地;悲惨地;糟糕地;极度地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
469
fugitive
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|
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
470
bosom
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|
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
471
woe
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|
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
472
victorious
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|
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
473
inquiry
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|
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
474
lamentable
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|
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
475
virtues
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|
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
476
amiable
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|
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
477
subdued
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|
adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
478
adjured
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|
v.(以起誓或诅咒等形式)命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 );祈求;恳求 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
479
expiated
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|
v.为(所犯罪过)接受惩罚,赎(罪)( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
480
mischief
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|
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
481
meditates
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|
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的第三人称单数 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
482
trenches
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|
深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
483
trampled
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|
踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
484
profaned
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|
v.不敬( profane的过去式和过去分词 );亵渎,玷污 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
485
lapsed
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|
adj.流失的,堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 );陷入;倒退;丧失 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
486
emulate
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|
v.努力赶上或超越,与…竞争;效仿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
487
contemn
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|
v.蔑视 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
488
enrolled
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|
adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 );登记,招收,使入伍(或入会、入学等),参加,成为成员;记入名册;卷起,包起 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
489
bounties
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|
(由政府提供的)奖金( bounty的名词复数 ); 赏金; 慷慨; 大方 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
490
worthy
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|
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
491
levies
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|
(部队)征兵( levy的名词复数 ); 募捐; 被征募的军队 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
492
appeased
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|
安抚,抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 ); 绥靖(满足另一国的要求以避免战争) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
493
appease
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|
v.安抚,缓和,平息,满足 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
494
imprisoned
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|
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
495
precarious
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|
adj.不安定的,靠不住的;根据不足的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
496
retrieving
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|
n.检索(过程),取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 );恢复;寻回;检索(储存的信息) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
497
revered
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|
v.崇敬,尊崇,敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
498
vindicate
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|
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
499
infamy
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|
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
500
avenging
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|
adj.报仇的,复仇的v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 );为…报复 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
501
stimulated
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|
a.刺激的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
502
contagious
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|
adj.传染性的,有感染力的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
503
malicious
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|
adj.有恶意的,心怀恶意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
504
alleged
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|
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
505
resentments
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|
(因受虐待而)愤恨,不满,怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
506
scrutiny
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|
n.详细检查,仔细观察 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
507
testimony
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|
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
508
concurring
![]() |
|
同时发生的,并发的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
509
avarice
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|
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
510
commotions
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|
n.混乱,喧闹,骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
511
obstinacy
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|
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
512
persevered
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|
v.坚忍,坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
513
persevere
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|
v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
514
vessels
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|
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
515
consultations
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|
n.磋商(会议)( consultation的名词复数 );商讨会;协商会;查找 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
516
consummate
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|
adj.完美的;v.成婚;使完美 [反]baffle | |
参考例句: |
|
|
517
cavil
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|
v.挑毛病,吹毛求疵 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
518
perplexed
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|
adj.不知所措的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
519
reverence
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|
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
520
improper
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|
adj.不适当的,不合适的,不正确的,不合礼仪的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
521
contemned
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|
v.侮辱,蔑视( contemn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
522
privately
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|
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
523
tainted
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|
adj.腐坏的;污染的;沾污的;感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 );使污染;败坏;被污染,腐坏,败坏 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
524
redeem
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|
v.买回,赎回,挽回,恢复,履行(诺言等) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
525
concurrence
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|
n.同意;并发 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
526
slaughters
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|
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
527
intimacy
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|
n.熟悉,亲密,密切关系,亲昵的言行 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
528
darts
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|
n.掷飞镖游戏;飞镖( dart的名词复数 );急驰,飞奔v.投掷,投射( dart的第三人称单数 );向前冲,飞奔 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
529
satiety
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|
n.饱和;(市场的)充分供应 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
530
lamenting
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|
adj.悲伤的,悲哀的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
531
regiments
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|
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
532
intestine
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|
adj.内部的;国内的;n.肠 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
533
barricade
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|
n.路障,栅栏,障碍;vt.设路障挡住 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
534
scouts
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|
侦察员[机,舰]( scout的名词复数 ); 童子军; 搜索; 童子军成员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
535
revelling
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|
v.作乐( revel的现在分词 );狂欢;着迷;陶醉 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
536
scattered
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|
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
537
lethargic
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|
adj.昏睡的,懒洋洋的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
538
battalions
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|
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
539
razed
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|
v.彻底摧毁,将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
540
slew
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|
v.(使)旋转;n.大量,许多 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
541
disarmed
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|
v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 );使息怒 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
542
exalting
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|
a.令人激动的,令人喜悦的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
543
obliterate
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|
v.擦去,涂抹,去掉...痕迹,消失,除去 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
544
resolute
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|
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
