We find it recorded, that for celebrating the praises of Paetus Thrasea, Arulenus Rusticus suffered a deadly doom21; as did Herennius Senesce, for those of Helvidius Priscus. Nor upon the persons of the authors only was this cruelty inflicted22, but also upon the books themselves; since to the Triumvirate of Justice orders were sent, that in the Forum23 and place of popular elections, the works of men so illustrious for parts and genius should be burned. Yes, in this very fire they imagined, that they should abolish the voice and utterance25 of the Roman People, with the liberty of the Senate, and all the ideas and remembrances of humankind. For, they had besides expelled all the professors of philosophy, {Footnote: When Vespasian's worthless son "cleared Rome of what most sham'd him:" Domitian banished26 Epictetus, and the other philosophers.} and driven every laudable science into exile, that nought27 which was worthy28 and honest might anywhere be seen. Mighty29 surely was the testimony30 which we gave of our patience; and as our forefathers31 had beheld32 the ultimate consummation of liberty, so did we of bondage33, since through dread34 of informers and inquisitions of State, we were bereft35 of the common intercourse36 of speech and attention. Nay37, with our utterance we had likewise lost our memory; had it been equally in our power to forget, as to be silent.
Now indeed at length our spirit returns. Yet, though from the first dawn of this very happy age begun by the reign38 of Nerva, he blended together two things once found irreconcilable39, public liberty and sovereign power; and though Trajan his adopted successor be daily augmenting40 the felicity of the State; insomuch that for the general security not only hopes and vows41 are conceived, but even firm assurance follows these vows, and their full accomplishment42 is seen; such however is the frailty44 of man and its effects, that much more slow is the progress of the remedies than of the evils; and as human bodies attain45 their growth by tedious degrees, and are subject to be destroyed in an instant, so it is much easier to suppress than to revive the efforts of genius and study. For, upon the mind there steals a pleasure even in sloth46 and remissness47, and that very inactivity which was at first hated, is at last loved. Will it not be found that during a course of fifteen years (a mighty space in the age of mortal man) numbers perished through fortuitous disasters, and all men noted48 for promptness and spirit were cut off by the cruelty of the Emperor? Few we are, who have escaped; and if I may so speak, we have survived not only others but even ourselves, when from the middle of our life so many years were rent; whence from being young we are arrived at old age, from being old we are nigh come to the utmost verge49 of mortality, all in a long course of awful silence. I shall however find no cause of regret from having framed an historical deduction50 of our former bondage, as also a testimony of the public blessings51 which at present we enjoy; though, in doing it, my style be negligent52 and unpolished. To the honour of Agricola my wife's father, this present book is in the meantime dedicated53; and, as 'tis a declaration of filial duty and affection, will thence be commended, at least excused.
A.D. 40. Cnaeus Julius Agricola was born in the ancient and illustrious Colony of Forojulium, {Footnote: Fréjus.} and both his grandfathers were Procurators to the Emperors; a dignity peculiar54 to the Equestrian55 Order. His father Julius Graecinus was a Senator, and noted for eloquence56 and philosophy. By these his virtues, he earned the wrath57 of Caligula. For, he was by him ordered to accuse Marcus Silanus, and put to death for refusing. His mother was Julia Procilla, a lady of singular chastity. Under her eye and tender care he was reared, and spent his childhood and youth in the continual pursuit and cultivation58 of worthy accomplishments59. What guarded him from the allurements60 of the vicious (besides his own virtuous disposition61 and natural innocence) was, that for the seat and nursery of his studies, whilst yet very little, he had the city of Marseilles; a place well tempered and framed, as in it all the politeness of the Greeks and all the provincial62 parsimony63 are blended together. I remember he was wont64 to declare, that in his early youth he studied Philosophy and the Law with more avidity than was allowable to a Roman and a Senator; till the discretion65 of his mother checked his spirit, engaged with passion and ardour in the pursuit. In truth, his superior and elevated genius thirsted, with more vehemence67 than caution, after the loveliness and lustre68 of a name and renown so mighty and sublime69. Reason and age afterwards qualified70 his heat; and, what is a task extremely hard, he satisfied himself with a limited measure of philosophy.
A.D. 59-62. The first rudiments71 of war he learnt in Britain, under that prudent72 and vigilant73 commander Suetonius Paulinus; by whom he was chosen and distinguished74, as his domestic companion. Neither did Agricola behave licentiously76, after the manner of young men, who turn warfare77 into riot; nor assumed the title and office of a Tribune without the sufficiency, in order to use it slothfully in feats of pleasure and absence from duty, but to know the Province, to be known to the army, to learn of such as had experience, to follow such as were worthy and brave, to seek for no exploits for ostentation78, to refuse none through fear, and in all his pursuits was equally zealous79 and active. Indeed at no time had Britain been under greater combustions, nor our affairs there more precarious80. Our veterans were slaughtered82, our colonies burned down, our armies surprised and taken. At that juncture83 the struggle was for life; afterwards, for victory. Now though all these affairs were transacted84 by the counsels and conduct of another than Agricola, and though the stress of the whole, with the glory of recovering the Province, accrued85 to the General; they all however proved to the young man matters of skill, of experience and stimulation86; and there seized his soul a passion for military glory, a spirit disgustful to the times, when of men signally eminent a malignant6 opinion was entertained, and when as much peril87 arose from a great character as from a bad.
A.D. 62-68. Departing from hence to Rome for the exercise of public dignities, he there married Domitia Decidiana, a lady splendid in her descent; and to him, who was aspiring88 to higher honours, this marriage proved a great ornament89 and support. In marvellous unanimity90 they also lived, in a course of mutual91 tenderness and mutual preference; a temper commendable92 in both, only that the praise of a good wife rises in proportion to the contumely of a bad. His lot as Quaestor fell upon Asia, where he had Salvius Titianus for Proconsul. But neither the Province nor the Proconsul corrupted94 his probity96, though the country was very rich, nay, prepared as a prey97 for men corruptly98 disposed; and Titianus, a man bent99 upon all acts of rapine, was ready, upon the smallest encouragement, to have purchased a mutual connivance100 in iniquity101. In Asia he was enriched by the birth of a daughter, tending at once to his consolation103 and the support of his family; for the son born to him before, he very soon lost. The interval104 between his bearing the office of Quaestor and that of Tribune of the People, and even the year of his Tribuneship, he passed in repose105 and inactivity; as well aware of the spirit of the times under Nero, when sloth and heaviness served for wisdom. With the like indolence he held the Praetorship, and in the same quiet and silence. For upon him the jurisdiction106 of that dignity fell not. The public pastimes and the empty gaieties of the office, he exhibited according to the rules of good sense and to the measure of his wealth, in a manner though remote from prodigality107, yet deserving popular applause. As he was next appointed by Galba to make research into the gifts and oblations appertaining to the temples, he proceeded with such diligence and an examination so strict, that the State suffered from no sacrilege save that of Nero.
A.D. 69 and 70. In the year following he suffered a grievous blow in his spirit and family. For, Otho's fleet, which continued roving upon the coast and pursuing rapine, whilst they were ravaging108 Intemelium {Footnote: Vinitimiglia.} (a part of Liguria) slew109 the mother of Agricola upon her estate there, and plundered110 the estate itself with a great part of her treasure, which had indeed proved the cause of the murder. As he therefore went from Rome to solemnise her funeral, he had tidings upon the road that Vespasian was pursuing the sovereignty, and instantly espoused112 his party. In the beginning of this reign all the exercise of power and the government of the city, were entirely113 in the hands of Mucianus; for, Domitian was yet extremely young, and, of the Imperial fortune of his father, assumed nothing further than a latitude114 for debauchery. Mucianus, who had despatched Agricola to levy115 forces, and found him to have acted in that trust with uprightness and magnanimity, preferred him to the command of the twentieth legion; as soon as he was informed, that he who commanded it before was engaged in seditious practices. Indeed that legion had with great slowness and reluctance117 been brought to swear allegiance to Vespasian, nay, was grown over mighty and even formidable to the commanders-in-chief: so that their own commander was found void of authority to control them; though it is uncertain whether from the temper of the man or from that of the soldiers. Thus Agricola was chosen, at once to succeed him, and to punish delinquency in them; and exercising moderation altogether rare, would rather have it thought, that he had found them unblamable than made them so.
A.D. 72. Over Britain at that juncture Vettius Bolanus bore rule, but with more complacency than suited a province so fierce and untamed. Hence Agricola restrained his own heat, and held within bounds the ardour of his spirit, as he was well skilled how to show his obedience118, and had thoroughly119 learned to blend what was honourable120 with what was profitable: soon after this, Britain received for its Governor Petilius Cerialis, one of Consular121 quality. The virtue and abilities of Agricola had now ample space for producing suitable effects. But to him at first Cerialis communicated only the dangers and fatigues122: with him anon he likewise shared the glory; frequently, for trial of his prowess, committed to his conduct a part of the army; sometimes, according to the measure of his success, set him at the head of forces still larger. Nor did Agricola ever vaunt his exploits to blazon123 his own fame. To his general, as to the Author of all, he, as his instrument and inferior, still ascribed his good fortune. Thus from his bravery in the execution of his orders, from his modesty124 in recounting his deeds of bravery, he escaped envy, yet failed not to gain glory.
A.D. 73-78. Upon his return from commanding a legion, the deified Vespasian raised him to the rank of a patrician125, and afterwards invested him with the government of the Province of Aquitaine; a government of the foremost dignity, and given as previous to the Consulship126, to which that Prince had destined127 him. There are many who believe, that to military men subtilty of spirit is wanting; for that in camps the direction of process and authority, is rather rough and void of formality; and that where hands and force are chiefly used, there the address and refinements128 usual to Courts are not exercised. Yet Agricola, assisted by his natural prudence129, though he was then engaged only with men of peace and the robe, acquitted130 himself with great facility and great uprightness. He carefully distinguished the seasons of business and the seasons of recess131. Whenever he sat in Council or upon the Tribunals of justice, he was grave, attentive132, awful, generally addicted133 to compassion134. The moment he had fulfilled the duties of his office, he personated no longer the man of power: he had then cast off all sternness, all airs of State, and all rigour. Nay, what is very rarely to be seen, his complaisance135 neither weakened his authority, nor did his severity make him less amiable136. It were an injury to the virtues of so great a man, to particularise his just dealings, his temperance, and the cleanness of his hands. {Footnote: "Integritatem atque abstinentiam referre."} In truth glory itself was what he pursued, not by any ostentation of bravery, nor by any strain of artifice137 or address; though of that pursuit even the best men are often fond. Thus he was far from maintaining any competition with his equals in station, far from any contest with the Procurators of the Prince: since, to conquer in this contention138 he judged to be no glory; and to be crushed by them were disgrace. His administration here lasted hardly three years, ere he was recalled to the present possession of the Consulship. With this employment there accrued the public opinion, that for his province Britain would be assigned him, from no words which had dropped from him about it, but because he was deemed equal to the office. Common fame does not always err116; sometimes it even directs the public choice. To myself yet very young, whilst he was Consul93, he contracted his daughter, a young lady even then of excellent hopes, and, at the end of his Consulship, presented her in marriage. He was then forthwith promoted to the government of Britain, as also invested with the honour of the Pontificate.
