74Vespasian, on the other hand, was meditating3 war and reckoning all his forces both distant and near at hand. He had so much attached his troops to himself, that when he dictated4 to them the oath of allegiance and prayed that 'all might be well' with Vitellius, they listened in silence. Mucianus' feelings were not hostile to him, and were strongly sympathetic to Titus. Tiberius Alexander,392 the Governor of Egypt, had made common cause with him. The Third legion,393 since it had crossed from Syria into Moesia, he could reckon as his own, and there was good hope that the other legions of Illyria would follow its lead.394 The whole 181army, indeed, was incensed5 at the arrogance6 of Vitellius' soldiers: truculent7 in appearance and rough of tongue, they scoffed8 at all the other troops as their inferiors. But a war of such magnitude demands delay. High as were his hopes, Vespasian often calculated his risks. He realized that it would be a critical day for him when he committed his sixty summers and his two young sons to the chances of war. In his private ambitions a man may feel his way and take less or more from fortune's hands according as he feels inclined, but when one covets9 a throne there is no alternative between the zenith of success and headlong ruin. 75Moreover, he always kept in view the strength of the German army, which, as a soldier, he realized. His own legions, he knew, had no experience of civil war, while Vitellius' troops were fresh from victory: and the defeated party were richer in grievances10 than in troops. Civil strife11 had undermined the loyalty12 of the troops: there was danger in each single man. What would be the good of all his horse and foot, if one or two traitors13 should seek the reward the enemy offered and assassinate14 him then and there? It was thus that Scribonianus395 had been killed in Claudius' reign15, and his murderer, Volaginius, raised from a common soldier to the highest rank. It is easier to move men in the mass than to take precautions against them singly.
76These anxieties made Vespasian hesitate. Meanwhile the other generals and his friends continued to 182encourage him. At last Mucianus after several private interviews went so far as to address him in public. 'Everybody,' he said, 'who plans some great exploit is bound to consider whether his enterprise serves both the public interest and his own reputation, and whether it is easily practicable or, at any rate, not impossible. He must also weigh the advice which he gets. Are those who offer it ready to run the risk themselves? And, if fortune favours, who gains the glory? I myself, Vespasian, call you to the throne. How much that may benefit the country and make you famous it lies with you—under Providence—to decide. You need not be afraid that I may seem to flatter you. It is more of an insult than a compliment to be chosen to succeed Vitellius. It is not against the powerful intellect of the sainted Augustus that we are in revolt; not against the cautious prudence16 of the old Tiberius; nor even against a long-established imperial family like that of Caligula, Claudius or Nero. You even gave way to Galba's ancient lineage. To remain inactive any longer, to leave your country to ruin and disgrace, that would be sheer sloth17 and cowardice18, even if such slavery were as safe for you as it would be dishonourable. The time is long past when you could be merely suspected of ambition: the throne is now your only refuge. Have you forgotten Corbulo's murder?396 He was a man of better family than we, I admit, but so 183was Nero more nobly born than Vitellius. A man who is feared always seems illustrious enough to those who fear him. That an army can make an emperor Vitellius himself has proved. He had neither experience nor military reputation, but merely rose on Galba's unpopularity. Even Otho fell not by the strategy or strength of his opponent, but by his own precipitate19 despair. And to-day he seems a great and desirable emperor, when Vitellius is disbanding his legions, disarming20 his Guards, and daily sowing fresh seeds of civil war. Why, any spirit or enthusiasm which his army had is being dissipated in drunken debauches: for they imitate their master. But you, in Judaea, in Syria, in Egypt, you have nine fresh legions. War has not weakened nor mutiny demoralized them. The men are trained to discipline and have already won a foreign war.397 Besides these, you can rely on the strength of your fleet,398 and of your auxiliaries21 both horse and foot, on the faithful allegiance of foreign princes,399 and on your own unparalleled experience.
77'For ourselves I make but one claim. Let us not rank below Valens and Caecina. Nor must you despise my help because you do not encounter my rivalry22. I prefer myself to Vitellius and you to myself. Your house has received the insignia of a triumph.400 You 184have two young sons, one of whom is already old enough to fill the throne, and in his first years of service made a name for himself in the German army.401 It would be absurd for me not to give way to one whose son I should adopt, were I emperor myself. Apart from this, we shall stand on a different footing in success and in failure, for if we succeed I shall have such honour as you grant me: of the risk and the dangers we shall share the burden equally. Or rather, do what is better still. Dispose your armies yourself and leave me the conduct of the war, and the uncertainties23 of battle.
