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54Vitellius' brother Lucius was present at their discussion, and now displayed his willingness to receive their flattery, but one of Nero's freedmen, called Coenus, suddenly startled them all by inventing the atrocious falsehood that the Fourteenth legion had joined forces with the troops at Brixellum, and that their sudden arrival had turned the fortune of the day: the victorious16 army had been cut to pieces. He hoped by inventing this good news to regain17 some authority for Otho's passports,333 which were beginning to be disregarded. He did, indeed, thus insure for himself a quick journey to Rome, but was executed by order of Vitellius a few days later. However, the senate's danger was augmented18 because the soldiers believed the news. Their fears were the more acute, because it looked as if their departure from Mutina was an official move of the Council of State, which thus seemed to have deserted19 the party. So they refrained from holding any more meetings, and each shifted for himself, until a letter arrived from Fabius Valens which quieted their fears. Besides, the news of Otho's death travelled all the more quickly because it excited admiration.
55At Rome, however, there was no sign of panic. The festival of Ceres334 was celebrated20 by the usual crowds. When it was reported in the theatre on reliable authority that Otho had renounced his claim,335 and 163that Flavius Sabinus,336 the City Prefect, had made all the troops in Rome swear allegiance to Vitellius, the audience cheered Vitellius. The populace decked all the busts21 of Galba with laurel-leaves and flowers, and carried them round from temple to temple. The garlands were eventually piled up into a sort of tomb near Lake Curtius,337 on the spot which Galba had stained with his life-blood. In the senate the distinctions devised during the long reigns22 of other emperors were all conferred on Vitellius at once.338 To these was added a vote of thanks and congratulation to the German army, and a deputation was dispatched to express the senate's satisfaction. Letters were read which Fabius Valens had addressed to the consuls24 in very moderate terms. But Caecina's moderation was still more gratifying: he had not written at all.339
56However, Italy found peace a more ghastly burden than the war. Vitellius' soldiers scattered25 through all the boroughs26 and colonial towns, indulging in plunder27, violence, and rape28. Impelled29 by their greed or the promise of payment, they cared nothing for right and wrong: kept their hands off nothing sacred or profane30. Even civilians31 put on uniform and seized the opportunity to murder their enemies. The soldiers themselves, 164knowing the countryside well, marked down the richest fields and wealthiest houses for plunder, determined32 to murder any one who offered resistance. Their generals were too much in their debt to venture any opposition33. Of the two Caecina showed less greed and more ambition. Valens had earned a bad name by his own ill-gotten gains, and was therefore bound to shut his eyes to others' shortcomings.340 The resources of Italy had long been exhausted34; all these thousands of infantry35 and cavalry36, all this violence and damage and outrage37 was almost more than the country could bear.
57Meanwhile Vitellius knew nothing of his victory. With the remainder of his German army he continued to advance as though the war had just begun. A few of the veterans were left in winter quarters, and troops were hurriedly enlisted38 in the Gallic provinces, to fill up the vacancies39 in what were now mere40 skeleton legions.341 Leaving Hordeonius Flaccus to guard the line of the Rhine, Vitellius advanced with a picked detachment from the army in Britain, eight thousand strong. After a few days' march he received news of the victory of Bedriacum and the collapse42 of the war on the death of Otho. He summoned a meeting and heaped praise on the courage of the troops. When the 165army demanded that he should confer equestrian43 rank on his freedman Asiaticus, he checked their shameful44 flattery. Then with characteristic instability he granted at a private banquet what he had refused in public. This Asiaticus, who was thus decorated with the gold ring, was an infamous45 menial who rose by his vices46.342
58During these same days news arrived that Albinus, the Governor of Mauretania, had been murdered, and both provinces343 had declared for Vitellius. Appointed by Nero to the province of Mauretania Caesariensis, Lucceius Albinus had further received from Galba the governorship of Tingitana, and thus commanded a very considerable force, consisting of nineteen cohorts of infantry, five regiments47 of horse, and an immense horde41 of Moors48, well trained for war by their practice in plunder. After Galba's murder he inclined to Otho's side and, not contented49 with the province of Africa, began to threaten Spain on the other side of the narrow strait. Cluvius Rufus,344 alarmed at this, moved the Tenth legion345 down to the coast as though for transport. He also sent some centurions50 ahead to gain the sympathies of the Moors for Vitellius. The great reputation of the German army throughout the provinces facilitated this task, and they also spread a 166rumour that Albinus was not contented with the title of 'Governor', and wanted to adopt a regal style under the name of Juba. So the sympathies of the army shifted. 59Asinius Pollio, who commanded the local cavalry, one of Albinus' most loyal friends, was assassinated51. The same fate befell Festus and Scipio, who were in command of the infantry.346 Albinus himself embarked53 from Tingitana for Caesariensis, and was murdered as he landed. His wife confronted the assassins and was murdered too. How all this happened Vitellius never inquired. He passed by events of the highest importance after a few moments' attention, being quite unable to cope with serious matters.
