39On the first of January the senate was convened13 by the Urban Praetor,332 Julius Frontinus, and passed votes of thanks and congratulation to the generals, armies, and foreign princes.333 Tettius Julianus,334 who had left his legion when it went over to Vespasian, was deprived of his praetorship, which was conferred upon Plotius Grypus.335 Hormus336 was raised to equestrian14 rank. Frontinus then resigned his praetorship and Caesar Domitian succeeded him. His name now stood at the head of all dispatches and edicts, but the real authority 144lay with Mucianus, although Domitian, following the promptings of his friends and of his own desires, frequently asserted his independence. But Mucianus' chief cause of anxiety lay in Antonius Primus and Arrius Varus. The fame of their exploits was still fresh; the soldiers worshipped them; and they were popular in Rome, because they had used no violence off the field of battle. It was even hinted that Antonius had urged Crassus Scribonianus337 to seize the throne. He was a man who owed his distinction to famous ancestors and to his brother's memory, and Antonius could promise him adequate support for a conspiracy15. However, Scribonianus refused. He had a terror of all risks, and would hardly have been seduced16 even by the certainty of success. Being unable to crush Antonius openly, Mucianus showered compliments on him in the senate and embarrassed him with promises, hinting at the governorship of Nearer Spain, which the departure of Cluvius Rufus338 had left vacant. Meanwhile he lavished17 military commands on Antonius' friends. Then, having filled his empty head with ambitious hopes, he destroyed his influence at one stroke by moving the Seventh legion,339 which was passionately18 attached to Antonius, into winter-quarters. The Third, who were similarly devoted19 to Arrius Varus, 145were sent back to Syria,340 and part of the army was taken out to the war in Germany. Thus, on the removal of the disturbing factors, the city could resume its normal life under the old regime of law and civil government.
40On the day of his first appearance in the senate Domitian spoke20 a few moderate sentences regretting the absence of his father and brother. His behaviour was most proper, and, as his character was still an unknown quantity, his blushes were taken for signs of modesty21.341 He moved from the chair that all Galba's honours should be restored, to which Curtius Montanus proposed an amendment22 that some respect should also be paid to the memory of Piso. The senate approved both proposals, though nothing was done about Piso. Next, various commissions were appointed by lot to restore the spoils of war to the owners; to examine and affix24 the bronze tablets of laws, which in course of time had dropped off the walls; to revise the list of public holidays, which in these days of flattery had been disgracefully tampered25 with; and to introduce some economy into public expenditure26. Tettius Julianus was restored to his praetorship as soon as it was discovered that he had taken refuge with Vespasian: but Grypus was allowed to retain his rank.342 It was then decided27 to resume the hearing of the case of146 Musonius Rufus against Publius Celer343 Publius was convicted and the shade of Soranus satisfied. This strict verdict made the day memorable28 in the annals of Rome, and credit was also due to private enterprise, for everybody felt that Musonius had done his duty in bringing the action. On the other hand, Demetrius, a professor of Cynic philosophy, earned discredit29 for defending an obvious criminal344 more for ostentatious motives30 than from honest conviction. As for Publius, courage and fluency32 alike failed him at the critical moment. This trial was the signal for further reprisals33 against prosecutors34. Junius Mauricus345 accordingly petitioned Domitian that the senate might be allowed access to the minutes of the imperial cabinet, in order to find out who had applied35 for leave to bring a prosecution36 and against whom. The answer was that on such a question as this the emperor must be consulted. 41Accordingly, at the instigation of its leading members, the senate framed an oath in these words, 'I call heaven to witness that I have never countenanced37 any action prejudicial to any man's civil status, nor have I derived38 any profit or any office from the misfortune of any Roman citizen.' The magistrates39 vied with each other in their haste to take this oath, and the other members 147did the same, when called upon to speak. Those who had a guilty conscience were alarmed, and managed to alter the wording of the oath by various devices. The house meanwhile applauded every sign of scruple41, and protested against each case of perjury42. This kind of informal censure44 fell most severely45 on Sariolenus Vocula, Nonius Attianus, and Cestius Severus, who were notorious as habitual46 informers under Nero. Against Sariolenus there was also a fresh charge of having continued his practices with Vitellius. The members went on shaking their fists at him until he left the house. They next turned on Paccius Africanus, trying to hound him out in the same way. He was supposed to have suggested to Nero the murder of the two brothers Scribonius,346 who were famous for their friendship and their wealth. Africanus dared not admit his guilt40, though he could not very well deny it. So he swung round on Vibius Crispus,347 who was pestering47 him with questions, and tried to turn the tables by implicating48 him in the charges which he could not rebut49, thus shifting the odium on to his accomplice50.