The account which I shall here present of the situation and people of Britain, a subject about which many authors have written, comes not from any design of setting up my own exactness and genius against theirs, but only because the country was then first thoroughly subdued141. So that such matters as former writers have, without knowing them, embellished142 with eloquence, will by me be recounted according to the truth of evidence and discoveries. Of all the islands which have reached the knowledge of the Romans, Britain is the largest. It extends towards Germany to the east, towards Spain to the west. To the south it looks towards Gaul. Its northern shore, beyond which there is no land, is beaten by a sea vast and boundless143. {Footnote: "Belluosus, qui remotis Obstrepit Oceanus Britannis."} Britain is by Livy and Fabius Rusticus, the former the most eloquent144 of the ancient historians, the latter of the moderns, compared in shape to an oblong shield, or a broad knife with two edges. And such in effect is its figure on this side Caledonia, whence common opinion has thus also fashioned the whole. But a tract139 of territory huge and unmeasurable stretches forward to the uttermost shore, and straitening by degrees, terminates like a wedge. Round the coast of this sea, which beyond it has no land, the Roman fleet now first sailed, and thence proved Britain to be an island, as also discovered and subdued the Isles145 of Orkney till then unknown. Thule was likewise descried147, hitherto hid by winter under eternal snow. This sea they report to be slow and stagnate148, difficult to the rowers, and indeed hardly to be raised by the force of winds. This I conjecture149 to be because land and mountains, which are the cause and materials of tempests, very rarely occur in proportion to the mighty mass of water, a mass so deep and uninterrupted as not to be easily agitated150. An inquiry151 into the nature of the ocean and of the tide, is not the purpose of this work, and about it many have written. One thing I would add, that nowhere is the power of the sea more extensive than here, forcing back the waters of many rivers, or carrying them away with its own; nor is its flux152 and ebbings confined to the banks and shore; but it works and winds itself far into the country, nay forms bays in rocks and mountains, as if the same were its native bed.
For the rest; who were the first inhabitants of Britain, whether natives of its own, or foreigners, can be little known amongst a people thus barbarous. In their looks and persons they vary; from whence arguments and inferences are formed. For, the red hair of the Caledonians and their large limbs, testify their descent to be from Germany. The swarthy complexion153 of the Silures, and their hair, which is generally curled, with their situation opposite to the coast of Spain, furnish ground to believe, that the ancient Iberians had arrived from thence here, and taken possession of the territory. They who live next to Gaul are also like the Gauls; whether it be that the spirit of the original stock from which they sprang, still remains154, or whether in countries near adjoining, the genius of the climate confers the same form and disposition upon the bodies of men. To one who considers the whole, it seems however credible155, that the Gauls at first occupied this their neighbouring coast. That their sacred rites156 are the same, you may learn from their being possessed157 with the same superstition158 of every sort. Their speech does not much vary. In daring and dangers they are prompted by the like boldness, and with the like affright avoid them when they approach. In the Britons however superior ferocity and defiance159 is found, as in a people not yet softened160 by a long peace. For we learn from history, that the Gauls too flourished in warlike prowess and renown: amongst them afterwards, together with peace and idleness, there entered effeminacy; and thus with the loss of their liberty they lost their spirit and magnanimity. The same happened to those of the Britons who were conquered long ago. The rest still continue such as the Gauls once were.
Their principal force consists in their foot. Some nations amongst them make also war in chariots. The more honourable person always drives: under his leading his followers162 fight. They were formerly163 subject to Kings. They are now swayed by several chiefs, and rent into factions165 and parties, according to the humour and passions of those their leaders. Nor against nations thus powerful does aught so much avail us, as that they consult not in a body for the security of the whole. It is rare that two or three communities assemble and unite to repulse166 any public danger threatening to all. So that whilst only a single community fought at a time, they were every one vanquished. The sky from frequent clouds and rain is dull and hazy167. Excessive cold they feel not. Their days in length surpass ours. Their nights are very clear, and at the extremity168 of the country, very short; so that between the setting and return of the day, you perceive but small interval. They affirm, that were it not for the intervention169 of clouds, the rays of the sun would be seen in the night, and that he doth not rise and fall, but only pass by: for that the extremities170 of the earth, which are level, yielding but a low shadow, prevent darkness from rising high and spreading; and thence night is far short of reaching the stars and the sky. The soil is such, that except the olive and the vine, and other vegetables, which are wont to be raised in hotter climes, it readily bears all fruits and grain, and is very fertile. It quickly produces, but its productions ripen171 slowly; and of both these effects there is the same cause, the extreme humidity of the earth and of the sky. Britain yields gold and silver, with other metals, all which prove the prize and reward of the Conquerors172. The sea also breeds pearls, but of a dark and livid hue173, a defect by some ascribed to the unskilfulness of such as gather them. For, in the Red Sea they are pulled from the rocks alive and vigorous. In Britain they are gathered at random174, such as the sea casts them upon the shore. For myself; I am much apter to believe, that nature has failed to give the pearls perfection, than that we fail in avarice175. {Footnote: "Ego176 facilius crediderim naturam margaritis de esse; quam nobis avaritiam."}
The Britons themselves are a people who cheerfully comply with the levies177 of men, and with the imposition of taxes, and with all the duties enjoined178 by Government; provided they receive no illegal treatment and insults from their governors: those they bear with impatience179. Nor have the Romans any further subdued them than only to obey just laws, but never to submit to be slaves. Even the deified Julius Caesar, the first of all the Romans who entered Britain with an army, though by gaining a battle he frightened the natives, and became master of the coast; {Footnote: Caesar conquered to the north of the Thames.} yet may be thought to have rather presented posterity with a view of the country, than to have conveyed down the possession. Anon the civil wars ensued, and against the Commonwealth180 were turned the arms of her own chiefs and leaders. Thus Britain was long forgot, and continued to be so even during peace. This was what Augustus called Reason of State, but what Tiberius styled the Ordinance181 of Augustus. That Caligula meditated182 an invasion of Britain in person, is well known: but he possessed a spirit, as precipitate183 and wild, so presently surfeited184 with any design whatever; besides that all his mighty efforts against Germany were quite baffled. The deified Claudius accomplished185 the undertaking186; having thither187 transported the legions, with a number of auxiliary188 forces, and associated Vespasian into the direction of the design: an incident which proved the introduction to his approaching fortune. There, nations were subdued, Kings taken captive, and Vespasian placed to advantage in the eye of the Fates.
The first Governor of Consular quality, was Aulus Plautius, then Ostorius Scapula, both signal in war: and by degrees the nearest part of Britain was reduced into the condition of a Province. To secure it, a colony of veterans was likewise settled. To the British King Cogidunus certain communities were given, a Prince who even till our times continued in perfect fidelity189 to us. For, with the Roman People it is a custom long since received, and practised of old, that for establishing the bondage of nations, they are to employ even Kings as their instruments. Afterwards followed Didius Gallus, and just preserved what acquisitions his predecessors190 had made; only that further in the island he raised some forts, and very few they were, purely192 for the name and opinion of having enlarged his government. Next to Didius came Veranius, and died in less than a year. Then immediately succeeded Suetonius Paulinus, who during two years commanded with success, subdued fresh nations and established garrisons194. Trusting to these he went to assail195 the Isle146 of Anglesey, as a place which supplied the revolters with succours, and thus left the country behind him exposed to the enemy.
For, the Britons, when through the absence of the Governor they were eased of their fear, began to commune together concerning the miseries196 of bondage, to recount their several grievances197, and so to construe198 and heighten their injuries as effectually to inflame199 their resentments200. "Their patience," they said, "availed them nothing, further than to invite the imposition of heavier burdens upon a people who thus tamely bore any. In times past they had only a single King: they were now surrendered to two. One of these the Governor-General, tyrannised over their bodies and lives; the Imperial Procurator, who was the other, over their substance and fortunes. Equally pernicious to their subjects was any variance202 between these their rulers, as their good intelligence and unanimity. Against them the one employed his own predatory bands, as did the other his Centurions203 and their men; and both exercised violence alike, both treated them with equal insults and contumely. To such height was oppression grown, that nothing whatever was exempt205 from their avarice, nothing whatever from their lust24. He who in the day of battle spoiled others, was always stronger than they. But here it was chiefly by the cowardly and effeminate that their houses were seized, their children forced away, and their men obliged to enlist206; as if their country were the only thing for which the Britons knew not how to die. In truth, what a small force would all the soldiers arrived in the island appear; would the Britons but compute207 their own numbers? It was from this consideration that Germany had thrown off the same yoke208, though a country defended only by a river, and not like this, by the ocean. To animate209 themselves to take arms, they had their country, their wives, their parents; whilst these their oppressors were prompted by nothing but their avarice and sensuality: nor would they fail to withdraw from the island, as even the deified Julius had withdrawn210, would the natives but imitate the bravery of their forefathers, and not be dismayed with the issue of an encounter or two. Amongst people like themselves reduced to misery212, superior ardour was ever found, as also greater firmness and perseverance213. Towards the Britons, at this juncture even the Gods manifested compassion, since they thus kept the Roman General at such a distance, thus held the Roman army confined in another island. Nay, already they themselves had gained a point the most difficult to be gained, that they could now deliberate about measures common to all: for, doubtless more perilous214 it were to be discovered forming such counsels, than openly to put them in execution."