On reaching the Arar,347 Vitellius ordered his army to march overland while he sailed down the river. Travelling with no imperial state, he had nothing but his original poverty348 to make him conspicuous54, until Junius Blaesus, Governor of the Lyons division of Gaul, a member of an eminent55 family, whose liberality matched his wealth, provided the emperor 167with a staff and escorted him in person with great courtesy, an attention which proved most unwelcome to Vitellius, although he concealed56 his annoyance57 under the grossest flattery. At Lugdunum he found the generals of both parties awaiting him. Valens and Caecina were openly commended at a public meeting, and given places on either side of the emperor's throne. He then sent the whole army to fetch his infant son,349 and when they brought him wearing a general's uniform, Vitellius took him up in his arms and named him Germanicus,350 at the same time decorating him with all the insignia of his imperial position. The exaggerated honours of these days proved the child's only consolation58 for the evil times which followed.351
60The most energetic of Otho's centurions were now executed, which did more than anything else to alienate59 the armies of Illyricum. The other legions also caught the infection, and their dislike of the German troops made them harbour thoughts of war. Suetonius Paulinus and Licinius Proculus were kept in mourning352 and suspense60, disheartened by delay. When at last their case was heard, their pleas savoured more of necessity than honour. They positively61 claimed credit for treachery, alleging62 that the long march before the battle, the fatigue63 of their troops, and the confusion 168created by the wagons64 in their lines were all due not to chance, but to their own treachery. Vitellius believed their protestations of treason, and acquitted65 them of all suspicion of loyalty66.
Otho's brother, Salvius Titianus, was in no danger. His affection for his brother and his personal inefficiency67 excused him. Marius Celsus was allowed to hold his consulship68.353 But rumour gave rise to a belief which led to an attack being made in the senate against Caecilius Simplex, who was charged with trying to purchase the consulship and to secure Celsus' destruction. Vitellius, however, refused this, and afterwards allowed Simplex to hold the consulship without detriment69 to his conscience or his purse. Trachalus was protected against his accusers by Galeria, Vitellius' wife.354
61With so many of the great in danger of their lives, an obscure creature called Mariccus, of the tribe of the Boii355—it is a sordid70 incident356—endeavoured to thrust himself into greatness and to challenge the armies of Rome, pretending to be a minister of Heaven. This divine champion of the Gauls, as he had entitled himself, had already gathered a force of eight thousand men, and began making overtures357 to the neighbouring 169Aeduan villages. But the chief community of the Aedui wisely sent out a picked force, with some Vitellian troops in support, and scattered the mob of fanatics71. Mariccus was captured in the engagement, and later thrown to wild beasts.358 As they refused to devour72 him, the common people stupidly believed him invulnerable, until he was executed in the presence of Vitellius.
62No further measures were taken against the life or property of the rebels.359 The estates of those who had fallen fighting for Otho were allowed to devolve by will or else by the law of intestate succession. Indeed, if Vitellius had set limits to his luxury, there was no need to fear his greed for money. It was his foul73 and insatiable gluttony. Rome and Italy were scoured74 for dainties to tickle75 his palate: from shore to shore the high roads rang with the traffic. The leading provincials77 were ruined by having to provide for his table. The very towns were impoverished78. Meanwhile the soldiers were acquiring luxurious79 habits, learning to despise their general, and gradually losing their former efficiency and courage.
Vitellius sent a manifesto80 on to Rome in which he declined the title of Caesar, and postponed81 calling himself Augustus without giving up any portion of 170his power. All astrologers360 were exiled from Italy, and rigorous provision was made to restrain Roman knights82 from the disgrace of appearing at the games in the arena83.361 Former emperors had paid, or more often compelled them to do this, and many of the provincial76 towns vied together in hiring the most profligate84 young aristocrats85.