'At this moment the defeated are far more strictly25 disciplined than their conquerors26. Indignation, hatred27, the passion for revenge, all serve to steel our courage. Theirs is dulled by pride and mutiny. The course of the war will soon bring to light the hidden weakness of their party, and reopen all its festering sores. I rely on your vigilance, your economy, your wisdom, and still more on the indolence, ignorance, and cruelty of Vitellius. Above all, our cause is far safer in war than in peace, for those who plan rebellion have rebelled already.'
78At the end of Mucianus' speech the others all pressed round with new confidence, offering their encouragement and quoting the answers of soothsayers and the movements of the stars. Nor was Vespasian uninfluenced by superstition28. In later days, when he 185was master of the world, he made no secret of keeping a soothsayer called Seleucus to help him by his advice and prophecy. Early omens29 began to recur30 to his memory. A tall and conspicuous31 cypress32 on his estate had once suddenly collapsed33: on the next day it had risen again on the same spot to grow taller and broader than ever. The soothsayers had agreed that this was an omen24 of great success, and augured34 the height of fame for the still youthful Vespasian. At first his triumphal honours, his consulship35, and the name he won by his Jewish victory seemed to have fulfilled the promise of this omen. But having achieved all this, he began to believe that it portended36 his rise to the throne.
On the frontier of Judaea and Syria402 lies a hill called Carmel. A god of the same name is there worshipped according to ancient ritual. There is no image or temple: only an altar where they reverently37 worship. Once when Vespasian was sacrificing on this altar, brooding on his secret ambition, the priest, Basilides, after a minute inspection38 of the omens said to him: 'Whatever it is which you have in mind, Vespasian, whether it is to build a house or to enlarge your estate, or to increase the number of your slaves, there is granted to you a great habitation, vast acres, and a multitude of men.' Rumour2 had immediately seized on this riddle39 and now began to solve it. Nothing was more talked of, especially in Vespasian's presence: such conversation is the food of hope.
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Having come to a definite decision they departed, Mucianus to Antioch, Vespasian to Caesarea. The former is the capital of Syria, the latter of Judaea.403
79The first offer of the throne to Vespasian was made at Alexandria, where Tiberius Alexander with great promptitude administered the oath of allegiance to his troops on the first of July. This was usually celebrated40 as his day of accession, although it was not until the third that the Jewish army took the oath in his presence. So eager was their enthusiasm that they would not even wait for the arrival of Titus, who was on his way back from Syria, where he had been conducting the negotiations41 between his father and Mucianus.
What happened was all due to the impulse of the soldiers: there was no set speech, no formal assembly of the troops. 80They were still discussing the time and the place, and trying to decide the hardest point of all, who should speak first, and while their minds were still busy with hopes and fears, reasons and chances, Vespasian happened to come out of his quarters. A few of the soldiers, forming up in the usual way to salute42 their general, saluted43 him as emperor. The others promptly44 rushed up calling him Caesar and Augustus, and heaping on him all the imperial titles. Their fears at once gave way to confidence. Vespasian himself, unchanged by the change of fortune, showed 187no sign of vanity or arrogance. As soon as he had recovered from the dazzling shock of his sudden elevation45, he addressed them in simple soldier fashion, and received a shower of congratulations from every quarter. Mucianus, who had been waiting for this, administered the oath of allegiance to his eager troops, and then entered the theatre at Antioch, where the Greeks ordinarily hold their debates. There, as the fawning46 crowd came flocking in, he addressed them in their own tongue. For he could speak elegant Greek, and had the art of making the most of all he said or did. What most served to inflame47 the excitement of the province and of the army, was his statement that Vitellius had determined48 to transfer the German legions to peaceful service in the rich province of Syria, and to send the Syrian legions to endure the toil49 and rigours of a winter in Germany. The provincials50 were accustomed to the soldiers' company and liked to have them quartered there, and many were bound to them by ties of intimacy51 and kinship, while the soldiers in their long term of service had come to know and love their old camp like a home.