42On this occasion Vipstanus Messala348 gained a great reputation, both for dutiful affection and for eloquence51, by venturing to intercede52 for his brother Aquilius Regulus,349 although he had not attained53 the senatorial age.350 Regulus had fallen into great disfavour for having 148brought about the ruin of the noble families of the Crassi and of Orfitus. It was supposed that, though quite a young man, he had voluntarily undertaken the prosecution, not to escape any danger which was threatening him, but from purely54 ambitious motives. Crassus' wife, Sulpicia Praetextata, and his four sons were anxious to secure revenge if the senate would grant a trial. Messala therefore made no attempt to defend the case or the accused, but tried to shelter his brother, and had already won over some of the senators. Curtius Montanus now attacked him in a savage55 speech, and even went so far as to charge Regulus with having given money to Piso's murderer after Galba's death, and with having bitten Piso's head.351 'That,' said he, 'Nero certainly did not compel you to do. You purchased neither position nor safety by that savage piece of cruelty. We may put up with the pleas of those wretches56 who prefer to ruin others rather than endanger their own lives. But your father's banishment57 had guaranteed your security. His property had been divided amongst his creditors58.352 You were not of an age to stand for office. Nero had nothing either to hope or to fear from you. Your talents were as yet untried and you had never exerted them in any man's defence, yet your lust59 for blood, your insatiable ambition, led you to stain your young hands in the blood of Rome's nobility. At one swoop60 149you caused the ruin of innocent youths, of old and distinguished61 statesmen, of high-born ladies; and out of the country's disaster you secured for yourself the spoils of two ex-consuls,353 stuffed seven million sesterces into your purse, and shone with the reflected glory of a priesthood. You would blame Nero's lack of enterprise because he took one household at a time, thus causing unnecessary fatigue62 to himself and his informers, when he might have ruined the whole senate at a single word. Why, gentlemen, you must indeed keep and preserve to yourselves a counsellor of such ready resource. Let each generation have its good examples: and as our old men follow Eprius Marcellus or Vibius Crispus, let the rising generation emulate63 Regulus. Villainy finds followers64 even when it fails. What if it flourish and prosper65? If we hesitate to touch a mere66 ex-quaestor, shall we be any bolder when he has been praetor and consul2? Or do you suppose that the race of tyrants67 came to an end in Nero? That is what the people believed who outlived Tiberius or Caligula, and meanwhile there arose one more infamous68 and more bloody69 still.354 We are not afraid of Vespasian. We trust his years and his natural moderation. But a good precedent70 outlives a good sovereign. Gentlemen, we are growing effete71: we are no longer that senate which, after Nero had been killed, clamoured for the punishment of all informers and their menials according to our ancestors'150 rigorous prescription72. The best chance comes on the day after the death of a bad emperor.'
43The senate listened to Montanus's speech with such sympathy that Helvidius began to hope that it might be possible to get a verdict even against Marcellus. Beginning with a eulogy73 of Cluvius Rufus, who, though quite as rich and as eloquent74 as Marcellus, had never brought any one into trouble under Nero, he went on to attack Marcellus, both by contrasting him with Rufus and by pressing home the charge against him. Feeling that the house was warming to this rhetoric75, Marcellus got up as though to leave, exclaiming, 'I am off, Helvidius: I leave you your senate: you can tyrannize over it under Caesar's nose.' Vibius Crispus followed Marcellus, and, though both were angry, their expressions were very different. Marcellus marched out with flashing eyes, Crispus with a smile on his face. Eventually their friends went and brought them back. Thus the struggle grew more and more heated between a well-meaning majority and a small but powerful minority; and since they were both animated76 by irreconcilable77 hatred78, the day was spent in vain recriminations.