When with these and the like reasons they had instigated215 one another, they unanimously took arms under the leading of Boudicea, {Footnote: Boadicea.} a woman of royal descent; for, in conferring sovereignty, they make no distinction of sexes. They then forthwith assailed216 on every side the soldiers dispersed217 here and there in forts, and having stormed and sacked the several garrisons, fell upon the colony itself, as the seat and centre of public servitude: nor was any kind of cruelty omitted, with which rage and victory could possibly inspire the hearts of Barbarians218. In truth, had not Paulinus, upon learning the revolt of the Province, come with notable speed to its relief, Britain had been lost. Yet by the success of a single battle, he reduced the country to its old subjection, though several continued in arms, such namely as were conscious of inciting219 the rebellion, and under personal dread from the spirit of the Governor. He, though otherwise a signal commander, yet treated such as had surrendered themselves in a manner very imperious; and, as one who likewise avenged221 his own particular injury, thence exerted the greater rigour. Insomuch that in his room Petronius Turpilianus was sent, as one whose behaviour would prove more relenting, one who being unacquainted with the delinquencies of the enemies, would be more gentle in accepting their remorse222 and submission223. Turpilianus, when he had quite appeased224 the late commotions225, ventured upon nothing further, and then delivered the Province to Trebellius Maximus. He, still more unwarlike and inactive than his predecessor191, and nowise trained in camps and armies, maintained the tranquillity226 of the Province by a method of softness and complaisance. The Barbarians had now likewise learned to forgive such vices228 as humoured them in pleasure and ease. Moreover, the civil wars which then intervened, furnished a proper excuse for the lazy behaviour of the Governor. But he found himself greatly embarrassed with faction164 and discord229; for that the soldiers, who had ever been inured230 to expeditions and feats in the field, were through idleness grown turbulent and licentious75. Trebellius, by flight and lurking231, escaped the present fury of the army: he afterwards resumed the command, but with an authority altogether precarious, without all spirit and destitute232 of all dignity; as if between him and them articles had been settled, that the soldiers should retain their licentious behaviour, and the General be permitted to enjoy his life. During this mutiny no blood was spilled. Neither did Vettius Bolanus, as the civil war yet subsisted233, exert any discipline in Britain. Towards the enemy there still remained the same sloth and negligence234, with the same insolent235 spirit in the camp: this difference only there was, that Bolanus was a man perfectly236 innocent; and being subject to no hate, as he was free from all crimes, he had instead of authority over them, only gained their affections.
But, when Vespasian had, with the possession of the world, also recovered Britain, in it were seen great commanders, noble armies, and the hopes of the enemy quite abated237, Petilius Cerialis, particularly, at his first entrance, struck them at once with general terror, by attacking the community of the Brigantes, reckoned the most populous238 of the whole Province. There followed many encounters, such as sometimes proved very bloody239. So that he held most part of their country as his conquest, or continued to ravage240 it by war. In truth, though the exploits of Cerialis would have eclipsed the vigilance and fame of any other successor, yet Julius Frontinus sustained in his turn the mighty task; and, as he was a man as great and able as he found scope and safety to be, he by the sword utterly241 subdued the powerful and warlike nation of the Silures; though besides the bravery of the enemy, he was likewise obliged to struggle with the difficulties of places and situation.
A.D. 78. Such was the condition in which Agricola found Britain, such to have been the vicissitudes242 of the war there, upon his arrival about the middle of summer, a time when the Roman soldiers, supposing the service of the season to be concluded, were securely bent upon inaction and repose, as were the enemy upon any opportunity to annoy the Romans. The Community of the Ordovicans had not long before his coming slaughtered, almost entirely, a band of horse stationed upon their confines; and by an essay so notable the Province in general became roused; while such as were intent upon present war, commended the action as an example and a call to the whole, and others were for delaying till they had discovered the spirit of the new Lieutenant-General. Now though the summer was over, though the troops were severed243 and lay dispersed over the Province, though the soldiers had assured themselves of rest for the residue244 of the year (a heavy obstacle and very discouraging to one who is commencing war), nay, though many judged it better only to guard the places which were threatened and precarious; yet Agricola determined245 to meet the danger. Hence drawing together the choice bands of the legions, with a small body of auxiliaries246, he led them against the Ordovicans; and as these dared not descend247 into equal ground, he, who by sharing equal danger, would inspire his men with equal courage, marching in person before his army, conducted them to the encounter upon the ascent248. Almost the whole nation was here cut off; but as he was well aware, that it behoved him to urge and maintain this his fame, and that with the issue of his first attempts all the rest would correspond, he conceived a design to reduce the Isle of Anglesey, a conquest from which Paulinus was recalled by the general revolt of Britain, as above I have recounted. But, as this counsel was suddenly concerted, and therefore ships were found wanting, such was the firmness and capacity of the General, that without ships he transported his men. From the auxiliaries he detached all their chosen men, such as knew the fords, and according to the usage of their country were dexterous250 in swimming, so as, in the water, at once to manage themselves, and their horses and arms. These, unencumbered with any of their baggage, he caused to make a descent and onset251 so sudden, that the enemy were quite struck with consternation252, as men who apprehended253 nothing but a fleet and transports, and a formal invasion by sea, and now believed no enterprise difficult and insurmountable to such as came thus determined to war. Thus they sued for peace and even surrendered the island; and thence Agricola was already considered as a very great and even renowned254 commander: for that, at his first entrance into the Province, a time which other governors are wont to waste in show and parade, or in courting compliment and addresses, he preferred feats of labour and of peril. Nor did he apply this his good fortune and success to any purpose of vainglory: so that upon the bridling255 of such as were vanquished before, he would not bestow256 the title of an expedition or of victory; nor in truth would he so much as with the bare honour of the laurel distinguish these his exploits. But even by disguising his fame, he enlarged it; as men considered how vast must be his future views, when he thus smothered257 in silence deeds so noble.
For the rest; as he was acquainted with the temper of the people in his Province; as he had also learned from the conduct and experience of others, that little is gained by arms where grievances and oppressions follow, he determined to cut off all the causes of war. Beginning therefore with himself and those appertaining to him, he checked and regulated his own household; a task which to many proves not less difficult than that of governing a province. By none of his domestics, bond or freed, was aught that concerned the public transacted. In raising the soldiers to a superior class, he was swayed by no personal interest or partiality, nor by the recommendation and suit of the Centurions, but by his own opinion and persuasion258, that the best soldiers were ever the most faithful. All that passed he would know; though all that was amiss he would not punish. Upon small offences he bestowed259 pardon; for such as were great he exercised proportionable severity. Nor did he always exact the punishment assigned, but frequently was satisfied with compunction and remorse. In conferring offices and employments he rather chose men who would not transgress260, than such as he must afterwards condemn261 for transgressing262. Though the imposition of tribute and of grain had been augmented263, yet he softened it by causing a just and equal distribution of all public burdens; since he abolished whatever exactions had been devised for the lucre264 of particulars, and were therefore borne with more regret than the tribute itself. For, the inhabitants were forced to bear the mockery of attending at their own barns, locked up by the publicans, and of purchasing their own corn of the monopolists, nay, of selling it afterwards back again at a poor price. They were moreover enjoined to take long journeys, and carry grain across the several countries to places extremely distant; insomuch that the several communities, instead of supplying the winter-quarters which lay adjoining, must furnish such as were remote and difficultly travelled, to the end, that what was easy to be had by all, might produce gain to a few.
A.D. 79. By suppressing these grievances immediately in his first year, he gained a high character to a state of peace; a state which, either through the neglect or connivance of his predecessors, was till then dreaded265 no less than that of war. But, upon the coming of summer, he assembled his army; then proceeded to commend such of the men who in marching observed their duty and rank, and to check such as were loose and straggling. He himself always chose the ground for encamping: the salt marshes266, friths, and woods he himself always first examined, and to the enemies all the while allowed not a moment's quiet or recess, but was ever distressing268 them with sudden incursions and ravages269. Then, having sufficiently270 alarmed and terrified them, his next course was to spare them, thus to tempt249 them with the sweetness and allurements of peace. By this conduct, several communities which till that day had asserted a state of equality and independence, came to lay down all hostility271, gave hostages, and were begirt with garrisons and fortresses272, erected273 with such just contrivance and care, that no part of Britain hitherto known escaped thenceforward from being annoyed by them.
The following winter was employed in measures extremely advantageous274 and salutary. For, to the end that these people, thus wild and dispersed over the country, and thence easily instigated to war, might by a taste of pleasures be reconciled to inactivity and repose, he first privately275 exhorted276 them, then publicly assisted them, to build temples, houses and places of assembling. Upon such as were willing and assiduous in these pursuits he heaped commendations, and reproofs277 upon the lifeless and slow. So that a competition for this distinction and honour, had all the force of necessity. He was already taking care to have the sons of their chiefs taught the liberal sciences, already preferring the natural capacity of the Britons to the studied acquirements of the Gauls; and such was his success, that they who had so lately scorned to learn the Roman language, were become fond of acquiring the Roman eloquence. Thence they began to honour our apparel, and the use of the Roman gown grew frequent amongst them. {Footnote: "Inde etiam habitus nostri honor, et frequens toga."} By degrees they proceeded to the incitements and charms of vice227 and dissoluteness, to magnificent galleries, sumptuous278 bagnios, and all the stimulations and elegance279 of banqueting. Nay, all this innovation was by the unexperienced styled politeness and humanity, when it was indeed part of their bondage.
A.D. 80. During the third year of his command, in pursuit of his conquests he discovered new people, by continuing his devastations through the several nations quite to the mouth of the Tay: so the frith is called. Whence such terror seized the foe280, that they durst not attack our army though sorely shaken and annoyed by terrible tempests: nay, the Romans had even time to secure possession by erecting281 forts. It was observed of Agricola by men of experience, that never had any captain more sagely282 chosen his stations for commodiousness283 and situation; for that no place of strength founded by him, was ever taken by violence, or abandoned upon articles or despair. From these their strongholds frequent excursions were made; for, against any long siege they were supplied with provisions for a year. Thus they passed the winter there without all apprehension285: every single fort defended itself. So that in all their attempts upon them the enemies were baffled, and thence reduced to utter despair; for that they could not, as formerly they were wont, repair their losses in the summer by their success in the winter; since now whether it were winter or summer, they were equally defeated. Neither did Agricola ever arrogate286 to himself the glory of exploits performed by others: were he a Centurion204 or were he Commander of a legion, in the General he was sure to find a sincere witness of his achievements. By some he is said to have been over sharp in his reproofs, since he was one who, as to them that were good he abounded287 in courtesy, appeared withal stern and unpleasant to the bad. But from his anger no spleen remained. In him you had no dark reserves, no boding288 silence to fear. More honourable he thought it to give open offence than to foster secret hate.
A.D. 81. The fourth summer was employed in settling and securing what territories he had overrun: indeed would the bravery of the armies and the glory of the Roman name, have suffered it, there had been then found in Britain itself a boundary to our conquests there. For, into the rivers Glota and Bodotria {Footnote: The Clyde and Forth140.} the tide from each opposite sea flows so vastly far up the country, that their heads are parted only by a narrow neck of land, which was now secured with garrisons. Thus of all on this side we were already masters; since the enemy were driven as it were into another island.