63The arrival of his brother and the growing influence of his tutors in tyranny made Vitellius daily more haughty86 and cruel. He gave orders for the execution of Dolabella, whom Otho, as we have seen,362 had relegated87 to the colonial town of Aquinum. On hearing of Otho's death, he had ventured back to Rome. Whereupon an ex-praetor, named Plancius Varus, one of Dolabella's closest friends, laid information before the city prefect, Flavius Sabinus, maintaining that he had broken from custody88 to put himself at the head of the defeated party. He added that Dolabella had tried to tamper89 with the cohort stationed at Ostia.363 Having no proof of these very serious charges, he repented90 and begged for his friend's forgiveness. But it was too late. The crime was committed. While Flavius Sabinus was hesitating what to do in such a serious matter, Lucius Vitellius' wife, 171Triaria, whose cruelty was altogether unwomanly, terrified him by suggesting that he was trying to get a reputation for mercy at the expense of his emperor's safety. Sabinus was naturally of a kindly91 disposition92, but easily changed under the influence of fear. Though it was not he who was in danger, he was full of alarms, and hastened Dolabella's impending93 ruin for fear of being supposed to have helped him. 64Vitellius, accordingly, from motives95 both of suspicion and of hatred96 (Dolabella had married his divorced wife Petronia), summoned Dolabella by letter to avoid the crowded thoroughfare of the Flaminian road and to turn off to Interamnium,364 where he gave orders for his murder. The assassin found the journey tedious; discovered his victim sleeping on the floor at a wayside inn, and cut his throat. This gave the new government a very bad name. People took it as a specimen97 of what to expect. Triaria's shameless behaviour was further emphasized by the exemplary behaviour of her relative Galeria, the emperor's wife, who kept clear of these dreadful doings. Equally admirable was the character of his mother, Sextilia, a woman of the old school. It was even on record that when her son's first letters were read to her, she said, 'It was no Germanicus,365 but a Vitellius that I brought into the world.' From that time neither the attractions of her high station nor the unanimous flattery of Rome could win her over to complacence. She only shared the sorrows of her house.
65When Vitellius left Lugdunum, Cluvius Rufus366 172relinquished his Spanish province and followed him. He knew that serious charges had been made against him, and his smiling congratulations hid an anxious heart. A freedman of the imperial court,367 Hilarus by name, had given evidence against him, alleging that, when Cluvius heard of the rival claims of Otho and Vitellius, he had endeavoured to set up an independent authority of his own in Spain, and to this end had issued passports with no emperor's name at the head.368 Certain phrases in his speeches were also construed98 as damaging to Vitellius and as a bid for his own popularity. However, Cluvius' influence carried the day, and Vitellius even had his own freedman punished. Cluvius was given a place at court, while still retaining Spain, of which he was absentee governor, following the precedent99 of Lucius Arruntius. In his case, however, Tiberius' motive94 had been suspicion, whereas Vitellius detained Cluvius without any such qualms100.369 Trebellius Maximus370 was not allowed the same privilege. He had fled from Britain to escape the fury of his troops. Vettius Bolanus, who was then about the court, was sent out to take his place.
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66The soldiers of the defeated legions still gave Vitellius a good deal of anxiety. Their spirit was by no means broken. They distributed themselves all over Italy, mingling101 with the victors and talking treason. The most uncompromising of all were the Fourteenth, who refused to acknowledge their defeat. At Bedriacum, they argued, it was only a detachment that had been beaten, the main strength of the legion was not present.371 It was decided102 to send them back to Britain, whence Nero had summoned them, and meanwhile they were to share their quarters with the Batavian irregulars, because of the long-standing feud103 between them.372 Quartered as they were under arms, their mutual104 hatred soon broke out into disorder105.
At Turin373 one of the Batavians was cursing a workman for having cheated him, when a legionary, who lodged106 with the workman, took his part. Each quickly gathered his fellow soldiers round him, and from abuse they came to bloodshed. Indeed, a fierce battle would have broken out, unless two regiments of Guards had sided with the Fourteenth, thus giving them confidence and frightening the Batavians. Vitellius gave orders that the Batavians should be drafted into his army, while the legion was to be marched over the Graian Alps374 by a détour which would avoid Vienne.375 Its inhabitants were another 174cause for alarm.376 On the night on which the legion started they left fires burning all over Turin, and part of the town was burnt down. This disaster, like so many others in the civil war, has been obliterated107 by the greater calamities108 which befell other cities. No sooner were the Fourteenth across the Alps than the most mutinous109 spirits started off to march for Vienne, but they were stopped by the unanimous interference of the better men, and the legion was shipped across to Britain.
