At Rome in the beginning of the year, as if the iniquities27 of Livia had been but just discovered, and not even long since punished, furious orders were passed against her statues too, and memory; with another, "that the effects of Sejanus should be taken from the public treasury28, and placed in that of the Emperor:" as if this vain translation could any wise avail the State. And yet such was the motion of these great names, the Scipios, the Silani, and the Cassii; who urged it, each almost in the same words, but all with mighty29 zeal30 and earnestness: when all on a sudden, Togonius Gallus, while he would be thrusting his own meanness amongst names so greatly illustrious, became the object of derision: for he besought31 the Prince "to choose a body of Senators of whom twenty, drawn32 by lot and under arms, should wait upon him and defend his person, as often as he entered the Senate." He had been weak enough to credit a letter from the Emperor, requiring "the guard and protection of one of the Consuls2, that he might return in safety from Capreae to Rome." Tiberius however returned thanks to the Senate for such an instance of affection; but as he was wont33 to mix pleasantry with things serious, he asked, "How was it to be executed? what Senators were to be chosen? who to be omitted? whether always the same, or a continued succession? whether young Senators, or such as had borne dignities? whether those who were Magistrates35, or those exercising no magistracy? moreover what a becoming figure they would make, grave Senators, men of the gown, under arms at the entrance of the Senate! in truth he held not his life of such importance, to have it thus protected by arms." So much in answer to Togonius, without asperity36 of words; nor did he farther, than this, press them to cancel the motion.
But Junius Gallio escaped not thus. He had proposed "that the Praetorian soldiers, having accomplished37 their term of service, should thence acquire the privilege of sitting in the fourteen rows of the theatre allotted39 to the Roman knights40." Upon him Tiberius fell with violent wrath41, and, as if present, demanded, what business had he with the soldiers? men whose duty bound them to observe only the orders of the Emperor, and from the Emperor alone to receive their rewards. Gallio had forsooth discovered a recompense which had escaped the sagacity of the deified Augustus? Or was it not rather a project started by a mercenary of Sejanus, to raise sedition42 and discord43; a project tending to debauch45 the rude minds of the soldiers with the show and bait of new honour; to corrupt46 their discipline, and set them loose from military restrictions47? This reward, had the studied flattery of Gallio; who was instantly expelled the Senate, and then Italy: nay48, it became a charge upon him, that his exile would be too easy, having for the place of it chosen Lesbos, an island noble and delightful49; he was therefore haled back to Rome and confined a prisoner in the house of a Magistrate34. Tiberius in the same letter demanded the doom50 of Sextus Paconianus, formerly51 Praetor, to the extreme joy of the Senate, as he was a man bold and mischievous52, one armed with snares53, and continually diving into the purposes and secret transactions of all men; and one chosen by Sejanus, for plotting the overthrow54 of Caligula. When this was now laid open, the general hate and animosities long since conceived against him, broke violently out, and had he not offered to make a discovery, he had been instantly condemned55 to death.
The next impeached56 was Cotta Messalinus, the author of every the most bloody57 counsel, and thence long and intensely hated. The first opportunity was therefore snatched to fall upon him with a combination of crimes; as that he had called Caius Caligula by the feminine name of Caia Caligula, and branded him with constuprations of both kinds; that when he celebrated58 among the Priests the birthday of Augusta, he had styled the entertainment a funeral supper; and that complaining of the great sway of Marcus Lepidus, and of Lucius Arruntius, with whom he had a suit about money, he had added; "they indeed will be supported by the Senate, but I by my little Tiberius." {Footnote: Tiberiolus meus.} Of all this he stood exposed to conviction by men of the first rank in Rome; who being earnest to attack him, he appealed to Caesar: from whom soon after a letter was brought in behalf of Cotta; in it he recounted "the beginning of their friendship," repeated "his many good services to himself," and desired "that words perversely60 construed61, and humorous tales told at an entertainment, might not be wrested62 into crimes."
Most remarkable63 was the beginning of that letter; for in these words he introduced it: "What to write you, Conscript Fathers, or in what manner to write, or what at all not to write at this instant; if I can determine, may all the Deities64, Gods and Goddesses, doom me still to more cruel agonies than those under which I feel myself perishing daily." So closely did the bloody horror of his cruelties and infamy65 haunt this man of blood, and became his torturers! Nor was it at random66 what the wisest of all men {Footnote: Socrates.} was wont to affirm, that if the hearts of tyrants were displayed, in them might be seen deadly wounds and gorings, and all the butcheries of fear and rage; seeing what the severity of stripes is to the body, the same to the soul is the bitter anguish67 of cruelty, lust, and execrable pursuits. To Tiberius not his imperial fortune, not his gloomy and inaccessible68 solitudes69 could ensure tranquillity70; nor exempt71 him from feeling and even avowing72 the rack in his breast and the avenging73 furies that pursued him.
After this, it was left to the discretion74 of the Senate to proceed as they listed against Caecilianus the Senator, "who had loaded Cotta with many imputations;" and it was resolved, "to subject him to the same penalties inflicted75 upon Aruseius and Sanquinius, the accusers of Lucius Annuntius." A more signal instance of honour than this had never befallen Cotta; who noble in truth, but through luxury indigent76, and, for the baseness of his crimes, detestable, was by the dignity of this amends77 equalled in character to the most venerable reputation and virtues78 of Arruntius.
About the same time died Lucius Piso, the Pontiff; and, by a felicity, then rare in so much splendour and elevation80, died by the course of nature. The author he never himself was of any servile motion, and ever wise in moderating such motions from others, where necessity enforced his assent81. That his father had sustained the sublime82 office of Censor83, I have before remembered: he himself lived to fourscore years, and for his warlike feats84 in Thrace, had obtained the glory of triumph. But from hence arose his most distinguished85 glory, that being created Governor of Rome, a jurisdiction86 newly instituted, and the more difficult, as not yet settled into public reverence87, he tempered it wonderfully and possessed88 it long.