81Before the 15th of July the whole of Syria had sworn allegiance. The party also gained the support of Sohaemus,404 with all the resources of his kingdom and a considerable force, and of Antiochus,404 the richest of the subject princes, who owed his importance to his ancestral treasures. Before long Agrippa, too, received a secret summons from his friends at home, and leaving 188Rome405 without the knowledge of Vitellius, sailed as fast as he could to join Vespasian. His sister Berenice406 showed equal enthusiasm for the cause. She was then in the flower of her youth and beauty, and her munificent52 gifts to Vespasian quite won the old man's heart. Indeed, every province on the seaboard as far as Asia and Achaia, and inland to Pontus and Armenia swore allegiance to Vespasian, but their governors were without troops, for as yet no legions had been assigned to Cappadocia.407
A meeting was held at Berytus408 to discuss the general situation. To this came Mucianus with all his officers and the most distinguished53 of his centurions55 and soldiers, besides the elite56 of the Jewish army in full uniform. All these cavalry57 and infantry58, and the pageant59 of the subject princes, vying60 with each other in splendour, gave the meeting an air of imperial grandeur61.
82The first step was to levy62 new troops and to recall the veterans to the standards. Some of the strongest towns were told off to manufacture arms. New gold and silver were coined at Antioch. All these works were promptly carried out, each in the proper place, by competent officials. Vespasian came and inspected them himself, encouraging good work by his praises 189and rousing the inefficient63 rather by example than compulsion, always more ready to see the merits than the faults of his friends. Many were rewarded by receiving commands in the auxiliary64 forces or posts as imperial agents.409 Still more were raised to senatorial rank. They were mostly men of distinction who soon rose high, and with others success atoned65 for any lack of merit. A donation for the troops had been mentioned by Mucianus in his first speech, but in very guarded terms. Even Vespasian offered for the civil war a lower figure than others gave in time of peace, for he had set his face with admirable firmness against largess to the soldiers, and his army was none the worse for it. Envoys66 were dispatched to Parthia and Armenia to secure that the legions, while engaged in the civil war, should not be exposed to attack in the rear.410 It was arranged that Titus should carry on the war in Judaea, while Vespasian held the keys of Egypt.411 Against Vitellius it seemed sufficient to send a part of their forces under the command of Mucianus. He would have Vespasian's name behind him and the 190irresistible force of destiny. Letters were written to all the armies and their generals with instructions that they should try to win over those of the Guards who were hostile to Vitellius by promising67 them renewal68 of service.
83Meanwhile, Mucianus, who acted the part more of a partner than a subordinate, moved forward without the encumbrance69 of baggage, neither marching so slowly as to look like holding back, nor so rapidly as not to allow time for rumours to spread. He realized that his force was small, and that the less people saw the more they would believe of it. However, he had a solid column following in support, composed of the Sixth legion and some picked detachments numbering 13,000 men.412 He had ordered the fleet to move from Pontus to Byzantium, for he was half-minded to leave Moesia and with his whole force to hold Dyrrachium, at the same time using his fleet to dominate the Italian sea. He would thus secure Greece and Asia in his rear, which would otherwise be at the mercy of Vitellius, unless furnished with troops. Vitellius also would himself be in doubt what points of the Italian coast to defend, if Mucianus with his ships threatened both Brundisium and Tarentum and the whole coastline of Calabria and Lucania.
84Thus the provinces rang from end to end with the preparations for ships, soldiers and arms. But the 191heaviest burden was the raising of money. 'Funds,' said Mucianus, 'are the sinews of war,'413 and in his investigations70 he cared for neither justice nor equity71, but solely72 for the amount of the sum. Informers abounded73, and pounced74 on every rich man as their prey75. This intolerable oppression, excused by the necessities of war, was allowed to continue even in peace. It was not so much that Vespasian at the beginning of his reign had made up his mind to maintain unjust decisions, but fortune spoilt him; he had learnt in a bad school and made a bold use of his lessons. Mucianus also contributed from his private means, of which he was generous, as he hoped to get a high rate of interest out of the country. Others followed his example, but very few had his opportunity of recovering their money.