67Vitellius' next cause of anxiety was the Guards. At first they were quartered apart, and then, appeased111 by an honourable112 discharge,377 they gave up their arms to their officers. But when the news went round of the war with Vespasian, they enlisted again and formed the main strength of the Flavian party.
The First legion of marines was sent to Spain to cultivate docility113 in peace and quiet. The Eleventh and the Seventh were sent back to their winter quarters.378 The Thirteenth were set to work to build amphitheatres. For Caecina at Cremona and Valens at Bononia were each preparing to give a gladiatorial show. Vitellius never let his anxieties interfere110 with his pleasures.
68The losing party being thus dispersed114 by peaceful means, disorder broke out in the victorious camp. 175It originated in sport, but the number of deaths increased the feeling against Vitellius. He had invited Verginius to dine with him at Ticinum, and they had just sat down to table. The conduct of officers is always determined by the behaviour of their generals; it depends on that whether they adopt the simple life or indulge their taste for riotous115 living;379 this again determines whether the troops are smart or disorderly. In Vitellius' army disorder and drunkenness were universal: it was more like a midnight orgy380 than a properly disciplined camp. So it happened that two of the soldiers, one belonging to the Fifth legion, the other to the Gallic auxiliaries116, in a drunken frolic challenged each other to wrestle117. The legionary fell; and when the Gaul began to exult118 over him, the soldiers who had gathered round took sides, and the legionaries, breaking out against the auxiliaries with murderous intent, actually cut to pieces a couple of cohorts. This commotion119 was only cured by another. A cloud of dust and the glitter of arms appeared on the horizon. Suddenly a cry arose that the Fourteenth had turned back and were marching on them. However, it was their own rear-guard bringing up the stragglers. This discovery quieted their alarm. Meanwhile, coming across one of Verginius' slaves, they 176charged him with intending to assassinate52 Vitellius, and rushed off to the banquet clamouring for Verginius' head. No one really doubted his innocence120, not even Vitellius, who always quailed121 at a breath of suspicion. Yet, though it was the death of an ex-consul, their own former general, which they demanded, it was with difficulty that they were quieted. No one was a target for these outbreaks so often as Verginius. He still retained the admiration and esteem122 of the men, but they hated him for disdaining123 their offer.381
69On the next day Vitellius granted an audience to the deputation of the senate, which he had told to await him at Ticinum. He then entered the camp and spontaneously complimented the troops on their devotion to him.382 This made the auxiliaries grumble124 at the growing licence and impunity125 allowed to the legions. So the Batavians, for fear of some desperate outbreak, were sent back to Germany, where Fortune was contriving126 for us a war that was at once both civil and foreign.383 The Gallic auxiliaries were also sent home. Their numbers were very large, and had been used at the first outbreak of the rebellion for an empty parade of force. Indeed, the imperial finances were already embarrassed by the distribution of largess, to meet the expenses of which Vitellius gave orders for 177depleting the strength of the legions and auxiliaries. Recruiting was forbidden, and discharges offered without restriction127. This policy was disastrous128 for the country and unpopular among the soldiers, who found that their turn for work and danger came round all the more frequently, now that there were so few to share the duties. Besides, their efficiency was demoralized by luxury. Nothing was left of the old-fashioned discipline and the good rules of our ancestors, who preferred to base the security of Rome on character and not on money.
70Leaving Ticinum Vitellius turned off to Cremona. There he witnessed Caecina's games and conceived a wish to stand upon the field of Bedriacum, and to see the traces of the recent victory with his own eyes. Within six weeks of the battle, it was a disgusting and horrible sight; mangled129 bodies, mutilated limbs, rotting carcasses of men and horses, the ground foul with clotted130 blood. Trees and crops all trampled131 down: the country-side a miserable132 waste. No less revolting to all human feeling was the stretch of road which the people of Cremona had strewn with laurel-leaves and roses, erecting133 altars and sacrificing victims as if in honour of an Oriental despot.384 The rejoicings of the moment soon turned to their destruction.385 Valens and Caecina were in attendance and showed Vitellius over the battle-field: this was where their 178legions had charged: the cavalry took the field from here: this was where the auxiliaries were outflanked. The various officers386 each praised their own exploits, adding a few false or, at any rate, exaggerated touches. The common soldiers, too, turned gaily134 shouting from the high road to inspect the scene of their great struggle, gazing with wonder at the huge pile of arms and heaps of bodies.387 There were a few who reflected with tears of pity on the shifting chances of life. But Vitellius never took his eyes off the field: never shuddered135 at the sight of all these thousands of Roman citizens lying unburied.388 On the contrary, he was very well pleased, and, unconscious of his own impending doom136, he offered a sacrifice to the local deities137.