For, of old, to supply the absence of the Kings, and afterwards of the Consuls, that the city might not remain without a ruler, a temporary Magistrate was appointed to administer justice, and watch over exigencies89: and it is said that by Romulus was deputed Denter Romulius; Numa Marcius, by Tullus Hostilius; and by Tarquin the Proud, Spurius Lucretius. The same delegation90 was made by the Consuls; and there remains91 still a shadow of the old institution, when during the Latin festival, one is authorised to discharge the Consular92 function. Moreover, Augustus during the Civil Wars, committed to Cilnius Maecenas of the Equestrian93 Order, the Government of Rome and of all Italy. Afterwards, when sole master of the Empire, and moved by the immense multitude of people and the slowness of relief from the laws, he chose a Consular to bridle94 the licentiousness95 of the slaves, and to awe96 such turbulent citizens as are only quiet from the dread97 of chastisement98. Messala Corvinus was the first invested with this authority, and in a few days dismissed, as a man insufficient99 to discharge it. It was then filled by Taurus Statilius, who, though very ancient, sustained it with signal honour. After him Piso held it for twenty years, with a credit so high and uninterrupted, that he was distinguished with a public funeral, by decree of the Senate.
A motion was thereafter made in Senate by Quinctilianus, Tribune of the People, concerning a Book of the Sibyl, which Caninius Gallus, one of the College of Fifteen, had prayed "might be received by a decree amongst the rest of that Prophetess." The decree passed without opposition100, but was followed by letters from Tiberius. In them having gently chid101 the Tribune, "as young and therefore unskilled in the ancient usages," he upbraided102 Gallus, "that he who was so long practised in the science of sacred ceremonies, should without taking the opinion of his own college, without the usual reading and deliberation with the other Priests, deal, by surprise, with a thin Senate, to admit a prophetic book of an uncertain author." He also advertised them "of the conduct of Augustus, who, to suppress the multitude of fictious predictions everywhere published under the solemn name of the Sibyl, had ordained103, that within a precise day, they should be carried to the City Praetor; and made it unlawful to keep them in private hands." The same had likewise been decreed by our ancestors, when after the burning of the capitol in the Social War, the Rhymes of the Sibyl (whether there were but one, or more) were everywhere sought, in Samos, Ilium, and Erythrae, through Africa too and Sicily and all the Roman colonies, with injunctions to the Priests, that, as far as human wit could enable them, they would separate the genuine. Therefore, upon this occasion also, the book was subjected to the inspection104 of the Quindecimvirate.
Under the same Consuls, the dearth105 of corn had nigh raised a sedition. The populace for many days urged their wants and demands in the public theatre, with a licentiousness towards the Emperor, higher than usual. He was alarmed with this bold spirit, and censured106 the Magistrates and Senate, "that they had not by the public authority quelled107 the people." He recounted "the continued supplies of grain which he had caused to be imported; from what provinces, and in how much greater abundance than those procured108 by Augustus." So that for correcting the populace, a decree passed framed in the strain of ancient severity: nor less vigorous was the edict published by the Consuls. His own silence, which he hoped would be taken by the people as an instance of moderation, was by them imputed109 to his pride.
In the meanwhile, the whole band of accusers broke loose upon those who augmented110 their wealth by usury111, in contradiction to a law of Caesar the Dictator, "for ascertaining112 the terms of lending money, and holding mortgages in Italy;" a law waxed long since obsolete113, through the selfish passions of men, sacrificing public good to private gain. Usury was, in truth, an inveterate114 evil in Rome, and the eternal cause of civil discord and seditions, and therefore restrained even in ancient times, while the public manners were not yet greatly corrupted115. For, first it was ordained by a law of the twelve tables, "that no man should take higher interest than twelve in the hundred;" when, before, it was exacted at the pleasure of the rich. Afterwards by a regulation of the Tribunes it was reduced to six, and at last was quite abolished. By the people, too, repeated statutes116 were made, for obviating117 all elusions, which by whatever frequent expedients118 repressed, were yet through wonderful devices still springing up afresh. Gracchus the Praetor was therefore now appointed to inquire into the complaints and allegations of the accusers; but, appalled119 with the multitude of those threatened by the accusation120, he had recourse to the Senate. The Fathers also were dismayed (for of this fault not a soul was guiltless) and sought and obtained impunity121 from the Prince; and a year and six months were granted for balancing all accounts between debtors123 and creditors125, agreeably to the direction of the law.
Hence a great scarcity126 of money: for, besides that all debts were at once called in; so many delinquents127 were condemned, that by the sale of their effects, the current coin was swallowed up in the public treasury, or in that of the Emperor. Against this stagnation128, the Senate had provided, "that two-thirds of the debts should by every creditor124 be laid out upon lands in Italy." But the creditors warned in the whole; {Footnote: Demanded payment in full.} nor could the debtors without breach129 of faith divide the payment. So that at first, meetings and entreaties130 were tried; and at last it was contested before the Praetor. And the project applied131 as a remedy; namely, that the debtor122 should sell, and the creditor buy, had a contrary operation: for the usurers hoarded132 up all their treasure for purchasing of lands, and the plenty of estates to be sold, miserably133 sinking the price; the more men were indebted, the more difficult they found it to sell. Many were utterly134 stripped of their fortunes; and the ruin of their private patrimony135 drew headlong with it that of their reputation and all public preferment. The destruction was going on, when the Emperor administered relief, by lending a hundred thousand great sesterces {Footnote: About £830,000.} for three years, without interest; provided each borrower pawned136 to the people double the value in inheritance. {Footnote: Gave a security to the State, on landed property.} Thus was credit restored; and by degrees private lenders too were found.