44At the next sitting Domitian opened by recommending them to forget their grievances79 and grudges80 and the unavoidable exigences of the recent past. Mucianus then at great length moved a motion in favour of the prosecutors, issuing a mild warning, almost in terms of entreaty81, to those who wanted to revive actions which had been begun and dropped.151 Seeing that their attempt at independence was being thwarted82, the senate gave it up. However, that it might not seem as if the senate's opinion had been flouted83 and complete impunity84 granted for all crimes committed under Nero, Mucianus forced Octavius Sagitta and Antistius Sosianus, who had returned from exile, to go back to the islands to which they had been confined. Octavius had committed adultery with Pontia Postumina, and, on her refusal to marry him, had murdered her in a fit of jealous fury. Sosianus was an unprincipled scoundrel who had been the ruin of many.355 The senate had found them both guilty, and passed a heavy sentence of exile, nor had their penalty been remitted85, although others were allowed to return. However, this failed to allay86 the ill-feeling against Mucianus, for Sosianus and Sagitta, whether they returned or not, were of no importance, whereas people were afraid of the professional prosecutors, who were men of wealth and ability and experts in crime.
45Unanimity was gradually restored in the senate by the holding of a trial according to ancient precedent, before a court of the whole house. A senator named Manlius Patruitus complained that he had been beaten before a mob of people in the colony of Siena by order of the local magistrates. Nor had the affront87 stopped there. They had held a mock funeral before his eyes, and had accompanied their dirges88 and lamentations with gross insults levelled at the whole senate. The 152accused were summoned; their case was tried; they were convicted and punished. A further decree of the senate was passed admonishing89 the commons of Siena to pay more respect to the laws. About the same time Antonius Flamma was prosecuted90 by Cyrene for extortion, and exiled for the inhumanity of his conduct.
46Meanwhile, a mutiny almost broke out among the soldiers. The men who had been discharged by Vitellius356 came together again in support of Vespasian, and demanded re-admission. They were joined by the selected legionaries who had also been led to hope for service in the Guards, and they now demanded the pay they had been promised. Even the Vitellians357 alone could not have been dispersed91 without serious bloodshed, but it would require immense sums of money to retain the services of such a large number of men. Mucianus accordingly entered the barracks to make a careful estimate of each man's term of service. He formed up the victorious troops with their own arms and distinctive92 decorations, each company a few paces from the next. Then the Vitellians who had surrendered, as we have described, at Bovillae,358 and all the other soldiers who had been hunted down in the city and its neighbourhood, were marched out almost entirely without arms or uniforms. Mucianus then had them 153sorted out, and drew up in separate corps93 the troops of the German army, of the British army, and of any others that were in Rome. Their first glance at the scene astounded94 them. Facing them they saw what looked like a fighting front bristling95 with weapons, while they were caught in a trap, defenceless and foul96 with dirt. As soon as they began to be sorted out a panic seized them. The German troops in particular were terrified at their isolation97, and felt they were being told off for slaughter98. They embraced their comrades and clung upon their necks, asking for one last kiss, begging not to be left alone, crying out, 'Our cause is the same as yours, why should our fate be different?' They appealed now to Mucianus, now to the absent emperor, and lastly to the powers of Heaven, until Mucianus came to the rescue of their imaginary terrors by calling them all 'sworn servants of one emperor', for he found that the victorious army was joining in and seconding their tears with cheering. On that day the matter ended there. A few days later, when Domitian addressed them, they received him with renewed confidence, refused his offer of lands, and begged for enlistment99 and their pay instead. This was only a petition, but one that could not be refused: so they were admitted to the Guards. Subsequently, those who had grown old and completed the regular term of service359 were honourably100 discharged. Others were dismissed for misbehaviour, but one by one at 154different times, which is always the safest method of weakening any kind of conspiracy.
