55Previous to the murder of Hordeonius Flaccus388 nothing had leaked out to arouse suspicions of a conspiracy12, but when he had been assassinated13, negotiations14 passed between Civilis and Classicus,389 who commanded the Treviran cavalry15. Classicus was far above the rest both in birth and in wealth. He came of royal line and his stock was famous both in peace and war. It was his boast that his family had given Rome more enemies than allies. These two were now joined by Julius Tutor and Julius Sabinus, the one a Treviran, the other a Lingonian. Tutor had been appointed by Vitellius to watch the bank of the Rhine.390 Sabinus'164 natural vanity was further inflamed16 by spurious pretensions17 of high birth, for he alleged18 that his great-grandmother's beauty had caught the fancy of Julius Caesar during the campaign in Gaul, and that they had committed adultery. These four tested the temper of the rest in private interviews, and having bound to the conspiracy those who were considered fit, they held a conference at Cologne in a private house, the general feeling in the city being hostile to such plans as theirs. A few of the Ubii and Tungri, indeed, attended, but the Treviri and Lingonians were the backbone19 of the conspiracy. Nor would they tolerate deliberation or delay. They vied with each other in protesting that Rome was distracted by internal quarrels; legions had been cut to pieces, Italy devastated20, the city was on the point of being taken, while all her armies were occupied with wars of their own in different quarters. They need only garrison21 the Alps and then, when liberty had taken firm root, they could discuss together what limit each tribe should set to its exercise of power.
56All this was no sooner spoken than applauded. About the remnant of Vitellius' army they were in some doubt. Many held that they ought to be killed as being treacherous23 and insubordinate and stained with the blood of their generals. However, the idea of sparing them carried the day. To destroy all hope of pardon would only steel their obstinacy24: it was much better to seduce25 them into alliance: only the generals need be killed; a guilty conscience and the hope of pardon would soon bring the rest flocking over 165to their flag. Such was the tenor26 of their first meeting. Agitators27 were sent all over Gaul to stir up war. The conspirators28 themselves feigned29 loyalty30 to Vocula, hoping to catch him off his guard.391 There were, indeed, traitors31 who reported all this to Vocula, but he was not strong enough to crush the conspiracy, his legions being short-handed and unreliable. Between suspected troops on one side and secret enemies on the other, it seemed his best course under the circumstances to dissemble, as they were doing, and thus use their own weapons against them. So he marched down the river to Cologne. There he found Claudius Labeo, who after being taken prisoner, as described above,392 and relegated32 to the Frisii, had bribed33 his guards and escaped to Cologne. He promised that if Vocula would provide him with troops, he would go to the Batavi and win back the better part of their community to the Roman alliance. He was given a small force of horse and foot. Without venturing any attempt upon the Batavi, he attracted a few of the Nervii and Baetasii393 to his standard, and proceeded to harass34 the Canninefates and Marsaci393 more by stealth than open warfare35.
57Lured by the treachery of the Gauls, Vocula marched out against his enemy.394 Not far from Vetera, Classicus and Tutor rode forward395 on a pretext36 of scouting37, 166and ratified38 their compact with the German leaders. They were now for the first time separated from the legions, and entrenched39 themselves in a camp of their own. At this, Vocula loudly protested that Rome was not as yet so shattered by civil war as to earn the contempt of tribes like the Treviri and Lingones. She could still rely on loyal provinces and victorious40 armies, on the good fortune of the empire and the avenging41 hand of God. Thus it was that in former days Sacrovir and the Aedui,396 more lately and the Gallic provinces had each been crushed at a single battle. Now, again, these treaty-breakers must expect to face the same powers of Providence42 and Destiny. The sainted Julius and the sainted Augustus had understood these people better: it was Galba's reduction of the tribute397 that had clothed them in enmity and pride. 'They are our enemies to-day because their yoke43 is easy: when they have been stripped and plundered44 they will be our friends.' After these spirited words, seeing that Classicus and Tutor still persisted in their treachery, he turned back and retired46 to Novaesium, while the Gauls encamped a couple of miles away. Thither47 the centurions48 and soldiers flocked to sell their souls. This was, indeed, an unheard 167of villainy that Roman soldiers should swear allegiance to a foreign power, and offer as a pledge for this heinous50 crime either to kill or imprison51 their generals. Though many urged Vocula to escape, he felt that he must make a bold stand, so he summoned a meeting and spoke22 58somewhat as follows:—'Never before have I addressed you with such feelings of anxiety for you, or with such indifference52 to my own fate. That plans are being laid for my destruction I am glad enough to hear: in such a parlous53 case as this I look for death as the end of all my troubles. It is for you that I feel shame and pity. It is not