A.D. 82. In the fifth year of the war, Agricola passing the Frith, himself in the first ship that landed, in many and successful encounters subdued nations till that time unknown, and placed forces in that part of Britain which fronts Ireland, more from future views than from any present fear. In truth Ireland, as it lies just between Britain and Spain, and is capable of an easy communication with the coast of Gaul, would have proved of infinite use in linking together these powerful limbs of the Empire. In size it is inferior to Britain, but surpasses the islands in our sea. In soil and climate, as also in the temper and manners of the natives, it varies little from Britain. Its ports and landings are better known, through the frequency of commerce and merchants. A petty King of the country, expelled by domestic dissension, was already received into protection by Agricola, and under the appearance of friendship, reserved for a proper occasion. By him I have often heard it declared, that with a single legion and a few auxiliaries Ireland might be conquered and preserved; nay, that such an acquisition were of moment for the securing of Britain, if, on all sides the Roman arms were seen, and all national liberty banished as it were out of sight.
A.D. 83. For the rest; on the summer which began the sixth year of his administration, as it was apprehended, that the nations forward would universally take arms, and that the ways were all infested289 with the enemy's host, his first step was to coast and explore the large communities beyond Bodotria {Footnote: The Forth.} by the means of his fleet, which was from the beginning employed by him as part of his forces, and in attending him at this time made a glorious appearance, when thus by sea and land the war was urged. In truth, the same camp often contained the foot and the horse and the marines, all intermixed, and rejoicing in common, severally magnifying their own feats, their own hazards and adventures: here were displayed the horrors of steep mountains and dismal290 forests; there the outrages291 of waves and tempests. These boasted their exploits by land and against the foe: those the vanquished ocean; all vying292 together according to the usual vaunts and ostentation of soldiers. Upon the Britons also, as from the captives was learned, the sight of the fleet brought much consternation and dismay; as if, now that their solitary293 ocean and recesses294 of the deep were disclosed and invaded, the last refuge of the vanquished was cut off. To action and arms, the several people inhabiting Caledonia had immediate193 recourse, and advanced with great parade, made still greater by common rumour295 (as usual in things that are unknown), for that they daringly assailed our forts, and by thus insulting and defying us, created much fear and alarm. Nay, there were some who covering real cowardice296 under the guise297 of prudence and counsel, exhorted a return to the nether298 side of Bodotria, {Footnote: To retreat south of the Forth.} for that it were more eligible299 to retire back than to be driven. He was apprised300 the while, that the enemy meant to attack him in divers301 bands: so that, as they surpassed him in numbers and in the knowledge of the country, he too divided his army into three parts, and thus marched, to prevent their surrounding him.
As soon as this disposition of his was known to the enemy, they suddenly changed theirs, and all in a body proceeded to fall upon the ninth legion as the least sufficient and weakest of all; and, as the assault was in the night they slew the guards and entered the trenches302, aided by the general sleep or general dismay there. They were already pursuing the fight in the camp itself, when Agricola having from his spies learnt what route the enemy had taken, and closely following their track, commanded the lightest of his foot and cavalry303 to charge them, whilst yet engaged, in the rear, and the whole army presently after to give a mighty shout. Moreover at break of day, the Roman banners were beheld refulgent304. Thus were the Britons dismayed with double peril and distress267; and to the Romans their courage returned. Hence seeing their lives secure, they now maintained the conflict for glory. They even returned the attack upon the enemy: insomuch that in the very gates of the camp a bloody encounter ensued, till the enemy were quite routed; for both these our armies exerted their might, the one contending to show that they had brought relief, the other to appear not to have wanted assistance. Indeed, had not the woods and marshes served for shelter to the fugitives305, by this victory the war had been determined.
By this success, with such valour gained, and followed with such renown, the army was become elated and resolute306. With fierce din102 they cried, "That to their bravery nothing could prove insurmountable. They must penetrate307 into the heart of Caledonia, and advance in a continual succession of battles, till they had at last found the utmost limits of Britain." Thus it was that they, who a little before had been so wary308 and so wise, were now, after the event was determined, grown full of boasts and intrepidity309. Such is the lot of warfare, very unequal and unjust: in success all men assume part: the disasters are all imputed310 to one. Now the Britons, conjecturing311 the victory to proceed not from superior courage, but from circumstances improved and the address of our General, lost nothing of their spirit and defiance, but armed their young men, removed their wives and children into places of security, and in general conventions of their several communities engaged them in a league ratified312 by solemn sacrifices. And thus they mutually retired313 for the winter, with minds on both sides abundantly irritated.
During the same summer, a cohort of Usipians levied314 in Germany and thence transported to Britain, adventured upon a feat9 very desperate and memorable. When they had slain315 the Centurion and soldiers placed amongst them for training them in discipline, and to serve them for patterns and directors, they embarked316 in three pinnaces, forcing the pilots to conduct them; and since one of these forsook317 them and fled away, they suspected and therefore killed the other two. As the attempt was not yet divulged318, their launching into the deep was beheld as a wonder. Anon they were tossed hither and thither at the mercy of the waves: and, as they often engaged for spoil with several of the Britons, obliging them to defend their property thus invaded, in which conflicts they frequently proved victorious319, and were sometimes defeated, they were at last reduced to want so pressing, as to feed upon one another, first upon the weakest, then upon whomsoever the lot fell. In this manner were they carried round about Britain, and having lost their vessels320 through ignorance how to manage them, they were accounted robbers and pirates, and fell into the hands first of the Suevians, afterwards of the Frisians. Nay, as they were bought and sold for slaves, some of them, through change of masters, were brought over to our side of the Rhine, and grew famous from the discovery of an adventure so extraordinary.
A.D. 84. In the beginning of the summer, Agricola suffered a sore blow in his family, by losing his son born about a year before. A misfortune which he neither bore with an ostentation of firmness and unconcern, like many other men of magnanimity, nor with lamentations and tears worthy only of women. Besides that for this affliction, war proved one of his remedies. When therefore he had sent forward the navy, which by committing devastations in several places, would not fail to spread a mighty and perplexing terror, he put himself at the head of his army lightly equipped, and to it had added some of the bravest Britons, such as had been well proved through a long course of peace. Thus he arrived at the Grampian Hills, upon which the enemy were already encamped. For, the Britons, nothing daunted322 by the issue of the former battle, and boldly waiting either to take vengeance323 or to suffer bondage, taught withal at last, that a general union was the best way to repel324 common danger, had by embassies and confederacies drawn211 together the forces of all their communities. Even then were to be seen thirty thousand men in arms, and their youth from every quarter were still continuing to flock in, as were also such of their elderly men as were yet vigorous and hale, they who were signal in war, and now carried with them their several ensigns of honour formerly gained in the field. And now Galgacus, he who amongst their several leaders surpassed all in valour and descent, is said to have spoke325 in this strain to the multitude all very pressing for battle,
"Whenever I contemplate326 the causes of the war, and the necessity to which we are reduced, great is my confidence that this day and this union of yours will prove the beginning of universal liberty to Britain. For, besides that bondage is what we have never borne, we are so beset327 that beyond us there is no further land; nor in truth is there any security left us from the sea whilst the Roman fleet is hovering328 upon our coasts. Thus the same expedient329 which proves honourable to brave men, is to cowards too become the safest of all others, even present recourse to battle and arms. The other Britons, in their past conflicts with the Romans, whence they found various success, had still a remaining source of hope and succour in this our nation. For, of all the people of Britain we are the noblest, and thence placed in its innermost regions, and, as we behold330 not so much as the coasts of such as are slaves, we thus preserve even our eyes free and unprofaned by the sight of lawless and usurped331 rule. To us who are the utmost inhabitants of the earth, to us the last who enjoy liberty, this extremity of the globe, this remote tract unknown even to common fame, has to this day proved the only protection and defence. At present the utmost boundary of Britain is laid open; and to conquer parts unknown, is thought matter of great pomp and boasting. Beyond us no more people are found, nor aught save seas and rocks; and already the Romans have advanced into the heart of our country. Against their pride and domineering you will find it in vain to seek a remedy or refuge from any obsequiousness332 or humble333 behaviour of yours. Plunderers of the earth these, who in their universal devastations finding countries to fail them, investigate and rob even the sea. If the enemy be wealthy, he inflames334 their avarice; if poor, their ambition. They are general spoilers, such as neither the eastern world nor the western can satiate. They only of all men thirst after acquisitions both poor and rich, with equal avidity and passion. To spoil, to butcher, and to commit every kind of violence, they style by a lying name, Government; and when they have spread a general desolation, they call it Peace. {Footnote: "Ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant."}
"Dearest to every man are his children and kindred, by the contrivance and designation of nature. These are snatched from us for recruits, and doomed335 to bondage in other parts of the earth. Our wives and sisters, however they escape rapes336 and violence as from open enemies, are debauched under the appearance and privilege of friendship and hospitality. Our fortunes and possessions they exhaust for tribute, our grain for their provisions. Even our bodies and limbs are extenuated337 and wasted, while we are doomed to the drudgery338 of making cuts through woods, and drains in bogs339, under continual blows and outrages. Such as are born to be slaves are but once sold, and thenceforward nourished by their lords. Britain is daily paying for its servitude, is daily feeding it. Moreover, as in a tribe of household slaves, he who comes last serves for sport to all his fellows; so in this ancient state of slavery to which the world is reduced, we, as the freshest slaves and thence held the most contemptible340, are now designed to destruction. For, we have no fields to cultivate, nor mines to dig, nor ports to make; works for which they might be tempted341 to spare us alive: besides that ever distasteful to rulers is magnanimity and a daring spirit in their subjects. Indeed our very situation, so solitary and remote, the more security it affords to us, does but raise the greater jealousy342 in them. Seeing therefore you are thus bereft of all hopes of mercy, rouse now at last all your courage, both you to whom life is dearest, and you to whom glory. The Brigantes, even under the leading of a woman, burned their colony, stormed their entrenchments, and, had not such success degenerated344 into sloth, might have quite cast off the yoke of slavery. Let us who still preserve our forces entire, us who are still unsubdued, and want not to acquire liberty but only to secure it, manifest at once, upon the first encounter, what kind of men they are that Caledonia has reserved for her own vindication345 and defence.
"Do you indeed believe the Romans to be equally brave and vigorous in war, as during peace they are vicious and dissolute? From our quarrels and divisions it is that they have derived346 their renown, and thus convert the faults of their enemies to the glory of their own army; an army compounded of many nations so different, that as it is success alone which holds them together, misfortunes and disasters will surely dissolve them. Unless you suppose that the Germans there, that the Gauls, and many of the Britons (whom with shame I mention), men who however have been all much longer their enemies than their slaves, are yet attached to them by any real fidelity and affection, whilst presenting their blood to establish a domination altogether foreign and unnatural347 to them all. What restrains them is no more than awe348 and terror, frail43 bonds of endearment349; and when these are removed, such who cease to fear, will immediately begin to manifest their hate. Amongst us is found whatever can stimulate350 men to victory. The Romans have no wives to hearten and to urge them. They have here no fathers and mothers to upbraid351 them for flying. Many of them have no country at all, or at least their country is elsewhere. But a few in number they are, ignorant of the region and thence struck with dread, whilst to their eyes, whatever they behold around them, is all wild and strange, even the air and sky, with the woods and the sea; so that the Gods have in some sort delivered them enclosed and bound into our hands.