545
resolutely
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|
adj.坚决地,果断地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
546
fortified
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|
adj. 加强的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
547
feats
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|
功绩,伟业,技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
548
copious
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|
adj.丰富的,大量的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
549
ornamental
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|
adj.装饰的;作装饰用的;n.装饰品;观赏植物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
550
quelling
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|
v.(用武力)制止,结束,镇压( quell的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
551
rites
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|
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
552
embroiled
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|
adj.卷入的;纠缠不清的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
553
strife
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|
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
554
countenanced
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|
v.支持,赞同,批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
555
complaisance
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|
n.彬彬有礼,殷勤,柔顺 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
556
comedian
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|
n.喜剧演员;滑稽演员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
557
prosecute
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|
vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
558
anticipation
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|
n.预期,预料,期望 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
559
unanimity
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|
n.全体一致,一致同意 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
560
variance
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|
n.矛盾,不同 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
561
betrothed
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|
n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
562
obnoxious
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|
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
563
dwellers
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|
n.居民,居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
564
erecting
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|
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
565
apprehended
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|
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
566
dint
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|
n.由于,靠;凹坑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
567
repulsed
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|
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
568
repulse
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|
n.击退,拒绝;vt.逐退,击退,拒绝 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
569
dwellings
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|
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
570
addicted
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|
adj.沉溺于....的,对...上瘾的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
571
barbarians
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|
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
572
faltered
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|
(嗓音)颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 ); 支吾其词; 蹒跚; 摇晃 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
573
clemency
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|
n.温和,仁慈,宽厚 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
574
followers
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|
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
575
captivity
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|
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
576
prey
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|
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
577
stature
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|
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
578
adherence
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|
n.信奉,依附,坚持,固着 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
579
odious
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|
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
580
accusation
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|
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
581
apprised
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|
v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
582
accomplices
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|
从犯,帮凶,同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
583
perfidiousness
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|
n. 不忠 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
584
mediator
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|
n.调解人,中介人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
585
repent
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|
v.悔悟,悔改,忏悔,后悔 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
586
begotten
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|
v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 );产生,引起 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
587
indemnity
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|
n.赔偿,赔款,补偿金 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
588
divulged
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|
v.吐露,泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
589
prone
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|
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
590
warriors
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|
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
591
groves
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|
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
592
devoted
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|
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
593
tyrants
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|
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
594
paternal
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|
adj.父亲的,像父亲的,父系的,父方的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
595
cavalry
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|
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
596
embarked
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|
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
597
overthrow
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|
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
598
tragically
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|
adv. 悲剧地,悲惨地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
599
recesses
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|
n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 );(工作或业务活动的)中止或暂停期间;学校的课间休息;某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 );将(墙)做成凹形,在(墙)上做壁龛;休息,休会,休庭 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
600
marshes
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|
n.沼泽,湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
601
solitude
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|
n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
602
circumference
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|
n.圆周,周长,圆周线 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
603
allotted
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|
分配,拨给,摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
604
remains
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|
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
605
bleached
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|
漂白的,晒白的,颜色变浅的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
606
javelins
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|
n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
607
skulls
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|
颅骨( skull的名词复数 ); 脑袋; 脑子; 脑瓜 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
608
immolation
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|
n.牺牲品 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
609
ERECTED
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|
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
610
kinsman
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|
n.男亲属 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
611
perverse
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|
adj.刚愎的;坚持错误的,行为反常的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
612
augur
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|
n.占卦师;v.占卦 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
613
defiled
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|
v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
614
morass
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|
n.沼泽,困境 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
615
reassured
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|
adj.使消除疑虑的;使放心的v.再保证,恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
616
ooze
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|
n.软泥,渗出物;vi.渗出,泄漏;vt.慢慢渗出,流露 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
617
armour
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|
(=armor)n.盔甲;装甲部队 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
618
redeemed
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|
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
619
refreshing
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|
adj.使精神振作的,使人清爽的,使人喜欢的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
620
vicissitudes
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|
n.变迁,世事变化;变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 );盛衰兴废 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
621
expedients
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|
n.应急有效的,权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
622
caroused
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|
v.痛饮,闹饮欢宴( carouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
623
drooping
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|
adj. 下垂的,无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
624
disconsolately