that a field of battle awaits you, for that would only accord with the laws of warfare and the just rights of combatants, but because Classicus hopes that with your hands he can make war upon the Roman people, and flourishes before you an oath of allegiance to the Empire of All Gaul. What though fortune and courage have deserted54 us for the moment, have we not glorious examples in the past? How often have not Roman soldiers chosen to die rather than be driven from their post? Often have our allies endured the destruction of their cities and given themselves and their wives and children to the flames, without any other reward for such an end save the name of honourable55 men. At this very moment Roman troops are enduring famine and siege at Vetera, and neither threats nor promises can move them, while we, besides arms and men and fine fortifications, have supplies enough to last through any length of war. Money, too—the other day there was enough even 168for a donative, and whether you choose to say that it was given you by Vespasian or by Vitellius, at any rate you got it from a Roman Emperor. After all the engagements you have won, after routing the enemy at Gelduba, at Vetera, it would be shameful56 enough to shirk battle, but you have your trenches57 and your walls, and there are ways of gaining time until armies come flocking from the neighbouring provinces to your rescue. Granted that you dislike me; well, there are others to lead you, whether legate, tribune, centurion49, and even private soldier. But do not let this portent58 be trumpeted59 over the whole world, that Civilis and Classicus are going to invade Italy with you in their train. Suppose the Germans and Gauls lead the way to the walls of Rome, will you turn your arms upon your fatherland? The mere60 thought of such a crime is horrible. Will you stand sentry61 for the Treviran Tutor? Shall a Batavian give you the signal for battle? Will you swell62 the ranks of German hordes63? And what will be the issue of your crime, when the Roman legions take the field against you? Desertion upon desertion, treachery upon treachery! You will be drifting miserably64 between the old allegiance and the new, with the curse of Heaven on your heads. Almighty65 Jupiter, whom we have worshipped at triumph after triumph for eight hundred and twenty years; and Quirinus, Father of our Rome, if it be not your pleasure that under my command this camp be kept clean from the stain of dishonour66, grant at the least, I humbly67 beseech68 ye, that it never be defiled69 with 169the pollution of a Tutor or a Classicus; and to these soldiers of Rome give either innocence71 of heart or a speedy repentance72 before the harm is done.'
59The speech was variously received, with feelings fluctuating between hope, fear, and shame. Vocula withdrew and began to prepare for his end, but his freedmen and slaves prevented him from forestalling73 by his own hand a dreadful death. As it was, Classicus dispatched Aemilius Longinus, a deserter from the First legion, who quickly murdered him. For Herennius and Numisius imprisonment74 was thought sufficient. Classicus then assumed the uniform and insignia of a Roman general, and thus entered the camp. Hardened though he was to every kind of crime, words failed him,398 and he could only read out the oath. Those who were present swore allegiance to the Empire of All Gaul. He then gave high promotion75 to Vocula's assassin, and rewarded the others each according to the villainy of his service.
The command was now divided between Tutor and Classicus. Tutor at the head of a strong force besieged76 Cologne and forced the inhabitants and all the soldiers on the Upper Rhine to take the same oath of allegiance. At Mainz he killed the officers and drove away the camp-prefect, who had refused to swear. Classicus ordered all the greatest scoundrels among the deserters to go to Vetera and offer pardon to the besieged if they would yield to circumstances: otherwise there was no hope for them: they should suffer famine and sword 170and every extremity77. The messengers further cited their own example.
60Torn by a conflict of loyalty and hunger, the besieged vacillated between honour and disgrace. While they hesitated, all their sources of food, both usual and unusual, began to fail them. They had eaten their mules79 and horses and all the other animals which, though foul80 and unclean, their straits had forced into use. At last they took to grubbing up the shrubs81 and roots and the grass that grew between the stones, and became a very pattern of endurance in wretchedness, until at last they soiled their glory by a shameful end. Envoys82 were sent to Civilis begging him to save their lives. Even then he refused to receive their petition until they had sworn allegiance to All Gaul. He then negotiated for the plunder45 of the camp and sent guards, some to secure the money, servants and baggage, and others to conduct the men themselves out of the camp with empty hands. About five miles down the road their line was surprised by an ambush83 of Germans. The bravest fell on the spot; many were cut down in flight; the rest got back to camp. Civilis, indeed, complained that the Germans had criminally broken faith and rebuked84 them for it. There is no evidence to show whether this was a pretence or whether he was really unable to restrain his savage85 troops. The camp was plundered and burnt, and all who had survived the battle were devoured86 by the flames.