"Be not dismayed with things of mere352 show, and with a glare of gold and of silver: this is what can neither wound, nor save. In the very host of the enemy we shall find bands of our own. The Britons will own and espouse111 their own genuine cause. The Gauls will recollect353 their former liberty. What the Usipians have lately done, the other Germans will do, and abandon the Romans. Thereafter nothing remains to be feared. Their forts are ungarrisoned; their colonies replenished354 with the aged66 and infirm; and between the people and their magistrates355, whilst the former are averse19 to obedience, and the latter rule with injustice356, the municipal cities are weakened and full of dissensions. Here you see a general, here an army: there you may behold tributes and the mines, with all the other train of calamities357 and curses ever pursuing men enslaved. Whether all these are to be for ever imposed, or whether we forthwith avenge220 ourselves for the attempt, this very field must determine. As therefore you advance to battle, look back upon your ancestors, look forward to your posterity."
They received his speech joyfully358, with chantings, and terrible din, and many dissonant359 shouts, after the manner of barbarians. Already too their bands moved, and the glittering of their arms appeared, as all the most resolute were running to the front: moreover the army was forming in battle array; when Agricola; who indeed saw his soldiers full of alacrity360, and hardly to be restrained even by express cautions, yet chose to discourse361 to them in the following strain. "It is now the eighth year, my fellow-soldiers, since through the virtue and auspicious362 fortune of the Roman Empire, and by your own services and fidelity you have been pursuing the conquest of Britain. In so many expeditions that you have undertaken, in so many battles as you have fought, you have still had constant occasion either to be exerting your bravery against the foe, or your patience and pains even against the obstacles of nature. Neither, during all these struggles, have we found any cause of mutual regret, I to have conducted such soldiers, or you to have followed such a captain. We have both passed the limits which we found, I those known to the ancient governors, you those of former armies; and we possess the very extremity of Britain, not only in the bruitings of fame and vulgar rumour, but possess it with our camps and arms. Britain is entirely discovered, and entirely subdued. In truth, as the army has been marching, whilst in passing morasses363 and mountains and rivers you have been fatigued364 and distressed365, I was wont to hear every man remarkably366 brave ask, When shall we see the enemy, when be led to battle? Already they are come, roused from their fastnesses and lurking holes. Here you see the end of all your wishes, here scope for all your valour, and all things promising367 and propitious368, if you conquer; but all cross and disastrous369, should you be vanquished. For, as to have thus marched over a tract of country so immense, to have passed through gloomy forests, to have crossed arms of the deep, is matter of glory and applause whilst we advance against the enemy; so if we fly before them, whatever is now most in our favour, will then prove most to our peril. We know not the situation of the country so well as they know it; we have not provisions so abundant as they have: but we have limbs and arms; and in these, all things. For myself; it is a rule long since settled by me, that safety there is none either to the army or to the general, in turning their backs upon the foe. Hence it is not only more eligible to lose life honourably370 than to save it basely, but security and renown both arise from the same source. Neither would it be a fate void of glory to fall in this the utmost verge of earth and of nature.
"Were the people now arrayed against you such as were new to you, were you to engage with bands never before tried, I should animate you by the examples of other armies. At present, only recollect and enumerate371 your own signal exploits, only ask and consult your own eyes. These are they whom but the last year you utterly discomfited372, only by the terror of your shouting, when, trusting to the darkness of the night, they by stealth attacked a single legion. These are they who of all the Britons are the most abandoned to fear and flight, and thence happen thus long to survive all the rest. It is with us as with those who make inroads into woods and forests. As beasts of the greatest strength there, are driven thence by the superior force of such as pursue them, and as the timorous373 and spiritless fly even at the cry of the pursuers: in like manner, all the bravest Britons are long since fallen by the sword. They that remain are only a crowd, fearful and effeminate: nor can you consider them as men whom you have therefore reached, because they have persisted to oppose you, but as such whom you have surprised as the last and forlorn of all, who struck with dread and bereft of spirit, stand benumbed in yonder field, whence you may gain over them a glorious and memorable victory. Here complete all your expeditions and efforts: here close a struggle of fifty years with one great and important day, so that to the army may not be imputed either the procrastination374 of the war, or any cause for reviving it."
Apparent, even whilst Agricola spoke, was the ardour of the soldiers, mighty their transport and applause at the end of his speech, and instantly they flew to their arms. Thus inflamed375 and urging to engage, he formed them so that the strong band of auxiliary foot, who were eight thousand men, composed the centre. The wings were environed with three thousand horse. The legions without advancing stood embattled just without the entrenchment343; for that mighty would be the glory of the victory, were it, by sparing them, gained without spilling any Roman blood; and they were still a sure stay and succour, should the rest be repulsed376. The British host was ranged upon the rising grounds, at once for show and terror, in such sort that the first band stood upon the plain, and the rest rose successively upon the brows of the hills, one rank close above another, as if they had been linked together. Their cavalry and chariots of war filled the interjacent field with great tumult377 and boundings to and fro. Agricola then, fearing from the surpassing multitude of the enemy, that he might be beset at once in the front and on each flank, opened and extended his host. Yet, though thence his ranks must prove more relaxed, and many advised him to bring on the legions, he, who rather entertained a spirit of hope, and in all difficulties was ever firm, dismissed his horse and advanced on foot before the banners.
In the beginning of the onset the conflict was maintained at a distance. The Britons, they who were possessed at once of bravery and skill, armed with their huge swords and small bucklers, quite eluded378 our missive weapons, or beat them quite off, whilst of their own they poured a torrent379 upon us, till Agricola encouraged three Batavian cohorts and two of the Tungrians, to close with the enemy and bring them to an engagement hand to hand; as what was with those veteran soldiers a long practice, and become familiar, but to the enemy very uneasy and embarrassing, as they were armed with very little targets and with swords of enormous size. For, the swords of the Britons, which are blunt at the end, are unfit for grapling and cannot support a close encounter. Hence the Batavians thickened their blows, wounded them with the iron bosses of their bucklers, mangled380 their faces, and, bearing down all who withstood them upon the plain, were already carrying the attack up to the hills: insomuch that the rest of the cohorts, incited381 by emulation382 and sudden ardour, joined with those and made havoc383 of all whom they encountered. Nay, such was the impetuosity and hurry of the victory, that many were left behind but half dead, others not so much as wounded. In the meantime their troops of cavalry took to flight: the chariots of war mingled384 with the battalions385 of foot; and though they had so lately struck terror, were now themselves beset and entangled386 with our thick bands, as also with the unevenness387 and intricacy of the place. Of a combat of cavalry this bore not the least appearance: since here, standing388 obstinately389 foot to foot, they pressed to overthrow390 each other by the weight and bodies of their horses. Moreover the war-chariots, now abandoned and straggling, as also the horses destitute of managers and thence wild and affrighted, were running hither and thither just as the next fright drove them; insomuch that all of their own side, who met them or crossed their way, were beaten down by them.
Now those of the Britons who were lodged391 upon the ridges392 of the hills and had hitherto no share in the encounter, like men yet pressed by no peril looked with scorn upon our forces as but few in number, and began to descend softly and to surround them in the rear, whilst they were urging their victory. But Agricola, who had apprehended this very design, despatched to engage them four squadrons of horse, such as he had reserved near him for the sudden exigencies393 of the field; and by this providence394 of his, the more furiously they had advanced, the more keenly were they repulsed and utterly routed. Thus against the Britons themselves their own devices were turned; and by the order of the General, the squadrons of cavalry which charged in front, wheeled about and assailed the enemy behind. Then in truth, all over the open fields was to be seen a spectacle prodigious395 and tragical396, incessant397 pursuits, wounds and captivity398, and the present captives always slaughtered, as often as others occurred to be taken. Now the enemy behaved just as they happened to be prompted by their several humours. Sometimes they fled in large troops with all their arms, before a smaller number that pursued them: others, quite unarmed, rushed into peril, and desperately399 presented themselves to instant death. On all sides lay scattered400 arms and carcasses, and mangled limbs, and the ground was dyed with blood. Nay, now and then even by the vanquished was exerted notable wrath and bravery. When once they drew near the woods, they rejoined and rallied, and thus circumvented401 the foremost pursuers, such as, without knowing the country, had rashly ventured too far. Whence we must have suffered some notable disaster, from such confidence void of caution, had not Agricola who was assiduously visiting every quarter, ordered the stoutest402 cohorts lightly equipped to range themselves in the form of a toil403 {Footnote: A net or web, to encompass404 them; such as Herodotus describes, for clearing out a vanquished enemy.} to invest them, also some of the cavalry to dismount, and enter the strait passes, and the rest of the horse, at the same time, to beat the more open and passable parts of the woods. Now, as soon as they perceived our forces to continue the pursuit with ranks regular and close, they betook themselves to open flight, in no united bands as before, no one man regarding or awaiting another; but quite scattered, and each shunning405 any companion, they all made to places far remote and desert. What ended the pursuit was night and a satiety406 of slaughter81. Of the enemy were slain ten thousand. There fell of our men three hundred and forty, amongst these Aulus Atticus, commander of a cohort; one by his own youthful heart, as also by a fiery407 horse, hurried into the midst of the enemies.
It was indeed a night of great joy to the conquerors, both from victory and spoil. The Britons, who wandered in despair, men and women uttering in concert their dismal wailings, dragged along their wounded, called to such as were unhurt, deserted408 their houses, nay, in rage even set them on fire; made choice of lurking holes, then instantly forsook them; then met to consult, and from their counsels gathered some hope: sometimes, upon beholding409 their dearest pledges of nature, their spirits became utterly sunk and dejected; sometimes, by the same sight, they were roused into resolution and fury. Nay, 'tis very certain, that some murdered their children and wives, as an act of compassion and tenderness. The next day produced a more ample display of the victory; on all sides a profound silence, solitary hills, thick smoke rising from the houses on fire, and not a living soul to be found by the scouts410. When from these, who had been despatched out every way, it was learnt, that whither the enemy had fled no certain traces could be discovered, and that they had nowhere rallied in bodies; when the summer was likewise passed and thence an impossibility of extending the operations of war, he conducted his army into the borders of the Horestians. After he had there received hostages, he ordered the Admiral of the Fleet to sail round Britain. For this expedition he was furnished with proper forces, and before him was already gone forth the terror of the Roman power: he himself the while led on his foot and horse with a slow pace, that thus the minds of these new nations might be awed411 and dismayed even by prolonging his march through them: he then lodged his army in garrisons for the winter. The fleet too having found a favourable412 sea, entered with great fame, into the harbour of Rhutupium: {Footnote: Supposed to be Sandwich Haven413.} for, from thence it had sailed, and coasting along the nethermost414 shore of Britain, thither returned.