About the same time, Claudia, daughter to Marcus Silanus, was given in marriage to Caligula, who had accompanied his grandfather to Capreae, having always hid under a subdolous guise137 of modesty138, his savage139 and inhuman140 spirit: even upon the condemnation141 of his mother, even for the exile of his brothers, not a word escaped him, not a sigh, nor groan142. So blindly observant of Tiberius, that he studied the bent143 of his temper and seemed to possess it; practised his looks, imitated the change and fashion of his dress, and affected144 his words and manner of expression. Hence the observation of Passienus the Orator145, grew afterwards famous, "that never lived a better slave nor a worse master." Neither would I omit the presage146 of Tiberius concerning Galba, then Consul1. Having sent for him and sifted147 him upon several subjects, he at last told him in Greek, "and thou, Galba, shalt hereafter taste of Empire;" signifying his late and short sovereignty. This he uttered from his skill in astrology, which at Rhodes he had leisure to learn; and Thrasullus for his teacher, whose capacity he proved by this following trial.
As often as he consulted this way concerning any affair, he retired148 to the roof of the house, attended by one freedman trusted with the secret. This man strong of body, but destitute149 of letters, guided along the astrologer, whose art Tiberius meant to try, over solitary150 precipices151 (for upon a rock the house stood) and, as he returned, if any suspicion arose that his predictions were vain, or that the author designed fraud, cast him headlong into the sea, to prevent his making discoveries. Thrasullus being therefore led over the same rocks, and minutely consulted, his answers were full, and struck Tiberius; as approaching Empire and many future revolutions were specifically foretold152 him. The artist was then questioned, "whether he had calculated his own nativity, and thence presaged153 what was to befall him that same year, nay, that very day?" Thrasullus surveying the positions of the stars, and calculating their aspects, began at first to hesitate, then to quake, and the more he meditated154, being more and more dismayed with wonder and dread, he at last cried out, "that over him just then hung a boding155 danger and well-nigh fatal." Forthwith Tiberius embraced him, congratulated him "upon his foresight156 of perils157, and his security from them;" and esteeming158 his predictions as so many oracles159, held him thenceforward in the rank of his most intimate friends.
For myself, while I listen to these and the like relations, my judgment160 wavers, whether things human are in their course and rotation161 determined by Fate and immutable162 necessity, or left to roll at random. For upon this subject the wisest of the ancients and those addicted163 to their Sects164, are of opposite sentiments. {Footnote: The Epicureans.} Many are of opinion "that to the Gods neither the generation of us men nor our death, and in truth neither men nor the actions of men, are of any importance or concernment: and thence such numberless calamities165 afflict166 the upright, while pleasure and prosperity surround the wicked." Others {Footnote: The Stoics167.} hold the contrary position, and believe "a Fate to preside over events; a fate however not resulting from wandering stars, but coeval168 with the first principles of things, and operating by the continued connection of natural causes. Yet their philosophy leaves our course of life in our own free option; but that after the choice is made, the chain of consequences is inevitable169: neither is that good or evil, which passes for such in the estimation of the vulgar: many, who seem wounded with adversity, are yet happy; numbers, that wallow in wealth, are yet most wretched: since the first often bear with magnanimity the blows of fortune; and the latter abuse her bounty170 in baneful171 pursuits." For the rest, it is common to multitudes of men "to have each their whole future fortunes determined from the moment of their birth: or if some events thwart172 the prediction, it is through the mistakes of such as pronounce at random, and thence debase the credit of an art, which, both in ages past and our own, hath given signal instances of its certainty." For, to avoid lengthening173 this digression, I shall remember in its order, how by the son of this same Thrasullus the Empire was predicted to Nero.
During the same Consulship flew abroad the death of Asinius Gallus: that he perished through famine was undoubted; but whether of his own accord, or by constraint174, was held uncertain. The pleasure of the Emperor being consulted, "whether he would suffer him to be buried;" he was not ashamed to grant such a piece of mock mercy, nor even to blame the anticipations175 of casualty, which had withdrawn176 the criminal, before he was publicly convicted: as if during three intermediate years between his accusation and his death, there wanted time for the trial of an ancient Consular, and the father of so many Consulars. Next perished Drusus, condemned by his grandfather to be starved; but by gnawing177 the weeds upon which he lay, he by that miserable178 nourishment179 protracted180 life the space of nine days. Some authors relate that, in case Sejanus had resisted and taken arms, Macro had instructions to draw the young man out of confinement181 (for he was kept in the palace) and set him at the head of the people: afterwards because a report ran, "that the Emperor was about to be reconciled to his daughter-in-law and grandson;" he chose rather to gratify himself by cruelty, than the public by relenting.
Tiberius not satiated with the death of Drusus, even after death pursued him with cruel invectives, and, in a letter to the Senate, charged him with "a body foul182 with prostitution; with a spirit breathing destruction to his own family, and rage against the Republic;" and ordered to be recited "the minutes of his words and actions, which had been long and daily registered," A proceeding183 more black with horror could not be devised! That for so many years, there should be those expressly appointed, who were to note down his looks, his groans184, his secret and extorted185 murmurs186; that his grandfather should delight to hear the treacherous187 detail, to read it, and to the public expose it, would appear a series of fraud, meanness and amazement188 beyond all measure of faith, were it not for the letters of Actius the Centurion189, and Didymus the Freedman; who in them declare, particularly, the names of the slaves set purposely to abuse and provoke Drusus, with the several parts they acted; how one struck him going out of his chamber190, and how another filled him with terrors and dismay. The Centurion too repeated, as matter of glory, his own language to Drusus, language full of outrage12 and barbarity, with the words uttered by him under the agonies of famine; that, at first, feigning191 disorder192 of spirit, he vented193, in the style of a madman, dismal194 denunciations against Tiberius; but after all hopes of life had forsaken195 him, then, in steady and deliberate imprecations, he invoked196 the direful vengeance197 of the Gods, "that as he had slaughtered198 his son's wife, slaughtered the son of his brother, and his son's sons, and with slaughters199 had filled his own house; so they would in justice to the ancestors of the slain200, in justice to their posterity201, doom him to the dreadful penalties of so many murders." The Senators, in truth, upon this raised a mighty din44, under colour of detesting202 these imprecations: but it was dread which possessed them, and amazement, that he who had been once so dark in the practice of wickedness, and so subtle in the concealment203 of his bloody spirit, was arrived at such an utter insensibility of shame, that he could thus remove, as it were, the covert204 of the walls, and represent his own grandson under the ignominious205 chastisement of a Centurion, torn by the barbarous stripes of slaves, and imploring206 in vain the last sustenance207 of life.