47To return to the senate; a bill was now passed that a loan of sixty million sesterces should be raised from private individuals and administered by Pompeius Silvanus. This may have been a financial necessity, or they may have wanted it to seem so. At any rate the necessity soon ceased to exist, or else they gave up the pretence101. Domitian then carried a proposal that the consulships conferred by Vitellius should be cancelled, and that a state funeral should be held in honour of Flavius Sabinus.360 Both proposals are striking evidence of the fickleness102 of human fortune, which so often makes the first last and the last first.
48It was about this time that Lucius Piso,361 the pro-consul of Africa, was killed. To give a true explanation of this murder we must go back and take a brief survey of certain matters which are closely connected with the reasons for such crimes. Under the sainted Augustus and Tiberius the pro-consul of Africa had in his command one legion and some auxiliaries103 with which to guard the frontier of the empire.362 Caligula, who was restless by nature and harboured suspicions 155of the then pro-consul, Marcus Silanus, withdrew the legion from his command and put it under a legate whom he sent out for the purpose. As each had an equal amount of patronage104 and their functions overlapped105, Caligula thus caused a state of friction106 which was further aggravated107 by regrettable quarrels. The greater permanence of his tenure363 gradually strengthened the legate's position, and perhaps an inferior is always anxious to vie with his betters. The most eminent108 governors, on the other hand, were more careful of their comfort than of their authority.
49At the present time the legion in Africa was commanded by Valerius Festus,364 an extravagant109 young man, immoderately ambitious, whose kinship with Vitellius had given him some anxiety. He had frequent interviews with Piso, and it is impossible to tell whether he tempted110 Piso to rebel or resisted Piso's temptations. No one was present at their interviews, which were held in private, and after Piso's death most people were inclined to sympathize with his murderer. Beyond doubt the province and the garrison111 were unfavourable to Vespasian. Besides, some of the Vitellian refugees from Rome pointed23 out to Piso that the Gallic provinces were wavering. Germany was ready to rebel, and he himself was in danger; 'and,' they added, 'if you earn suspicion in peace your safest 156course is war.' Meanwhile, Claudius Sagitta, who commanded Petra's Horse,365 made a good crossing and outstripped112 the centurion113 Papirius, who had been sent out by Mucianus and was commissioned, so Sagitta affirmed, to assassinate114 Piso. Sagitta further stated that Galerianus,366 Piso's cousin and son-in-law, had already been murdered, and told him that while his one hope lay in taking a bold step, there were two courses open to him: he might either take up arms on the spot, or he might prefer to sail to Gaul and offer to lead the Vitellian armies. This made no impression on Piso. When the centurion whom Mucianus had sent arrived at the gates of Carthage, he kept on shouting all sorts of congratulations to Piso on becoming emperor. The people he met, who were astounded at this unexpected miracle, were instructed to take up the cry. With a crowd's usual credulity, they rushed into the forum115 calling on Piso to appear, and as they had a passion for flattery and took no interest in the truth, they proceeded to fill the whole place with a confused noise of cheering. Piso, however, either at a hint from Sagitta, or from his natural good sense, would not show himself in public or give way to the excitement of the crowd. He examined the centurion, and learnt that his object was to trump116 up a charge against him and then kill him.367 He accordingly had the man executed more from indignation against 157the assassin than in any hope of saving his life; for he found that the man had been one of the murderers of Clodius Macer,368 and after staining his hand in the blood of a military officer was now proposing to turn it against a civil governor. Piso then reprimanded the Carthaginians in an edict which clearly showed his anxiety, and refrained from performing even the routine of his office, shutting himself up in his house, for fear that he might by accident provide some pretext117 for further demonstrations118.