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|
adv.悲伤地,愁闷地;哭丧着脸 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
625
frightful
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|
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
626
vehemently
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|
adv. 热烈地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
627
havoc
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|
n.大破坏,浩劫,大混乱,大杂乱 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
628
galloping
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|
adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
629
overthrew
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|
overthrow的过去式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
630
slaying
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|
杀戮。 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
631
persuasion
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|
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
632
motives
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|
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
633
impartial
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|
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
634
impartially
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|
adv.公平地,无私地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
635
agitation
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|
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
636
hurdles
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|
n.障碍( hurdle的名词复数 );跳栏;(供人或马跳跃的)栏架;跨栏赛 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
637
swarms
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|
蜂群,一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
638
cowardice
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|
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
639
emboldened
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|
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
640
demolished
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|
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
641
ebbs
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|
退潮( ebb的名词复数 ); 落潮; 衰退 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
642
overflowed
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|
溢出的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
643
eddies
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|
(水、烟等的)漩涡,涡流( eddy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
644
waded
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|
(从水、泥等)蹚,走过,跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
645
circumspection
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|
n.细心,慎重 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
646
eminence
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|
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
647
consolation
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|
n.安慰,慰问 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
648
abounded
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|
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
649
extolled
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|
v.赞颂,赞扬,赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
650
animated
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|
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
651
ornaments
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|
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
652
ostentation
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|
n.夸耀,卖弄 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
653
wrested
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|
(用力)拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 ); 费力取得; (从…)攫取; ( 从… ) 强行取去… | |
参考例句: |
|
|
654
incensed
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|
盛怒的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
655
insolence
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|
n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
656
exasperated
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|
adj.恼怒的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
657
alienated
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|
adj.感到孤独的,不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 );使不友好;转让;让渡(财产等) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
658
mimic
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|
v.模仿,戏弄;n.模仿他人言行的人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
659
imputed
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|
v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
660
accusations
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|
n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
661
consecrated
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|
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
662
effigies
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|
n.(人的)雕像,模拟像,肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
663
needy
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|
adj.贫穷的,贫困的,生活艰苦的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
664
precedent
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|
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
665
malignant
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|
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
666
inevitable
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|
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
667
explicitly
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|
ad.明确地,显然地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
668
assent
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|
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
669
dissent
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|
n./v.不同意,持异议 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
670
acquitted
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|
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
671
ordinances
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|
n.条例,法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
672
overthrown
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|
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
673
treasury
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|
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
674
austere
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|
adj.艰苦的;朴素的,朴实无华的;严峻的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
675
swelled
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|
增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 ); 肿胀; (使)凸出; 充满(激情) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
676
sibylline
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|
adj.预言的;神巫的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
677
smothering
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|
(使)窒息, (使)透不过气( smother的现在分词 ); 覆盖; 忍住; 抑制 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
678
inquiries
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|
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
679
lieutenants
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|
n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 );副职官员;空军;仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
680
impatience
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|
n.不耐烦,急躁 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
681
solitary
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|
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
682
canvassed
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|
v.(在政治方面)游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 );调查(如选举前选民的)意见;为讨论而提出(意见等);详细检查 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
683
apparitions
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|
n.特异景象( apparition的名词复数 );幽灵;鬼;(特异景象等的)出现 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
684
partisans
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|
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
685
vendible
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|
adj.可销售的,可被普遍接受的n.可销售物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
686
overflowing
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|
n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的,充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
687
rivulets
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|
n.小河,小溪( rivulet的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
688
outlets
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n.出口( outlet的名词复数 );经销店;插座;廉价经销店 | |
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689
stagnate
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v.停止 | |
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690
esteeming
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v.尊敬( esteem的现在分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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691
dedicated
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adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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692
malignity
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n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
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693
crafty
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adj.狡猾的,诡诈的 | |
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694
penetrating
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adj.(声音)响亮的,尖锐的adj.(气味)刺激的adj.(思想)敏锐的,有洞察力的 | |
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695
irresolute
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adj.无决断的,优柔寡断的,踌躇不定的 | |
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696
eminent
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adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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697
specious
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adj.似是而非的;adv.似是而非地 | |
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698
entirely
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ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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699
devouring
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吞没( devour的现在分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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