With this course and situation of things Agricola by letters acquainted the Emperor; tidings which, however modestly recounted, without all ostentation, or any pomp of words, Domitian received as with joy in his countenance415, so with anguish416 in his soul: such was his custom. His heart indeed smote417 him for his late mock triumph over the Germans, which he knew to be held in public derision; as to adorn418 it he had purchased a number of slaves, who were so decked in their habits and hair, as to resemble captives in war. But here a victory mighty and certain, gained by the slaughter of so many thousands of the enemy, was universally sounded by the voice of fame, and received with vast applause. Terrible above all things it was to him, that the name of a private man should be exalted419 above that of the Prince. In vain had he driven from the public tribunals all pursuits of popular evidence and fame, in vain smothered the lustre of every civil accomplishment, if any other than himself possessed the glory of excelling in war: nay, however he might dissemble every other distaste, yet to the person of the Emperor properly appertained the virtue and praise of being a great General. Tortured with these anxious thoughts, and indulging his humour of being shut up in secret, a certain indication that he was fostering some sanguinary purpose, he at last judged it the best course, upon this occasion, to hide and reserve his rancour till the first flights of fame were passed, and the affection of the army cooled. For, Agricola held yet the administration of Britain.
To him therefore he caused to be decreed in Senate the triumphal ornaments420, a statue crowned with laurel, with whatever else is bestowed instead of a real triumph, and heightened this his compliment with many expressions full of esteem421 and honour. He directed moreover a general expectation to be raised, that to Agricola was destined the Province of Syria, a Government then vacant by the death of Atilius Rufus, a man of Consular quality, since the same was reserved only for men of illustrious rank. Many there were who believed, that an Imperial freedman, one much trusted with the secret designs of his master, was by him despatched to carry the instrument appointing Agricola Governor of Syria, with orders to deliver it to him, were he still in Britain; that the freedman met Agricola crossing the Channel, and without once speaking to him, returned directly to Domitian. It is uncertain whether this account be true, or only a fiction framed in conformity422 to the character and genius of the Prince. To his successor, in the meantime, Agricola had surrendered the Province now settled in perfect peace and security. Moreover, to prevent all remarks upon the manner of his entry into Rome, from any popular distinction paid him, and any concourse of people to meet him, he utterly declined this observance of his friends, and came into the city by night; and by night, as he was directed, went to the palace. He was there received by the Emperor, with a short embrace, but without a word said; then passed, undistinguished, amongst the crowd of servile courtiers. Now in order to soften161 with other and different virtues the reputation of a military man, a name ever distasteful to those who live themselves in idleness, he resigned himself entirely to indolence and repose. In his dress he was modest; in his conversation courteous423 and free, and never found accompanied with more than one or two of his friends. Insomuch that many, such especially as are wont to judge of great men by their retinue424 and parade, all calculated to gain popular admiration425, when they had beheld and observed Agricola, sought to know whence proceeded his mighty fame: there were indeed but few who could account for the motives of his conduct.
Frequently, during the course of that time, was he accused in his absence before Domitian, and in his absence also acquitted. What threatened his life was no crime of his, nor complaint of any particular for injuries received, nor aught else save the glorious character of the man, and the spirit of the Emperor hating all excellence426 and every virtue. With these causes there concurred427 the most mischievous428 sort of all enemies, they who extolled430 him in order to destroy him. Moreover in the Commonwealth there ensued such times as would not permit the name of Agricola to remain unmentioned: so many were the armies which we had lost in Moesia, in Dacia, in Germany, in Pannonia; all by the wretched conduct of our Generals, either altogether impotent or foolhardy: so many withal were the brave officers, with so many bands of men overthrown431 and taken. Neither was the question and contest now about maintaining the limits of the Empire and guarding the rivers which served for its boundaries, but about defending the standing encampments of the legions and preserving our own territories. Thus, when public misfortunes were following one another in a continual train, when every year was become signal for calamities and slaughters432, Agricola was by the common voice of the populace required for the command of our armies. For, all men were comparing his vigour433, his firmness, and his mind trained in war, with the sloth and timidity of the others. With discourses434 of this strain, it is certain that even the ears of Domitian himself were teased; whilst all the best of his freedmen advised and pressed him to this choice, out of pure affection and duty, as did the worst out of virulence435 and envy; and to whatever appeared most malignant that Prince was ever prone436. In this manner was Agricola, as well through his own virtues as through the base management of others, pushed upon a precipice437 even of glory.
A.D. 90. The year was now arrived when to the lot of Agricola was to fall the Proconsulship of Asia or of Africa: and, as Civica had been lately murdered (even whilst Proconsul of the former Province), Agricola was neither unprepared what course to pursue, nor Domitian unfurnished with an example to follow. It happened too, that certain persons, men apprised of the secret purposes of the Prince, made it their business to accost438 Agricola and ask him, whether he meant in earnest to take possession of his Province. Nay, they began, at first indeed with some reserve, to extol429 a life of tranquillity and repose; anon they proffered439 their good offices to procure440 his demission and excuse: at last, throwing off all disguise, and proceeding441 at once to dissuade442 and to intimidate443 him, they prevailed with him to be carried, with this as his suit, to Domitian. He, already prepared to dissemble his sentiments, and assuming a mien444 of haughtiness445, not only received the petition of Agricola to be excused, but when he had granted it, suffered himself to be presented with formal thanks, Nor was he ashamed of conferring a grace so unpopular and odious284. To Agricola however he gave not the salary which was wont to be paid to Proconsuls, and which he himself had continued to some. Whether he were affronted446 that it was not asked, or whether restrained by his own guilty mind, lest he might seem to have purchased with money what he had hindered by his interposition and power. It is the nature of men, that whomsoever they injure they hate. Now Domitian was in his temper apt to be suddenly transported into rage, and, in proportion as he smothered his vengeance, the more irreconcilable he always certainly proved. Yet by the prudence and moderation of Agricola, he was softened. For, by no contumacy of his, nor by any vain ostentation of a spirit of liberty ill-timed, did he court fame or urge his fate. Let such who are wont to admire things daring and forbidden, know, that even under evil Princes great men may be produced, and that by the means of modesty and observance, provided these be accompanied with application and vigour, they may rise to an equal measure of public estimation and praise with that of many, who through a conduct very stubborn and precipitate, but of no advantage to the Commonweal, have distinguished themselves by dying only to gain a great name.
A.D. 93. Afflicting447 to us his family proved the end of his life, sorrowful to his friends; and even to foreigners and such as knew him not, matter of trouble and condolence. The commonalty likewise, and such people as were void of employment, {Footnote: Or it may be thus translated: "The body of the people though chiefly intent upon such affairs as concerned not the State."—GORDON. Burnouf is better: "Ce peuple, qu'occupent d'autres intérêts."} were not only frequent in their visits to his house, but in all public places, in all particular companies made him the subject of their conversation. Nor, when his death was divulged, was there a soul found who either rejoiced at it, or presently forgot it. What heightened the public commiseration448 and concern, was a prevailing449 rumour that he was despatched by poison. That there was any proof of this, I dare not aver18. Yet it is true, that during the whole course of his illness, Domitian caused frequent visits to be made him, indeed much more frequent than Princes are wont to make, both by his favourite freedmen and most trusty physicians; whether through real concern for his health, or solicitude450 to learn the probability of his death. It is well known that on the day in which he expired, continual accounts were, by messengers purposely placed, every instant transmitted to the Emperor, how fast his end was approaching; and no one believed, that he would thus quicken such tidings, had he been to feel any sorrow from hearing them. In his face however and even in his spirit, he affected451 to show some guise of grief; for, he was now secure against the object of his hate, and could more easily dissemble his present joy, than lately his fear. It was abundantly notorious how much it rejoiced him, upon reading the last will of Agricola, to find himself left joint452 heir with his excellent wife and tender daughter. This he took to have been done out of judgment453 and choice, and in pure honour to himself. So blind and corrupt95 was his mind rendered by continual flattery, as not to know, that to no Prince but a bad one will any good father bequeath his fortune.
Agricola was born on the 13th of June, during the third Consulship of the Emperor Caligula. He died on the 24th of August, during the Consulship of Collega and Priscus, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. If posterity be desirous to know his make and stature454; in his person he was rather genteel and regular than tall. {Footnote: Decentior quam sublimior fuit.} In his aspect there was nothing terrible. His looks were extremely graceful455 and pleasing. A good man you would have readily believed him, and been glad to have found that he was a great man. Nay, though he was snatched away whilst his age was yet in full vigour, if however his life be measured by his glory, he attained456 to a mighty length of days. For, every true felicity and acquisition, namely, all such as arise from virtue, he had already enjoyed to the full. As he had been likewise dignified457 with the Consular and triumphal honours, what more could fortune add to his lustre and renown? After enormous wealth he sought not: an honourable share he possessed. As behind him he left surviving his daughter and his wife, he may be even accounted happy; since by dying whilst his credit was nowise impaired458, his fame in its full splendour, his relations and friends yet in a state of security, he escaped the evils to come. For, as before us he was wont to express his wishes, that he might survive to see this truly blessed Age, and Trajan swaying the sovereignty, wishes which he uttered with presages459 as of what would surely ensue; so it was a wondrous460 consolation attending the quickness of his death, that thence he evaded461 the misery of the latter times, when Domitian, who had ceased to exert his tyranny by starts only and intermissions, was come now to rend201 the Commonwealth by cruelties without all respite462, and to overthrow it as it were by one great and deadly stroke.
For, Agricola saw not the Court of the Senate besieged463, nor the Senate enclosed by armed men, nor the butchery of so many men of Consular dignity, nor the flight and exile of so many ladies of the prime nobility, all effected in one continued havoc. Till then Carus Metius, the accuser, was only considerable for having been victorious in one bloody process; till then the cruel motions of Messallinus rang only within the palace at Alba; {Footnote: A country palace of Domitian.} and in those days Massa Bebius (afterwards so exercised in arraigning464 the innocent) was himself arraigned465 as a criminal. Presently after we, with our own hands, dragged Helvidius to prison and execution: we beheld the melancholy466 doom of Mauricus and Rusticus: we found ourselves besprinkled with the innocent blood of Senecio. Even Nero withheld467 his eyes from scenes of cruelty, he indeed ordered murders to be perpetrated, but saw not the perpetration. The principal part of our miseries under Domitian, was to be obliged to see him and be seen by him, at a time when all our sighs and sorrows were watched and marked down for condemnation468; when that cruel countenance of his, always covered with a settled red, whence he hardened himself against all shame and blushing, served him to mark and recount all the pale horrors at once possessing so many men. Thou therefore, Agricola, art happy, not only as thy life was glorious, but as thy death was seasonable. According to the account of such who heard thy last words, thou didst accept thy fate cheerfully and with firmness, as if thou thus didst thy part to show the Emperor to be guiltless. But to myself and thy daughter, besides the anguish of having our father snatched from us, it proves a fresh accession of sorrow, that we had not an opportunity to attend thee in thy sickness, to solace469 thy sinking spirits, to please ourselves with seeing thee, please ourselves with embracing thee. Doubtless, we should have greedily received thy instructions and sayings, and engraved470 them for ever upon our hearts. This is our woe471, this a wound to our spirit, that by the lot of long absence from thee thou wast already lost to us for four years before thy death. There is no question, excellent father, but that with whatever thy condition required thou wast honourably supplied, as thou wast attended by thy wife, one so full of tenderness for her husband: yet fewer tears accompanied thy course, and during thy last moments somewhat was wanting to satisfy thine eyes.