50When the news of the popular excitement and the centurion's execution reached the ears of Festus, considerably119 exaggerated and with the usual admixture of falsehood, he at once sent off a party of horsemen to murder Piso. Riding at full speed, they reached the governor's house in the twilight120 of early dawn and broke in with drawn121 swords. As Festus had mainly chosen Carthaginian auxiliaries and Moors122 to do the murder, most of them did not know Piso by sight. However, near his bedroom they happened on a slave and asked him where Piso was and what he looked like. In answer the slave told them a heroic lie and said he was Piso, whereupon they immediately cut him down. However, Piso himself was killed very soon after, for there was one man among them who knew him, and that was Baebius Massa, one of the imperial agents in Africa, who was already a danger to all the best men in Rome. His name will recur123 again and again in this narrative124, as one of the causes of the troubles 158which beset us later on.369 Festus had been waiting at Adrumetum370 to see how things went, and he now hastened to rejoin his legion. He had the camp-prefect, Caetronius Pisanus, put in irons, alleging125 that he was one of Piso's accomplices126, though his real motive31 was personal dislike. He then punished some of the soldiers and centurions127 and rewarded others; in neither case for their deserts, but because he wanted it to be thought that he had stamped out a war. His next task was to settle the differences between Oea and Lepcis.371 These had had a trivial origin in thefts of fruit and cattle by the peasants, but they were now trying to settle them in open warfare128. Oea, being inferior in numbers, had called in the aid of the Garamantes,372 an invincible129 tribe, who were always a fruitful source of damage to their neighbours. Thus the people of Lepcis were in great straits. Their fields had been wasted far and wide, and they had fled in terror under shelter of their walls, when the Roman auxiliaries, both horse and foot, arrived on the scene. They routed the Garamantes and recovered all the booty, except what the nomads130 had already sold among the inaccessible131 hut-settlements of the far interior.
51After the battle of Cremona and the arrival of good 159news from every quarter, Vespasian now heard of Vitellius' death. A large number of people of all classes, who were as lucky as they were adventurous132, successfully braved the winter seas on purpose to bring him the news.373 There also arrived envoys133 from King Vologaesus offering the services of forty thousand Parthian cavalry134.374 It was, indeed, a proud and fortunate situation to be courted with such splendid offers of assistance, and to need none of them. Vologaesus was duly thanked and instructed to send his envoys to the senate and to understand that peace had been made. Vespasian now devoted his attention to the affairs of Italy and the Capitol, and received an unfavourable report of Domitian, who seemed to be trespassing135 beyond the natural sphere of an emperor's youthful son. He accordingly handed over the flower of his army to Titus, who was to finish off the war with the Jews.375
52It is said that before his departure Titus had a long talk with his father and begged him not to be rash and lose his temper at these incriminating reports, but to meet his son in a forgiving and unprejudiced spirit, 'Neither legions nor fleets,' he is reported to have said, 'are such sure bulwarks136 of the throne as a number of children. Time, chance and often, too, ambition and misunderstanding weaken, alienate137 or extinguish friendship: a man's own blood cannot be severed138 from him; and above all is this the case with 160a sovereign, for, while others enjoy his good fortune, his misfortunes only concern his nearest kin43. Nor again are brothers likely to remain good friends unless their father sets them an example.' These words had the effect of making Vespasian rather delighted at Titus' goodness of heart than inclined to forgive Domitian. 'You may ease your mind,' he said to Titus, 'It is now your duty to increase the prestige of Rome on the field: I will concern myself with peace at home.' Though the weather was still very rough, Vespasian at once launched his fastest corn-ships with a full cargo139. For the city was on the verge140 of famine.376 Indeed, there were not supplies for more than ten days in the public granaries at the moment when Vespasian's convoy141 brought relief.