61When Civilis first took up arms against Rome he made a vow87, such as is common with barbarians88, to 171let his ruddled hair399 grow wild; now that he had at last accomplished89 the destruction of the legions he had it cut. It is said also that he put up some of the prisoners for his little son to shoot in sport with javelins90 and arrows. However that may be, he did not himself swear allegiance to All Gaul, nor did he force any of the Batavi to do so. He felt that he could rely on the strength of the Germans, and that if any quarrel arose with the Gauls about the empire, his fame would give him an advantage. Munius Lupercus, one of the Roman commanding-officers, was sent among other presents to Veleda, a virgin91 of the Bructeran tribe who wielded92 a wide-spread authority.400 It is an ancient custom in Germany to credit a number of women with prophetic powers, and with the growth of superstition93 these develop into goddesses. At this moment Veleda's influence was at its height, for she had prophesied94 the success of the Germans and the destruction of the Roman army.401 However, Lupercus was killed on the journey. A few of the centurions and officers who had been born in Gaul were detained as a security for good faith. The winter camps of the legions and of the auxiliary95 infantry96 and cavalry were all dismantled97 and burnt, with the sole exception of those at Mainz and Vindonissa.402
17262The Sixteenth legion and the auxiliary troops who had surrendered with it now received orders to migrate from their quarters at Novaesium to Trier, and a date was fixed98 by which they had to leave their camp. They spent the meantime brooding on various anxieties, the cowards all shuddering99 at the precedent100 of the massacre101 at Vetera, the better sort covered with shame at their disgrace. 'What sort of a march would this be? Whom would they have to lead them? Everything would be decided102 by the will of those into whose hands they had put their lives.' Others, again, were quite indifferent to the disgrace, and simply stowed all their money and most cherished possessions about their persons, while many got their armour103 ready and buckled104 on their swords, as if for battle. While they were still busy with these preparations the hour struck for their departure, and it proved more bitter than they had expected. Inside the trenches their disgrace was not so noticeable. The open country and the light of day revealed their depth of shame. The emperors' medallions had been torn down403 and their standards desecrated105, while Gallic ensigns glittered all around them. They marched in silence, like a long funeral procession, led by Claudius Sanctus,404 a man whose sinister106 appearance—he had lost one eye—was only surpassed by his weakness of intellect. Their disgrace was doubled when they were joined by the First legion, who had left their camp at173 Bonn. The famous news of their capture had spread, and all the people who shortly before had trembled at the very name of Rome, now came flocking out from fields and houses, and scattered107 far and wide in transports of joy at this unwonted sight. Their insulting glee was too much for 'The Picenum Horse'.405 Defying all Sanctus' threats and promises, they turned off to Mainz, and coming by chance upon Longinus, the man who killed Vocula, they slew108 him with a shower of javelins and thus made a beginning of future amends109. The legions, without changing their route, came and camped before the walls of Trier.
63Highly elated by their success, Civilis and Classicus debated whether they should allow their troops to sack Cologne. Their natural savagery110 and lust111 for plunder inclined them to destroy the town, but policy forbade; and they felt that in inaugurating a new empire a reputation for clemency112 would be an asset. Civilis was also moved by the memory of a past service, for at the beginning of the outbreak his son had been arrested in Cologne, and they had kept him in honourable custody113. However, the tribes across the Rhine were jealous of this rich and rising community, and held that the war could only be ended either by throwing the settlement open to all Germans without distinction or by destroying it and thereby114 dispersing174 64the Ubii together with its other inhabitants.406 Accordingly the Tencteri,407 their nearest neighbours across the Rhine, dispatched a deputation to lay a message before a public meeting of the town. This was delivered by the haughtiest115 of the delegates in some such terms as these:—'We give thanks to the national gods of Germany and above all others, to the god of war, that you are again incorporate in the German nation and the German name, and we congratulate you that you will now at last become free members of a free community. Until to-day the Romans had closed to us the roads and rivers, and almost the very air of heaven, to prevent all intercourse116 between us; or else they offered a still fouler117 insult to born warriors118, that we should meet under supervision119, unarmed and almost naked,408 and should pay for the privilege. Now, that our friendly alliance may be ratified for all eternity120, we demand of you that you pull down those bulwarks121 of slavery, the walls of your town, for even wild beasts lose their spirit if you keep them caged: that you put to the sword every Roman on your soil, since tyrants122 are incompatible123 with freedom; that all the property of those killed form a common stock and no one be 175allowed to conceal124 anything or to secure any private advantage. It must also be open both for us and for you to live on either river-bank, as our forefathers125 could in earlier days. As daylight is the natural heritage of all mankind, so the land of the world is free to all brave men. Resume again the customs and manners of your own country and throw off those luxurious126 habits which enslave Rome's subjects far more effectively than Roman arms. Then, grown simple and uncorrupt, you will forget your past slavery and either know none but equals or hold empire over others.'