If for the Manes of the just any place be found; if, as philosophers hold, great spirits perish not with the body, pleasing be thy repose. Moreover, recall us thy family from this our weakness in regretting thee, and from these our effeminate wailings, to the contemplation of thy virtues, for which it were unjust to lament321 or to mourn. Let us rather adorn thy memory with deathless praises and (as far as our infirmities will allow) by pursuing and adopting thy excellencies. This is true honour, this the natural duty incumbent472 upon every near relation. This is also what I would recommend to thy daughter and thy wife, so to reverence473 the memory of a father, and a husband, as to be ever ruminating474 upon all his doings, upon all his sayings, and rather to adore his immortal475 name, rather the image of his mind than that of his person. Not that I mean to condemn the use of statues, such as are framed of marble or brass476. But as the persons of men are frail and perishing, so are likewise the portraitures of men. The form of the soul is eternal, such as you cannot represent and preserve by the craft of hands or by materials foreign to its nature, nor otherwise than by a similitude and conformity of manners. Whatever we loved in Agricola, whatever we admired, remains, and will for ever remain implanted in the hearts of men, through an eternity477 of ages, and conveyed down in the voice of fame, in the record of things. For, many of the great ancients, by being buried in oblivion, have thence reaped the fate of men altogether mean and inglorious: but Agricola shall ever survive in his history here composed and transmitted to posterity.
The End
The End
点击收听单词发音
1 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
2 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
3 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
4 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
5 vanquished | |
v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 );战胜;克服;抑制 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
6 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
7 propensity | |
n.倾向;习性 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
8 feats | |
功绩,伟业,技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
9 feat | |
n.功绩;武艺,技艺;adj.灵巧的,漂亮的,合适的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
10 renown | |
n.声誉,名望 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
11 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
12 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
13 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
14 conscientious | |
adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
15 arrogance | |
n.傲慢,自大 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
16 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
17 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
18 aver | |
v.极力声明;断言;确证 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
19 averse | |
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
20 baneful | |
adj.有害的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
21 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
22 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
23 forum | |
n.论坛,讨论会 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
24 lust | |
n.性(淫)欲;渴(欲)望;vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
25 utterance | |
n.用言语表达,话语,言语 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
26 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
27 nought | |
n./adj.无,零 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
28 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
29 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
30 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
31 forefathers | |
n.祖先,先人;祖先,祖宗( forefather的名词复数 );列祖列宗;前人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
32 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
33 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
34 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
35 bereft | |
adj.被剥夺的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
36 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
37 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
38 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
39 irreconcilable | |
adj.(指人)难和解的,势不两立的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
40 augmenting | |
使扩张 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
41 vows | |
誓言( vow的名词复数 ); 郑重宣布,许愿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
42 accomplishment | |
n.完成,成就,(pl.)造诣,技能 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
43 frail | |
adj.身体虚弱的;易损坏的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
44 frailty | |
n.脆弱;意志薄弱 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
45 attain | |
vt.达到,获得,完成 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
46 sloth | |
n.[动]树懒;懒惰,懒散 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
47 remissness | |
n.玩忽职守;马虎;怠慢;不小心 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
48 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
49 verge | |
n.边,边缘;v.接近,濒临 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
50 deduction | |
n.减除,扣除,减除额;推论,推理,演绎 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
51 blessings | |
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
52 negligent | |
adj.疏忽的;玩忽的;粗心大意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
53 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
54 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
55 equestrian | |
adj.骑马的;n.马术 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
56 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
57 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
58 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
59 accomplishments | |
n.造诣;完成( accomplishment的名词复数 );技能;成绩;成就 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
60 allurements | |
n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 );吸引;诱惑物;有诱惑力的事物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
61 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
62 provincial | |
adj.省的,地方的;n.外省人,乡下人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
63 parsimony | |
n.过度节俭,吝啬 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
64 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
65 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
66 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
67 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
68 lustre | |
n.光亮,光泽;荣誉 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
69 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
70 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
71 rudiments | |
n.基础知识,入门 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
72 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
73 vigilant | |
adj.警觉的,警戒的,警惕的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
74 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
75 licentious | |
adj.放纵的,淫乱的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
76 licentiously | |
adv.licentious(放荡的)的变形 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
77 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
78 ostentation | |
n.夸耀,卖弄 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
79 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
80 precarious | |
adj.不安定的,靠不住的;根据不足的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
81 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
82 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
83 juncture | |
n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
84 transacted | |
v.办理(业务等)( transact的过去式和过去分词 );交易,谈判 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
85 accrued | |
adj.权责已发生的v.增加( accrue的过去式和过去分词 );(通过自然增长)产生;获得;(使钱款、债务)积累 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
86 stimulation | |
n.刺激,激励,鼓舞 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
87 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
88 aspiring | |
adj.有志气的;有抱负的;高耸的v.渴望;追求 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
89 ornament | |
v.装饰,美化;n.装饰,装饰物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
90 unanimity | |
n.全体一致,一致同意 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
91 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
92 commendable | |
adj.值得称赞的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
93 consul | |
n.领事;执政官 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
94 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
95 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
96 probity | |
n.刚直;廉洁,正直 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
97 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
98 corruptly | |
腐败(堕落)地,可被收买的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
99 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
100 connivance | |
n.纵容;默许 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
101 iniquity | |
n.邪恶;不公正 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
102 din | |
n.喧闹声,嘈杂声 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
103 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
104 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
105 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
106 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
107 prodigality | |
n.浪费,挥霍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
108 ravaging | |
毁坏( ravage的现在分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
109 slew | |
v.(使)旋转;n.大量,许多 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
110 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
111 espouse | |
v.支持,赞成,嫁娶 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
112 espoused | |
v.(决定)支持,拥护(目标、主张等)( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
113 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
114 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
115 levy | |
n.征收税或其他款项,征收额 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
116 err | |
vi.犯错误,出差错 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
117 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
118 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
119 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
120 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
121 consular | |
a.领事的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
122 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
123 blazon | |
n.纹章,装饰;精确描绘;v.广布;宣布 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
124 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
125 patrician | |
adj.贵族的,显贵的;n.贵族;有教养的人;罗马帝国的地方官 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
126 consulship | |
领事的职位或任期 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
127 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
128 refinements | |
n.(生活)风雅;精炼( refinement的名词复数 );改良品;细微的改良;优雅或高贵的动作 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
129 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
130 acquitted | |
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
131 recess | |
n.短期休息,壁凹(墙上装架子,柜子等凹处) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
132 attentive | |
adj.注意的,专心的;关心(别人)的,殷勤的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
133 addicted | |
adj.沉溺于....的,对...上瘾的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
134 compassion | |
n.同情,怜悯 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
135 complaisance | |
n.彬彬有礼,殷勤,柔顺 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
136 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
137 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
138 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
139 tract | |
n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
140 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
141 subdued | |
adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
142 embellished | |
v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 );装饰;修饰;润色 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
143 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
144 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
145 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
146 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
147 descried | |
adj.被注意到的,被发现的,被看到的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
148 stagnate | |
v.停止 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
149 conjecture | |
n./v.推测,猜测 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
150 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
151 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
152 flux | |
n.流动;不断的改变 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
153 complexion | |
n.肤色;情况,局面;气质,性格 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
154 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
155 credible | |
adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
156 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
157 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
158 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
159 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
160 softened | |
(使)变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 ); 缓解打击; 缓和; 安慰 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
161 soften | |
v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
162 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
163 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
164 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
165 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
166 repulse | |
n.击退,拒绝;vt.逐退,击退,拒绝 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
167 hazy | |
adj.有薄雾的,朦胧的;不肯定的,模糊的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
168 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
169 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
170 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
171 ripen | |
vt.使成熟;vi.成熟 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
172 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
173 hue | |
n.色度;色调;样子 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
174 random | |
adj.随机的;任意的;n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
175 avarice | |
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
176 ego | |
n.自我,自己,自尊 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
177 levies | |
(部队)征兵( levy的名词复数 ); 募捐; 被征募的军队 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
178 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
179 impatience | |
n.不耐烦,急躁 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
180 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
181 ordinance | |
n.法令;条令;条例 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
182 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
183 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
184 surfeited | |
v.吃得过多( surfeit的过去式和过去分词 );由于过量而厌腻 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
185 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
186 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
187 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
188 auxiliary | |
adj.辅助的,备用的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
189 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
190 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
191 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
192 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
193 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
194 garrisons | |
守备部队,卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
195 assail | |
v.猛烈攻击,抨击,痛斥 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
196 miseries | |
n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
197 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
198 construe | |
v.翻译,解释 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
199 inflame | |
v.使燃烧;使极度激动;使发炎 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
200 resentments | |
(因受虐待而)愤恨,不满,怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
201 rend | |
vt.把…撕开,割裂;把…揪下来,强行夺取 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
202 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
203 centurions | |
n.百人队长,百夫长(古罗马的军官,指挥百人)( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
204 centurion | |
n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
205 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
206 enlist | |
vt.谋取(支持等),赢得;征募;vi.入伍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
207 compute | |
v./n.计算,估计 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
208 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
209 animate | |
v.赋于生命,鼓励;adj.有生命的,有生气的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
210 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
211 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
212 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
213 perseverance | |
n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
214 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
215 instigated | |
v.使(某事物)开始或发生,鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
216 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
217 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
218 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
219 inciting | |
刺激的,煽动的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
220 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
221 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
222 remorse | |
n.痛恨,悔恨,自责 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
223 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
224 appeased | |
安抚,抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 ); 绥靖(满足另一国的要求以避免战争) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
225 commotions | |
n.混乱,喧闹,骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
226 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
227 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
228 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
229 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
230 inured | |
adj.坚强的,习惯的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
231 lurking | |
潜在 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
232 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
233 subsisted | |
v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
234 negligence | |
n.疏忽,玩忽,粗心大意 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
235 insolent | |
adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
236 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
237 abated | |