71They next came to Bononia, where Fabius Valens gave a gladiatorial show, for which he had all the apparatus138 brought from Rome. The nearer they drew to the city, the greater became the disorder of the march, which was now joined by troops of actors, eunuchs and the like, all in the true spirit of Nero's court. For Vitellius always had a great personal admiration for Nero. He used to follow him about to hear him sing, not under compulsion—many a decent 179man suffered that fate—but because he was the slave of his stomach, and had sold himself to luxury.
To secure a few months of office for Valens and Caecina, the other consuls of the year389 had their terms shortened, while Martius Macer's claim was ignored as belonging to Otho's party. Valerius Marinus, who had been nominated by Galba, had his term postponed, not for any offence, but because he was a mild creature and too lazy to resent an injury. The name of Pedanius Costa was omitted altogether. Vitellius had never forgiven him for rising against Nero and instigating139 Verginius. However, he alleged140 other reasons. They all had to observe the servile custom of the time, and offer their thanks to Vitellius.
72An imposture141, received at first with great excitement, failed to last more than a few days. A man had appeared who gave out that he was Scribonianus Camerinus,390 and that during Nero's reign23 he had taken refuge in Histria, where the Crassi still had their old connexions and estates, and their name was much respected. He accordingly took all the rascals142 he could find and cast them for parts. The credulous143 mob and some of the soldiers, who were either victims of the imposture or anxious for a riot, eagerly flocked to join him. However, he was taken before Vitellius and his 180identity examined. When it was found that there was no truth in his pretensions144, and that his master recognized him as a runaway145 called Geta, he suffered the execution of a slave.
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1 heed | |
v.注意,留意;n.注意,留心 | |
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2 rumour | |
n.谣言,谣传,传闻 | |
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n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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n.借口,托词 | |
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5 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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6 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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7 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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8 ambiguity | |
n.模棱两可;意义不明确 | |
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9 loathing | |
n.厌恶,憎恨v.憎恨,厌恶( loathe的现在分词);极不喜欢 | |
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10 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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11 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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12 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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13 renounced | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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14 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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15 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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16 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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17 regain | |
vt.重新获得,收复,恢复 | |
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18 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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19 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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20 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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21 busts | |
半身雕塑像( bust的名词复数 ); 妇女的胸部; 胸围; 突击搜捕 | |
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22 reigns | |
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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23 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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24 consuls | |
领事( consul的名词复数 ); (古罗马共和国时期)执政官 (古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长,同时共有两位,每年选举一次) | |
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adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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26 boroughs | |
(尤指大伦敦的)行政区( borough的名词复数 ); 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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27 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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28 rape | |
n.抢夺,掠夺,强奸;vt.掠夺,抢夺,强奸 | |
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29 impelled | |
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30 profane | |
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34 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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35 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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36 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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37 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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38 enlisted | |
adj.应募入伍的v.(使)入伍, (使)参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 );获得(帮助或支持) | |
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n.空房间( vacancy的名词复数 );空虚;空白;空缺 | |
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adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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41 horde | |
n.群众,一大群 | |
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vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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43 equestrian | |
adj.骑马的;n.马术 | |
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44 shameful | |
adj.可耻的,不道德的 | |
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45 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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46 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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47 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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v.停泊,系泊(船只)( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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51 assassinated | |
v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 );中伤;诋毁;破坏 | |
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52 assassinate | |
vt.暗杀,行刺,中伤 | |
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53 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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54 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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55 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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56 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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57 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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58 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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59 alienate | |
vt.使疏远,离间;转让(财产等) | |
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60 suspense | |
n.(对可能发生的事)紧张感,担心,挂虑 | |
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61 positively | |
adv.明确地,断然,坚决地;实在,确实 | |
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62 alleging | |
断言,宣称,辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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63 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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64 wagons | |
n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 );铁路货车;小手推车 | |
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65 acquitted | |
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