Before the impressions of this grief were worn away, the death of Agrippina was published. I suppose she had lived thus long upon the hopes, which from the execution of Sejanus she had conceived; but, feeling afterwards no relaxation208 of cruelty, death grew her choice: unless she were bereaved209 of nourishment, and her decease feigned210 to have been of her own seeking. For, Tiberius raged against her with abominable imputations, reproaching her "with lewdness; as the adulteress of Asinius Gallus; and that upon his death she became weary of life." But these were none of her crimes: Agrippina impatient of an equal lot, and eager for rule, had thence sacrificed to masculine ambition all the passions and vices59 of women. The Emperor added, "that she departed the same day on which Sejanus had suffered as a traitor211 two years before, and that the same ought to be perpetuated212 by a public memorial." Nay, he boasted of his clemency214, in "that she had not been strangled, and her body cast into the charnel of malefactors." For this, as for an instance of mercy the Senate solemnly thanked him, and decreed "that, on the seventeenth of October, the day of both their deaths, a yearly offering should be consecrated215 to Jupiter for ever."
Not long after, Cocceius Nerva, in full prosperity of fortune, in perfect vigour216 of body, formed a purpose of dying. As he was the incessant217 companion of the Prince, and accomplished in the knowledge of all laws divine and humane218, Tiberius having learnt his design, was earnest to dissuade219 him, examined his motives220, joined entreaties, and even declared, "how grievous to his own spirit it would prove, how grievous to his reputation, if the nearest of his friends should relinquish222 life, without any cause for dying." Nerva rejected his reasoning, and completed his purpose by abstinence. It was alleged223, by such as knew his thoughts, that the more he saw into the dreadful source and increase of public miseries224, the more transported with indignation and fear, he resolved to make an honest end, in the bloom of his integrity, e'er his life and credit were assaulted. Moreover the fall of Agrippina, by a reverse hardly credible225, procured that of Plancina. She was formerly married to Cneius Piso; and, though she exulted226 publicly for the death of Germanicus, yet when Piso fell, she was protected by the solicitations of Augusta, nor less by the known animosity of Agrippina. But as favour and hate were now withdrawn, justice prevailed, and being questioned for crimes long since sufficiently227 manifest, she executed with her own hand that vengeance, which was rather too slow than too severe,
In the Consulship of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius, after a long vicissitude228 of ages, the phoenix229 arrived in Egypt, and furnished the most learned of the natives and Greeks with matter of large and various observations concerning that miraculous230 bird. The circumstances in which they agree, with many others, that, however disputed, deserve to be known, claim a recital231 here. That it is a creature sacred to the sun, and in the fashion of its head, and diversity of feathers, distinct from other birds, all who have described its figure, are agreed; about the length of its life, relations vary. It is by the vulgar tradition fixed232 at five hundred years: but there are those, who extend it to one thousand four hundred and sixty-one; and assert that the three former phoenixes233 appeared in reigns234 greatly distant, the first under Sesostris, the next under Amasis; and that one was seen under Ptolomy the third King of Egypt of the Macedonian race, and flew to the city of Heliopolis, accompanied by a vast host of other birds gazing upon the wonderful stranger. But these are, in truth, the obscure accounts of antiquity235: between Ptolomy and Tiberius the interval236 was shorter, not two hundred and fifty years: hence some have believed that the present was a spurious phoenix, and derived237 not its origin from the territories of Arabia, since it observed nothing of the instinct which ancient tradition attributes to the genuine: for that the latter having completed his course of years, just before his death builds a nest in his native land, and upon it sheds a generative power, from whence arises a young one, whose first care, when he is grown, is to bury his father: neither does he undertake it unadvisedly, but by collecting and fetching loads of myrrh, tries his strength in great journeys; and as soon as he finds himself equal to the burden, and fit for the long flight, he rears upon his back his father's body, carries it quite to the altar of the sun, and then flies away. These are uncertain tales, and their uncertainty238 heightened by fables239; but that this bird has been sometimes seen in Egypt, is not questioned.
The same year the city suffered the grievous calamity240 of fire, which burnt down that part of the Circus contiguous to Mount Aventine and the Mount itself: a loss which turned to the glory of the Prince, as he paid in money the value of the houses destroyed. A hundred thousand great sesterces {Footnote: About £830,000.} he expended241 in this bounty, which proved the more grateful to the people as he was ever sparing in private buildings: in truth, his public works never exceeded two, the Temple of Augustus and the scene {Footnote: The stage.} of Pompey's Theatre; nor, when he had finished both, did he dedicate either, whether obstructed242 by old age, or despising popularity. For ascertaining the damage of particulars, the four sons-in-law of Tiberius were appointed, Cneius Domitius, Cassius Longinus, Marcus Vincinus and Rubellius Blandus; assisted by Publius Petronius, nominated by the Consuls. To the Emperor likewise were decreed several honours, variously devised according to the different drift and genius of such as proposed them. Which of these he meant to accept, or which to reject, the approaching issue of his days, has buried in uncertainty. For not long after, Cneius Acerronius and Caius Pontius commenced Consuls; the last under Tiberius. The power of Macro was already excessive; who, as he had at no time neglected the favour of Caligula, courted it now more and more earnestly every day. After the death of Claudia, whom I have mentioned to have been espoused243 to the young Prince, he constrained244 Ennia his own wife to stimulate245 the affections of Caligula and to secure him by a promise of marriage. The truth is, he was one that denied nothing that opened his way to sovereignty; for although of a tempestuous246 genius, he had yet in the school of his grandfather, well acquired all the hollow guises247 of dissimulation248.