53The task of restoring the Capitol377 was entrusted142 to Lucius Vestinus, who, though only a knight143, yet in reputation and influence could rank with the highest. He summoned all the soothsayers,378 and they recommended that the ruins of the former temple should be carried away to the marshes379 and a new temple erected144 on the same site: the gods were unwilling145, they said, that the original form of the building should be changed. On the 21st of June, a day of bright sun161shine, the whole consecrated146 area of the temple was decorated with chaplets and garlands. In marched soldiers, all men with names of good omen6, carrying branches of lucky trees:380 then came the Vestal Virgins148 accompanied by boys and girls, each of whom had father and mother alive,381 and they cleansed149 it all by sprinkling fresh water from a spring or river.382 Next, while the high priest, Plautius Aelianus, dictated150 the proper formulae, Helvidius Priscus, the praetor, first consecrated the site by a solemn sacrifice383 of a pig, a sheep and an ox, and then duly offering the entrails on an altar of turf, he prayed to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, as the guardian151 deities152 of the empire, to prosper the enterprise, and by divine grace to bring to completion this house of theirs which human piety153 had here begun. He then took hold of the chaplets to which the ropes holding the foundation-stone were attached. At the same moment the other magistrates and the priests and senators and knights154 and large numbers of the populace in joyous155 excitement with one great effort dragged the huge stone into its place. On every side gifts of gold and silver were flung into the foundations, and 162blocks of virgin147 ore unscathed by any furnace, just as they had come from the womb of the earth. For the soothsayers had given out that the building must not be desecrated156 by the use of stone or gold that had been put to any other purpose. The height of the roof was raised. This was the only change that religious scruples157 would allow, and it was felt to be the only point in which the former temple lacked grandeur158.
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consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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equestrian
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conspiracy
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seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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lavished
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passionately
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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modesty
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amendment
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pointed
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affix
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| n.附件，附录 vt.附贴，盖(章)，签署 | |
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tampered
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expenditure
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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memorable
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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motives
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motive
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fluency
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reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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prosecutors
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| 检举人( prosecutor的名词复数 )； 告发人； 起诉人； 公诉人 | |
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applied
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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37
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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38
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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39
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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40
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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41
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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42
perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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43
kin
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| n.家族，亲属，血缘关系；adj.亲属关系的，同类的 | |
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44
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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45
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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46
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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47
pestering
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| 使烦恼，纠缠( pester的现在分词 ) | |
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48
implicating
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| vt.牵涉，涉及（implicate的现在分词形式） | |
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49
rebut
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| v.辩驳，驳回 | |
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50
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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51
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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52
intercede
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| vi.仲裁，说情 | |
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53
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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54
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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55
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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56
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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57
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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58
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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59
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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60
swoop
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| n.俯冲，攫取；v.抓取，突然袭击 | |
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61
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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62
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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63
emulate
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| v.努力赶上或超越，与…竞争；效仿 | |
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64
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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65
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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66
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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67
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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68
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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69
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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70
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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71
effete
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| adj.无生产力的，虚弱的 | |
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72
prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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73
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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74
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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75
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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76
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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77
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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78
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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79
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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80
grudges
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| 不满，怨恨，妒忌( grudge的名词复数 ) | |
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81
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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82
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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83
flouted
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| v.藐视，轻视( flout的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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85
remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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86
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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87
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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88
dirges
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| n.挽歌( dirge的名词复数 )；忧伤的歌，哀歌 | |
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89
admonishing
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| v.劝告( admonish的现在分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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90
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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91
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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92
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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93
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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94
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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95
bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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96
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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97
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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98
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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99
enlistment
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| n.应征入伍，获得，取得 | |
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100
honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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101
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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102
fickleness
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| n.易变；无常；浮躁；变化无常 | |
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103
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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104
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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105
overlapped
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| _adj.重叠的v.部分重叠( overlap的过去式和过去分词 )；（物体）部份重叠；交叠；（时间上）部份重叠 | |
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106
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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107
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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108
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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109
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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110
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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111
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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112
outstripped
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| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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114
assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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115
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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116
trump
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| n.王牌，法宝；v.打出王牌，吹喇叭 | |
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117
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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118
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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119
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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120
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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121
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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122
moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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123
recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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124
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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125
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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126
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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127
centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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128
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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129
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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130
nomads
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| n.游牧部落的一员( nomad的名词复数 )；流浪者；游牧生活；流浪生活 | |
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131
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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132
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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133
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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134
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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135
trespassing
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| [法]非法入侵 | |
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136
bulwarks
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| n.堡垒( bulwark的名词复数 )；保障；支柱；舷墙 | |
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137
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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138
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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139
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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140
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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141
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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142
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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144
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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145
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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146
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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147
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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148
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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149
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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151
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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152
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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153
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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154
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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155
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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156
desecrated
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| 毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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158
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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