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66 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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67 inefficiency | |
n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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68 consulship | |
领事的职位或任期 | |
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69 detriment | |
n.损害;损害物,造成损害的根源 | |
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70 sordid | |
adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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71 fanatics | |
狂热者,入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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72 devour | |
v.吞没;贪婪地注视或谛听,贪读;使着迷 | |
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73 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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74 scoured | |
走遍(某地)搜寻(人或物)( scour的过去式和过去分词 ); (用力)刷; 擦净; 擦亮 | |
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75 tickle | |
v.搔痒,胳肢;使高兴;发痒;n.搔痒,发痒 | |
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76 provincial | |
adj.省的,地方的;n.外省人,乡下人 | |
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77 provincials | |
n.首都以外的人,地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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78 impoverished | |
adj.穷困的,无力的,用尽了的v.使(某人)贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 );使(某物)贫瘠或恶化 | |
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79 luxurious | |
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
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80 manifesto | |
n.宣言,声明 | |
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81 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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82 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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83 arena | |
n.竞技场,运动场所;竞争场所,舞台 | |
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84 profligate | |
adj.行为不检的;n.放荡的人,浪子,肆意挥霍者 | |
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85 aristocrats | |
n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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86 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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87 relegated | |
v.使降级( relegate的过去式和过去分词 );使降职;转移;把…归类 | |
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88 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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89 tamper | |
v.干预,玩弄,贿赂,窜改,削弱,损害 | |
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90 repented | |
对(自己的所为)感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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92 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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93 impending | |
a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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94 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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95 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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96 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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97 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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98 construed | |
v.解释(陈述、行为等)( construe的过去式和过去分词 );翻译,作句法分析 | |
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99 precedent | |
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
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100 qualms | |
n.不安;内疚 | |
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101 mingling | |
adj.混合的 | |
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102 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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103 feud | |
n.长期不和;世仇;v.长期争斗;世代结仇 | |
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104 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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105 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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106 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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107 obliterated | |
v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 );涂去;擦掉;彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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108 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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109 mutinous | |
adj.叛变的,反抗的;adv.反抗地,叛变地;n.反抗,叛变 | |
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110 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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111 appeased | |
安抚,抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 ); 绥靖(满足另一国的要求以避免战争) | |
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112 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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113 docility | |
n.容易教,易驾驶,驯服 | |
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114 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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115 riotous | |
adj.骚乱的;狂欢的 | |
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116 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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117 wrestle | |
vi.摔跤,角力;搏斗;全力对付 | |
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118 exult | |
v.狂喜,欢腾;欢欣鼓舞 | |
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119 commotion | |
n.骚动,动乱 | |
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120 innocence | |
n.无罪;天真;无害 | |
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121 quailed | |
害怕,发抖,畏缩( quail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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123 disdaining | |
鄙视( disdain的现在分词 ); 不屑于做,不愿意做 | |
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124 grumble | |
vi.抱怨;咕哝;n.抱怨,牢骚;咕哝,隆隆声 | |
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125 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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126 contriving | |
(不顾困难地)促成某事( contrive的现在分词 ); 巧妙地策划,精巧地制造(如机器); 设法做到 | |
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127 restriction | |
n.限制,约束 | |
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128 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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129 mangled | |
vt.乱砍(mangle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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130 clotted | |
adj.凝结的v.凝固( clot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131 trampled | |
踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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132 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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133 erecting | |
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
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134 gaily | |
adv.欢乐地,高兴地 | |
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135 shuddered | |
v.战栗( shudder的过去式和过去分词 );发抖;(机器、车辆等)突然震动;颤动 | |
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136 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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137 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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138 apparatus | |
n.装置,器械;器具,设备 | |
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139 instigating | |
v.使(某事物)开始或发生,鼓动( instigate的现在分词 ) | |
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140 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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141 imposture | |
n.冒名顶替,欺骗 | |
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142 rascals | |
流氓( rascal的名词复数 ); 无赖; (开玩笑说法)淘气的人(尤指小孩); 恶作剧的人 | |
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143 credulous | |
adj.轻信的,易信的 | |
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144 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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145 runaway | |
n.逃走的人,逃亡,亡命者;adj.逃亡的,逃走的 | |
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