His spirit was known to the Emperor; hence he was puzzled about bequeathing the Empire: and first as to his grandsons; the son of Drusus was nearer in blood, and dearer in point of affection, but as yet a child; the son of Germanicus had arrived at the vigour of youth, and the zeal of the people followed him, a motive221 this to his grandfather, only to hate him. He had even debates with himself concerning Claudius, because of solid age and naturally inclined to honest pursuits; but the defect of his faculties249 withstood the choice. In case he sought a successor apart from his own family, he dreaded250 lest the memory of Augustus, lest the name of the Caesars should come to be scorned and insulted. For, it was not so much any study of his, to gratify the present generation and secure the Roman State, as to perpetuate213 to posterity the grandeur251 of his race. So that his mind still wavering and his strength decaying, to the decision of fortune he permitted a counsel to which he was now unequal. Yet he dropped certain words whence might be gathered that he foresaw the events and revolutions which were to come to pass after him: for, he upbraided Macro, by no dark riddle252, "that he forsook253 the setting sun and courted the rising:" and of Caligula, who upon some occasional discourse254 ridiculed256 Sylla, he foretold, "that he would have all Sylla's vices, and not one of his virtues." Moreover, as he was, with many tears, embracing the younger of his grandsons, and perceived the countenance257 of Caligula implacable and provoked; "thou," said he, "wilt258 slay259 him, and another shall slay thee." But, however his illness prevailed, he relinquished260 nothing of his vile38 voluptuousness261; forcing patience, and feigning health. He was wont too to ridicule255 the prescriptions262 of physicians, and all men who, after the age of thirty, needed to be informed by any one else, what helped or hurted their constitutions.
At Rome, the while, were sown the sanguinary seeds of executions to be perpetrated even after Tiberius. Laelius Balbus had with high treason charged Acutia, some time the wife of Publius Vitellius; and, as the Senate were, after her condemnation, decreeing a reward to the accuser, the same was obstructed by the interposition of Junius Otho, Tribune of the People: hence their mutual263 hate, which ended in the exile of Otho. Thereafter Albucilla, who had been married to Satrius Secundus, him that revealed the conspiracy264 of Sejanus, and herself famous for many amours, was impeached of impious rites265 devised against the Prince. In the charge were involved, as her associates and adulterers, Cneius Domitius, Vibius Marsus, and Lucius Arruntius. The noble descent of Domitius I have above declared: Marsus too was distinguished by the ancient dignities in his house, and himself illustrious for learning. The minutes, however, transmitted to the Senate imported, "that in the examination of the witnesses, and torture of the slaves, Macro had presided:" neither came these minutes accompanied with any letter from the Emperor against the accused. Hence it was suspected, that, while he was ill, and perhaps without his privacy, the accusations266 were in great measure forged by Macro, in consequence of his notorious enmity to Arruntius.
Domitius therefore by preparing for his defence, and Marsus by seeming determined to famish, both protracted their lives. Arruntius chose to die; and to the importunity267 of his friends, urging him to try delays and evasions268, he answered, "that the same measures were not alike honourable269 to all men: his own life was abundantly long; nor had he wherewithal to reproach himself, save that he had submitted to bear thus far an old age loaded with anxieties, exposed to daily dangers, and the cruel sport of power; long hated as he was by Sejanus, now by Macro, always by some reigning270 minister; hated through no fault of his own, but as one irreconcilable271 to baseness and the iniquities of power. He might, in truth, outlive and avoid the few and last days of Tiberius: but how escape the youth of his heir? If upon Tiberius at such an age, and after such consummate272 experience, the violent spirit of unbridled dominion273 had wrought274 with such efficacy, as entirely275 to transport and change him; was it likely that Caligula, he who had scarce outgrown276 his childhood, a youth ignorant of all things, or nursed and principled in the worst, would follow a course more righteous under the guidance of Macro; the same Macro, who, for destroying Sejanus, was employed as the more wicked of the two, and had since by more mischiefs277 and cruelties torn and afflicted278 the Commonweal? For himself; he foresaw a servitude yet more vehement279, and therefore withdrew at once from the agonies of past and of impending280 tyranny." Uttering these words, with the spirit of a prophet, he opened his veins281. How wisely Arruntius anticipated death, the following times will terribly demonstrate. For Albucilla; she aimed at her own life, but the blow being impotent, she was by order of Senate dragged to execution in the prison. Against the ministers of her lusts it was decreed, "that Grasidius Sacerdos, formerly Praetor, should be exiled into an island; Pontius Fregellanus be degraded from the Senate; and that upon Laelius Balbus the same penalty be inflicted:" his punishment particularly proved matter of joy, as he was accounted a man of pestilent eloquence283, and prompt to attack the innocent.
About the same time, Sextus Papinius of a Consular family, chose on a sudden a frightful284 end, by a desperate and precipitate285 fall. The cause was ascribed to his mother, who, after many repulses286, had by various allurements287 and the stimulations of sensuality, urged him to practices and embarrassments288 from whence, only by dying, he could devise an issue. She was therefore accused in the Senate; and, though in a prostrate289 posture21 she embraced the knees of the Fathers, and pleaded "the tenderness and grief of a mother, the imbecility of a woman's spirit under such an affecting calamity;" with other motives of pity in the same doleful strain; she was banished290 Rome for ten years, till her younger son were past the age of lubricity.