减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
238 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
239 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
240 ravage | |
vt.使...荒废,破坏...;n.破坏,掠夺,荒废 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
241 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
242 vicissitudes | |
n.变迁,世事变化;变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 );盛衰兴废 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
243 severed | |
v.切断,断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 );断,裂 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
244 residue | |
n.残余,剩余,残渣 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
245 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
246 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
247 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
248 ascent | |
n.(声望或地位)提高;上升,升高;登高 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
249 tempt | |
vt.引诱,勾引,吸引,引起…的兴趣 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
250 dexterous | |
adj.灵敏的;灵巧的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
251 onset | |
n.进攻,袭击,开始,突然开始 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
252 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
253 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
254 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
255 bridling | |
给…套龙头( bridle的现在分词 ); 控制; 昂首表示轻蔑(或怨忿等); 动怒,生气 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
256 bestow | |
v.把…赠与,把…授予;花费 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
257 smothered | |
(使)窒息, (使)透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 ); 覆盖; 忍住; 抑制 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
258 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
259 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
260 transgress | |
vt.违反,逾越 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
261 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
262 transgressing | |
v.超越( transgress的现在分词 );越过;违反;违背 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
263 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
264 lucre | |
n.金钱,财富 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
265 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
266 marshes | |
n.沼泽,湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
267 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
268 distressing | |
a.使人痛苦的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
269 ravages | |
劫掠后的残迹,破坏的结果,毁坏后的残迹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
270 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
271 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
272 fortresses | |
堡垒,要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
273 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
274 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
275 privately | |
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
276 exhorted | |
v.劝告,劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
277 reproofs | |
n.责备,责难,指责( reproof的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
278 sumptuous | |
adj.豪华的,奢侈的,华丽的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
279 elegance | |
n.优雅;优美,雅致;精致,巧妙 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
280 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
281 erecting | |
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
282 sagely | |
adv. 贤能地,贤明地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
283 commodiousness | |
参考例句: |
|
|
284 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
285 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
286 arrogate | |
v.冒称具有...权利,霸占 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
287 abounded | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
288 boding | |
adj.凶兆的,先兆的n.凶兆,前兆,预感v.预示,预告,预言( bode的现在分词 );等待,停留( bide的过去分词 );居住;(过去式用bided)等待 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
289 infested | |
adj.为患的,大批滋生的(常与with搭配)v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 );遍布于 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
290 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
291 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
292 vying | |
adj.竞争的;比赛的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
293 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
294 recesses | |
n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 );(工作或业务活动的)中止或暂停期间;学校的课间休息;某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 );将(墙)做成凹形,在(墙)上做壁龛;休息,休会,休庭 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
295 rumour | |
n.谣言,谣传,传闻 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
296 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
297 guise | |
n.外表,伪装的姿态 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
298 nether | |
adj.下部的,下面的;n.阴间;下层社会 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
299 eligible | |
adj.有条件被选中的;(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
300 apprised | |
v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
301 divers | |
adj.不同的;种种的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
302 trenches | |
深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
303 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
304 refulgent | |
adj.辉煌的,灿烂的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
305 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
306 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
307 penetrate | |
v.透(渗)入;刺入,刺穿;洞察,了解 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
308 wary | |
adj.谨慎的,机警的,小心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
309 intrepidity | |
n.大胆,刚勇;大胆的行为 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
310 imputed | |
v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
311 conjecturing | |
v. & n. 推测,臆测 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
312 ratified | |
v.批准,签认(合约等)( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
313 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
314 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
315 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
316 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
317 forsook | |
forsake的过去式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
318 divulged | |
v.吐露,泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
319 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
320 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
321 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
322 daunted | |
使(某人)气馁,威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
323 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
324 repel | |
v.击退,抵制,拒绝,排斥 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
325 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
326 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
327 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
328 hovering | |
鸟( hover的现在分词 ); 靠近(某事物); (人)徘徊; 犹豫 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
329 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
330 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
331 usurped | |
篡夺,霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
332 obsequiousness | |
媚骨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
333 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
334 inflames | |
v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
335 doomed | |
命定的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
336 rapes | |
n.芸苔( rape的名词复数 );强奸罪;强奸案;肆意损坏v.以暴力夺取,强夺( rape的第三人称单数 );强奸 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
337 extenuated | |
v.(用偏袒的辩解或借口)减轻( extenuate的过去式和过去分词 );低估,藐视 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
338 drudgery | |
n.苦工,重活,单调乏味的工作 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
339 bogs | |
n.沼泽,泥塘( bog的名词复数 );厕所v.(使)陷入泥沼, (使)陷入困境( bog的第三人称单数 );妨碍,阻碍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
340 contemptible | |
adj.可鄙的,可轻视的,卑劣的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
341 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
342 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
343 entrenchment | |
n.壕沟,防御设施 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
344 degenerated | |
衰退,堕落,退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
345 vindication | |
n.洗冤,证实 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
346 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
347 unnatural | |
adj.不自然的;反常的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
348 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
349 endearment | |
n.表示亲爱的行为 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
350 stimulate | |
vt.刺激,使兴奋;激励,使…振奋 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
351 upbraid | |
v.斥责,责骂,责备 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
352 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
353 recollect | |
v.回忆,想起,记起,忆起,记得 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
354 replenished | |
补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 ); 重新装满 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
355 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
356 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
357 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
358 joyfully | |
adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
359 dissonant | |
adj.不和谐的;不悦耳的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
360 alacrity | |
n.敏捷,轻快,乐意 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
361 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
362 auspicious | |
adj.吉利的;幸运的,吉兆的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
363 morasses | |
n.缠作一团( morass的名词复数 );困境;沼泽;陷阱 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
364 fatigued | |
adj. 疲乏的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
365 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
366 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
367 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
368 propitious | |
adj.吉利的;顺利的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
369 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
370 honourably | |
adv.可尊敬地,光荣地,体面地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
371 enumerate | |
v.列举,计算,枚举,数 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
372 discomfited | |
v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词);使狼狈;使挫折;挫败 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
373 timorous | |
adj.胆怯的,胆小的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
374 procrastination | |
n.拖延,耽搁 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
375 inflamed | |
adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
376 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
377 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
378 eluded | |
v.(尤指机敏地)避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 );逃避;躲避;使达不到 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
379 torrent | |
n.激流,洪流;爆发,(话语等的)连发 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
380 mangled | |
vt.乱砍(mangle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
381 incited | |
刺激,激励,煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
382 emulation | |
n.竞争;仿效 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
383 havoc | |
n.大破坏,浩劫,大混乱,大杂乱 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
384 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句: |
|
|
385 battalions | |
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
386 entangled | |
adj.卷入的;陷入的;被缠住的;缠在一起的v.使某人(某物/自己)缠绕,纠缠于(某物中),使某人(自己)陷入(困难或复杂的环境中)( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
387 unevenness | |
n. 不平坦,不平衡,不匀性 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
388 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
389 obstinately | |
ad.固执地,顽固地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
390 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
391 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
392 ridges | |
n.脊( ridge的名词复数 );山脊;脊状突起;大气层的)高压脊 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
393 exigencies | |
n.急切需要 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
394 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
395 prodigious | |
adj.惊人的,奇妙的;异常的;巨大的;庞大的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
396 tragical | |
adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
397 incessant | |
adj.不停的,连续的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
398 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
399 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
400 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
401 circumvented | |
v.设法克服或避免(某事物),回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 );绕过,绕行,绕道旅行 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
402 stoutest | |
粗壮的( stout的最高级 ); 结实的; 坚固的; 坚定的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
403 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
404 encompass | |
vt.围绕,包围;包含,包括;完成 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
405 shunning | |
v.避开,回避,避免( shun的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
406 satiety | |
n.饱和;(市场的)充分供应 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
407 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
408 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
409 beholding | |
v.看,注视( behold的现在分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
410 scouts | |
侦察员[机,舰]( scout的名词复数 ); 童子军; 搜索; 童子军成员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
411 awed | |
adj.充满敬畏的,表示敬畏的v.使敬畏,使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
412 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
413 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
414 nethermost | |
adj.最下面的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
415 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
416 anguish | |
n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
417 smote | |
v.猛打,重击,打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
418 adorn | |
vt.使美化,装饰 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
419 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
420 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
421 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
422 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
423 courteous | |
adj.彬彬有礼的,客气的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
424 retinue | |
n.侍从;随员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
425 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
426 excellence | |
n.优秀,杰出,(pl.)优点,美德 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
427 concurred | |
同意(concur的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
428 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
429 extol | |
v.赞美,颂扬 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
430 extolled | |
v.赞颂,赞扬,赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
431 overthrown | |
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
432 slaughters | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
433 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
434 discourses | |
论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
435 virulence | |
n.毒力,毒性;病毒性;致病力 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
436 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
437 precipice | |
n.悬崖,危急的处境 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
438 accost | |
v.向人搭话,打招呼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
439 proffered | |
v.提供,贡献,提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
440 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
441 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
442 dissuade | |
v.劝阻,阻止 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
443 intimidate | |
vt.恐吓,威胁 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
444 mien | |
n.风采;态度 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
445 haughtiness | |
n.傲慢;傲气 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
446 affronted | |
adj.被侮辱的,被冒犯的v.勇敢地面对( affront的过去式和过去分词 );相遇 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
447 afflicting | |
痛苦的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
448 commiseration | |
n.怜悯,同情 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
449 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
450 solicitude | |
n.焦虑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
451 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
452 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
453 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
454 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
455 graceful | |
adj.优美的,优雅的;得体的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
456 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
457 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
458 impaired | |
adj.受损的;出毛病的;有(身体或智力)缺陷的v.损害,削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
459 presages | |
v.预示,预兆( presage的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
460 wondrous | |
adj.令人惊奇的,奇妙的;adv.惊人地;异乎寻常地;令人惊叹地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
461 evaded | |
逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 ); 避开; 回避; 想不出 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
462 respite | |
n.休息,中止,暂缓 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
463 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
464 arraigning | |
v.告发( arraign的现在分词 );控告;传讯;指责 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
465 arraigned | |
v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 );控告;传讯;指责 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
466 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
467 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
468 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
469 solace | |
n.安慰;v.使快乐;vt.安慰(物),缓和 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
470 engraved | |
v.在(硬物)上雕刻(字,画等)( engrave的过去式和过去分词 );将某事物深深印在(记忆或头脑中) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
471 woe | |
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
472 incumbent | |
adj.成为责任的,有义务的;现任的,在职的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
473 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
474 ruminating | |
v.沉思( ruminate的现在分词 );反复考虑;反刍;倒嚼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
475 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
476 brass | |
n.黄铜;黄铜器,铜管乐器 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
477 eternity | |
n.不朽,来世;永恒,无穷 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
欢迎访问英文小说网 |