85In the meantime Vespasian's progress was accelerated by the enthusiasm with which the Illyrian army414 espoused76 his cause. The Third set the example to the other legions of Moesia, the Eighth and the Seventh Claudian, both strongly attached to Otho, although they had not been present at the battle. On their arrival at Aquileia415 they had mobbed the couriers who brought the news of Otho's fall, and torn to pieces the standards bearing Vitellius' name, finally looting the camp-chest and dividing the money among themselves. 192These were hostile acts. Alarmed at what they had done they began to reflect that, while their conduct needed excuse before Vitellius, they could make a merit of it with Vespasian. Accordingly, the three Moesian legions addressed letters to the Pannonian army,416 inviting77 their co-operation, and meanwhile prepared to meet refusal with force.
Aponius Saturninus, the Governor of Moesia, took this opportunity to attempt an abominable78 crime. He sent a centurion54 to murder Tettius Julianus,417 who commanded the Seventh legion, alleging79 the interests of his party as a cloak for a personal quarrel. Julianus heard of his danger and, taking some guides who knew the country, escaped into the wilds of Moesia and got as far as Mount Haemus.418 After that he meddled80 no more in civil war. Starting to join Vespasian, he prolonged his journey by various expedients81, retarding82 or hastening his pace according to the nature of the news he received.
86In Pannonia the Thirteenth legion and the Seventh Galbian had not forgotten their feelings after the battle of Bedriacum. They lost no time in joining Vespasian's cause, being chiefly instigated83 by Antonius Primus. This man was a criminal who had been convicted of fraud419 during Nero's reign. Among the many evils of the war was his recovery of senatorial 193rank. Galba gave him command of the Seventh legion, and he was believed to have written repeatedly to Otho offering his services as general to the party. But, as Otho took no notice of him, he was without employment in the war. When Vitellius' cause began to decline, he joined Vespasian and proved an acquisition. He was a man of great physical energy and a ready tongue; an artist in calumny84, invaluable85 in riots and sedition86. Light-fingered and free-handed, he was intolerable in peace, but by no means contemptible87 in war. The union of the Moesian and Pannonian armies soon attracted the troops in Dalmatia to the cause. Tampius Flavianus and Pompeius Silvanus, the two ex-consuls who governed respectively Pannonia and Dalmatia,420 were wealthy old gentlemen who had no thought of rising. But the imperial agent in Pannonia, Cornelius Fuscus, was a vigorous young man of good family. In his early youth a desire to make money421 had led him to resign his senatorial rank. He 194had headed the townsmen of his colony in declaring for Galba, and his services had won him a position as imperial agent.422 Then he joined Vespasian's party, giving a keen stimulus88 to the war; for, being attracted more by danger itself than by its prizes, he always disliked what was certain and long established, preferring everything that was new and dangerous and doubtful. So the Vespasian party used all their efforts to fan every spark of discontent throughout the empire. Letters were sent to the Fourteenth in Britain and to the First in Spain,423 since both these legions had stood for Otho against Vitellius. In Gaul, too, letters were scattered89 broadcast. All in an instant the war was in full flame. The armies of Illyricum openly revolted, and all the others were ready to follow the first sign of success.
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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truculent
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| adj.野蛮的，粗野的 | |
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scoffed
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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covets
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| v.贪求，觊觎( covet的第三人称单数 ) | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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disarming
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| adj.消除敌意的，使人消气的v.裁军( disarm的现在分词 )；使息怒 | |
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auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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uncertainties
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| 无把握( uncertainty的名词复数 )； 不确定； 变化不定； 无把握、不确定的事物 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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cypress
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| n.柏树 | |
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collapsed
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| adj.倒塌的 | |
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augured
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| v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的过去式和过去分词 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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portended
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| v.预示( portend的过去式和过去分词 )；预兆；给…以警告；预告 | |
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reverently
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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riddle
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| n.谜，谜语，粗筛；vt.解谜，给…出谜，筛，检查，鉴定，非难，充满于；vi.出谜 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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fawning
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| adj.乞怜的，奉承的v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的现在分词 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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elite
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| n.精英阶层；实力集团；adj.杰出的，卓越的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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vying
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| adj.竞争的；比赛的 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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atoned
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的过去式和过去分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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encumbrance
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| n.妨碍物，累赘 | |
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investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pounced
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| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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meddled
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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retarding
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| 使减速( retard的现在分词 )； 妨碍； 阻止； 推迟 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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