As to Tiberius; already his body, already his spirits failed him; but his dissimulation failed him not. He exerted the same vigour of mind, the same energy in his looks and discourse; and even sometimes studied to be gay, by it to hide his declension however notorious. So that, after much shifting of places, he settled at the Promontory291 of Misenum, in a villa292 of which Lucullus was once Lord. There it was discovered that his end was at hand, by this device. In his train was a physician, his name Charicles, signal in his profession, one, in truth, not employed to govern the Prince's health, but wont however to afford his counsel and skill. Charicles, as if he were departing to attend his own affairs, under the appearance of paying duty and kissing his hands, touched his pulse. But the artifice293 beguiled294 not Tiberius; for he instantly ordered the entertainment to be served up; whether incensed295, and thence the more smothering296 his wrath, is uncertain: but, at table he continued beyond his wont, as if he meant that honour only for a farewell to his friend. But for all this Charicles satisfied Macro, "that the flame of life was expiring, and could not outlast297 two days." Hence the whole court was filled with close consultations298, and expresses were despatched to the generals and armies. On the 16th of March, so deep a swoon seized him, that he was believed to have paid the last debt of mortality: insomuch that Caligula, in the midst of a great throng299, paying their congratulations, was already appearing abroad, to assume the first offices of sovereignty, when sudden notice came, "that Tiberius had recovered his sight and voice, and, to strengthen his fainting spirits, had called for some refreshment300." Hence dread seized all, and the whole concourse about Caligula dispersed301, every man resuming false sorrow, or feigning ignorance: he himself was struck speechless, and thus fallen from the highest hopes, waited for present death. Macro continued undismayed, and ordering the apartment to be cleared, caused the feeble old man to be smothered302 with a weight of coverings. Thus expired Tiberius in the seventy-eighth year of his age.
He was the son of Nero, and on both sides a branch of the Claudian House; though his mother had been ingrafted by adoptions303 into the Livian, and next into the Julian stock. From his first infancy304, his life was chequered by various turns and perils: for, then he followed, like an exile, his proscribed305 father; and when taken in quality of a step-son into the family of Augustus, he long struggled there with many potent282 rivals, during the lives of Marcellus and Agrippa; next of the young Caesars, Caius and Lucius. His brother Drusus too eclipsed him, and possessed more eminently306 the hearts of the Roman People. But above all, his marriage with Julia, most egregiously307 threatened and distressed308 him; whether he bore the prostitutions of his wife, or relinquished the daughter of Augustus. Upon his return thereafter from Rhodes, he occupied for twelve years the Prince's family, now bereft309 of heirs, and nigh four-and-twenty ruled the Roman State. His manners also varied310 with the several junctures311 of his fortune: he was well esteemed312 while yet a private man; and, in discharging public dignities under Augustus, of signal reputation: covert and subdolous in feigning virtue79 so long as Germanicus and Drusus survived: a mixed character of good and evil during the days of his mother: detestably cruel; but secret in his lewdness, while he loved or feared Sejanus: at last he abandoned himself, at once, to the rage of tyranny and the sway of his lusts: for, he had then conquered all the checks of shame and fear, and thenceforth followed only the bent of his own abominable spirit.
点击收听单词发音
1 consul | |
n.领事;执政官 | |
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2 consuls | |
领事( consul的名词复数 ); (古罗马共和国时期)执政官 (古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长,同时共有两位,每年选举一次) | |
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3 consulship | |
领事的职位或任期 | |
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4 counterfeiting | |
n.伪造v.仿制,造假( counterfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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5 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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6 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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7 solitude | |
n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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8 abominable | |
adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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9 lust | |
n.性(淫)欲;渴(欲)望;vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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10 lusts | |
贪求(lust的第三人称单数形式) | |
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11 outrageously | |
凶残地; 肆无忌惮地; 令人不能容忍地; 不寻常地 | |
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12 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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13 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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14 ingenuous | |
adj.纯朴的,单纯的;天真的;坦率的 | |
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15 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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16 innocence | |
n.无罪;天真;无害 | |
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17 unnatural | |
adj.不自然的;反常的 | |
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18 filthy | |
adj.卑劣的;恶劣的,肮脏的 | |
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19 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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20 lewdness | |
n. 淫荡, 邪恶 | |
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21 posture | |
n.姿势,姿态,心态,态度;v.作出某种姿势 | |
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22 postures | |
姿势( posture的名词复数 ); 看法; 态度; 立场 | |
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23 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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24 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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25 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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26 licentious | |
adj.放纵的,淫乱的 | |
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27 iniquities | |
n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 );极不公正 | |
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28 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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29 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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30 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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31 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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32 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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33 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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34 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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35 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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36 asperity | |
n.粗鲁,艰苦 | |
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37 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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38 vile | |
adj.卑鄙的,可耻的,邪恶的;坏透的 | |
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39 allotted | |
分配,拨给,摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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41 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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42 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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43 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
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44 din | |
n.喧闹声,嘈杂声 | |
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45 debauch | |
v.使堕落,放纵 | |
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46 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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47 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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48 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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49 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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50 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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51 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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52 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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53 snares | |
n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 );圈套;诱人遭受失败(丢脸、损失等)的东西;诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉,诱陷,陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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54 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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55 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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56 impeached | |
v.控告(某人)犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 );弹劾;对(某事物)怀疑;提出异议 | |
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57 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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58 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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59 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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60 perversely | |
adv. 倔强地 | |
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61 construed | |
v.解释(陈述、行为等)( construe的过去式和过去分词 );翻译,作句法分析 | |
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62 wrested | |
(用力)拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 ); 费力取得; (从…)攫取; ( 从… ) 强行取去… | |
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63 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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64 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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65 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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66 random | |
adj.随机的;任意的;n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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67 anguish | |
n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
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68 inaccessible | |
adj.达不到的,难接近的 | |
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69 solitudes | |
n.独居( solitude的名词复数 );孤独;荒僻的地方;人迹罕至的地方 | |
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70 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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71 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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72 avowing | |
v.公开声明,承认( avow的现在分词 ) | |
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73 avenging | |
adj.报仇的,复仇的v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 );为…报复 | |
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74 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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75 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76 indigent | |
adj.贫穷的,贫困的 | |
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77 amends | |
n. 赔偿 | |
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78 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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79 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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80 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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81 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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82 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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83 censor | |
n./vt.审查,审查员;删改 | |
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84 feats | |
功绩,伟业,技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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85 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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86 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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87 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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88 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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89 exigencies | |
n.急切需要 | |
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90 delegation | |
n.代表团;派遣 | |
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91 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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92 consular | |
a.领事的 | |
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93 equestrian | |
adj.骑马的;n.马术 | |
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94 bridle | |
n.笼头,束缚;vt.抑制,约束;动怒 | |
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95 licentiousness | |
n.放肆,无法无天 | |
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96 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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97 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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98 chastisement | |
n.惩罚 | |
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99 insufficient | |
adj.(for,of)不足的,不够的 | |
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100 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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101 chid | |
v.责骂,责备( chide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102 upbraided | |
v.责备,申斥,谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103 ordained | |
v.任命(某人)为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 );授予(某人)圣职;(上帝、法律等)命令;判定 | |
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104 inspection | |
n.检查,审查,检阅 | |
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105 dearth | |
n.缺乏,粮食不足,饥谨 | |
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106 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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107 quelled | |
v.(用武力)制止,结束,镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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109 imputed | |
v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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111 usury | |
n.高利贷 | |
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112 ascertaining | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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113 obsolete | |
adj.已废弃的,过时的 | |
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114 inveterate | |
adj.积习已深的,根深蒂固的 | |
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115 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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116 statutes | |
成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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117 obviating | |
v.避免,消除(贫困、不方便等)( obviate的现在分词 ) | |
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118 expedients | |
n.应急有效的,权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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119 appalled | |
v.使惊骇,使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的;丧胆的 | |
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120 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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121 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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122 debtor | |
n.借方,债务人 | |
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123 debtors | |
n.债务人,借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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124 creditor | |
n.债仅人,债主,贷方 | |
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125 creditors | |
n.债权人,债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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126 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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127 delinquents | |
n.(尤指青少年)有过失的人,违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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128 stagnation | |
n. 停滞 | |
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129 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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130 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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131 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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132 hoarded | |
v.积蓄并储藏(某物)( hoard的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133 miserably | |
adv.痛苦地;悲惨地;糟糕地;极度地 | |
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134 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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135 patrimony | |
n.世袭财产,继承物 | |
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136 pawned | |
v.典当,抵押( pawn的过去式和过去分词 );以(某事物)担保 | |
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137 guise | |
n.外表,伪装的姿态 | |
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138 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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139 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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140 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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141 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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142 groan | |
vi./n.呻吟,抱怨;(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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143 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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144 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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145 orator | |
n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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146 presage | |
n.预感,不祥感;v.预示 | |
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147 sifted | |
v.筛( sift的过去式和过去分词 );筛滤;细查;详审 | |
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148 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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149 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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150 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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151 precipices | |
n.悬崖,峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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152 foretold | |
v.预言,预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153 presaged | |
v.预示,预兆( presage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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155 boding | |
adj.凶兆的,先兆的n.凶兆,前兆,预感v.预示,预告,预言( bode的现在分词 );等待,停留( bide的过去分词 );居住;(过去式用bided)等待 | |
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156 foresight | |
n.先见之明,深谋远虑 | |
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157 perils | |
极大危险( peril的名词复数 ); 危险的事(或环境) | |
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158 esteeming | |
v.尊敬( esteem的现在分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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159 oracles | |
神示所( oracle的名词复数 ); 神谕; 圣贤; 哲人 | |
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160 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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161 rotation | |
n.旋转;循环,轮流 | |
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162 immutable | |
adj.不可改变的,永恒的 | |
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163 addicted | |
adj.沉溺于....的,对...上瘾的 | |
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164 sects | |
n.宗派,教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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165 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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166 afflict | |
vt.使身体或精神受痛苦,折磨 | |
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167 stoics | |
禁欲主义者,恬淡寡欲的人,不以苦乐为意的人( stoic的名词复数 ) | |
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168 coeval | |
adj.同时代的;n.同时代的人或事物 | |
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169 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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170 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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171 baneful | |
adj.有害的 | |
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172 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
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173 lengthening | |
(时间或空间)延长,伸长( lengthen的现在分词 ); 加长 | |
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174 constraint | |
n.(on)约束,限制;限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
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175 anticipations | |
预期( anticipation的名词复数 ); 预测; (信托财产收益的)预支; 预期的事物 | |
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176 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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177 gnawing | |
a.痛苦的,折磨人的 | |
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178 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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179 nourishment | |
n.食物,营养品;营养情况 | |
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180 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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181 confinement | |
n.幽禁,拘留,监禁;分娩;限制,局限 | |
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182 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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183 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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184 groans | |
n.呻吟,叹息( groan的名词复数 );呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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185 extorted | |
v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 );曲解 | |
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186 murmurs | |
n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 );低语声;怨言;嘀咕 | |
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187 treacherous | |
adj.不可靠的,有暗藏的危险的;adj.背叛的,背信弃义的 | |
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188 amazement | |
n.惊奇,惊讶 | |
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189 centurion | |
n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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190 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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191 feigning | |
假装,伪装( feign的现在分词 ); 捏造(借口、理由等) | |
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192 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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193 vented | |
表达,发泄(感情,尤指愤怒)( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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195 Forsaken | |
adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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196 invoked | |
v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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197 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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198 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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199 slaughters | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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200 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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201 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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202 detesting | |
v.憎恶,嫌恶,痛恨( detest的现在分词 ) | |
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203 concealment | |
n.隐藏, 掩盖,隐瞒 | |
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204 covert | |
adj.隐藏的;暗地里的 | |
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205 ignominious | |
adj.可鄙的,不光彩的,耻辱的 | |
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206 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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207 sustenance | |
n.食物,粮食;生活资料;生计 | |
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208 relaxation | |
n.松弛,放松;休息;消遣;娱乐 | |
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209 bereaved | |
adj.刚刚丧失亲人的v.使失去(希望、生命等)( bereave的过去式和过去分词);(尤指死亡)使丧失(亲人、朋友等);使孤寂;抢走(财物) | |
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210 feigned | |
a.假装的,不真诚的 | |
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211 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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212 perpetuated | |
vt.使永存(perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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213 perpetuate | |
v.使永存,使永记不忘 | |
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214 clemency | |
n.温和,仁慈,宽厚 | |
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215 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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216 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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217 incessant | |
adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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218 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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219 dissuade | |
v.劝阻,阻止 | |
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220 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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221 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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222 relinquish | |
v.放弃,撤回,让与,放手 | |
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223 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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224 miseries | |
n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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225 credible | |
adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
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226 exulted | |
狂喜,欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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228 vicissitude | |
n.变化,变迁,荣枯,盛衰 | |
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229 phoenix | |
n.凤凰,长生(不死)鸟;引申为重生 | |
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230 miraculous | |
adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的 | |
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231 recital | |
n.朗诵,独奏会,独唱会 | |
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232 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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233 phoenixes | |
凤凰,长生鸟(神话中的鸟,在阿拉伯沙漠中,可活数百年,然后自焚为灰而再生)( phoenix的名词复数 ); 菲尼克斯 (美国城市) | |
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234 reigns | |
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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235 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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236 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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237 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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238 uncertainty | |
n.易变,靠不住,不确知,不确定的事物 | |
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239 fables | |
n.寓言( fable的名词复数 );神话,传说 | |
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240 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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241 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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242 obstructed | |
阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 ); 堵塞; 阻碍; 阻止 | |
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243 espoused | |
v.(决定)支持,拥护(目标、主张等)( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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245 stimulate | |
vt.刺激,使兴奋;激励,使…振奋 | |
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246 tempestuous | |
adj.狂暴的 | |
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247 guises | |
n.外观,伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观,伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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248 dissimulation | |
n.掩饰,虚伪,装糊涂 | |
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249 faculties | |
n.能力( faculty的名词复数 );全体教职员;技巧;院 | |
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250 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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251 grandeur | |
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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252 riddle | |
n.谜,谜语,粗筛;vt.解谜,给…出谜,筛,检查,鉴定,非难,充满于;vi.出谜 | |
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253 forsook | |
forsake的过去式 | |
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254 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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255 ridicule | |
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
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256 ridiculed | |
v.嘲笑,嘲弄,奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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257 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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258 wilt | |
v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎;(指人)疲倦,衰弱 | |
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259 slay | |
v.杀死,宰杀,杀戮 | |
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260 relinquished | |
交出,让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 ); 放弃 | |
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261 voluptuousness | |
n.风骚,体态丰满 | |
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262 prescriptions | |
药( prescription的名词复数 ); 处方; 开处方; 计划 | |
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263 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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264 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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265 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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266 accusations | |
n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
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267 importunity | |
n.硬要,强求 | |
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268 evasions | |
逃避( evasion的名词复数 ); 回避; 遁辞; 借口 | |
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269 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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270 reigning | |
adj.统治的,起支配作用的 | |
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271 irreconcilable | |
adj.(指人)难和解的,势不两立的 | |
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272 consummate | |
adj.完美的;v.成婚;使完美 [反]baffle | |
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273 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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274 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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275 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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276 outgrown | |
长[发展] 得超过(某物)的范围( outgrow的过去分词 ); 长[发展]得不能再要(某物); 长得比…快; 生长速度超过 | |
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277 mischiefs | |
损害( mischief的名词复数 ); 危害; 胡闹; 调皮捣蛋的人 | |
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278 afflicted | |
使受痛苦,折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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279 vehement | |
adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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280 impending | |
a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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281 veins | |
n.纹理;矿脉( vein的名词复数 );静脉;叶脉;纹理 | |
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282 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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283 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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284 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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285 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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286 repulses | |
v.击退( repulse的第三人称单数 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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287 allurements | |
n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 );吸引;诱惑物;有诱惑力的事物 | |
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288 embarrassments | |
n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 );难堪;局促不安;令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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289 prostrate | |
v.拜倒,平卧,衰竭;adj.拜倒的,平卧的,衰竭的 | |
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290 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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291 promontory | |
n.海角;岬 | |
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292 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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293 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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294 beguiled | |
v.欺骗( beguile的过去式和过去分词 );使陶醉;使高兴;消磨(时间等) | |
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295 incensed | |
盛怒的 | |
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296 smothering | |
(使)窒息, (使)透不过气( smother的现在分词 ); 覆盖; 忍住; 抑制 | |
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297 outlast | |
v.较…耐久 | |
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298 consultations | |
n.磋商(会议)( consultation的名词复数 );商讨会;协商会;查找 | |
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299 throng | |
n.人群,群众;v.拥挤,群集 | |
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300 refreshment | |
n.恢复,精神爽快,提神之事物;(复数)refreshments:点心,茶点 | |
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301 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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302 smothered | |
(使)窒息, (使)透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 ); 覆盖; 忍住; 抑制 | |
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303 adoptions | |
n.采用,收养( adoption的名词复数 ) | |
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304 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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305 proscribed | |
v.正式宣布(某事物)有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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306 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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307 egregiously | |
adv.过份地,卓越地 | |
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308 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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309 bereft | |
adj.被剥夺的 | |
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310 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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311 junctures | |
n.时刻,关键时刻( juncture的名词复数 );接合点 | |
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312 esteemed | |
adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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