65The townspeople took time to consider these proposals, and, feeling that their apprehensions127 for the future forbade them to assent128, while their present circumstances forbade them to return a plain negative, they answered as follows: 'We have seized our first opportunity of freedom with more haste than prudence129, because we wanted to join hands with you and all our other German kinsmen130. As for our town-walls, seeing that the Roman armies are massing at this moment, it would be safer for us to heighten them than to pull them down. All the foreigners from Italy or the provinces who lived on our soil have either perished in the war or fled to their own homes. As for the original settlers409, who are united to us by ties of marriage, they and their offspring regard this as their home, and we do not think you are so unreason176able as to ask us to kill our parents and brothers and children. All taxes and commercial restrictions131 we remit78. We grant you free entry without supervision, but you must come in daylight and unarmed, while these ties which are still strange and new are growing into a long-established custom. As arbitrators we will appoint Civilis and Veleda, and we will ratify132 our compact in their presence.'
Thus the Tencteri were pacified133. A deputation was sent with presents to Civilis and Veleda, and obtained all that the people of Cologne desired. They were not, however, allowed to approach and speak to Veleda or even to see her, but were kept at a distance to inspire in them the greater awe134. She herself lived at the top of a high tower, and one of her relatives was appointed to carry all the questions and answers like a mediator135 between God and man.
66Now that he had gained the accession of Cologne, Civilis determined136 to win over the neighbouring communities or to declare war in case of opposition137. He reduced the Sunuci410 and formed their fighting strength into cohorts, but then found his advance barred by Claudius Labeo411 at the head of a hastily-recruited band of Baetasii, Tungri, and Nervii.411 He had secured the bridge over the Maas and relied on the strength of his position. A skirmish in the narrow defile70 proved indecisive, until the Germans swam across and took Labeo in the rear. At this point177 Civilis by a bold move—or possibly by arrangement—rode into the lines of the Tungri and called out in a loud voice, 'Our object in taking up arms is not to secure empire for the Batavi and Treviri over other tribes. We are far from any such arrogance138. Take us as allies. I am come to join you; whether as general or as private it is for you to choose.' This had a great effect on the common soldiers, who began to sheathe139 their swords. Then two of their chieftains, Campanus and Juvenalis, surrendered the entire tribe. Labeo escaped before he was surrounded. Civilis also received the allegiance of the Baetasii and Nervii, and added their forces to his own. His power was now immense, for all the Gallic communities were either terrified or ready to offer willing support.
67In the meantime, Julius Sabinus,412 who had destroyed every memorial of the Roman alliance,413 assumed the title of Caesar and proceeded to hurry a large unwieldy horde11 of his tribesmen against the Sequani,414 a neighbouring community, faithful to Rome. The Sequani accepted battle: the good cause prospered140: the Lingones were routed. Sabinus fled the field with the same rash haste with which he had plunged141 into battle. Wishing to spread a rumour of his death, he took refuge in a house and set fire to it, and was thus supposed to have perished by his own act. We shall, however, relate in due course the devices by which 178he lay in hiding and prolonged his life for nine more years, and allude142 also to the loyalty of his friends and the memorable143 example set by his wife Epponina.
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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dinning
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| vt.喧闹（din的现在分词形式） | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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rumoured
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| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
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horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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backbone
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| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
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devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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garrison
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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treacherous
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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relegated
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| v.使降级( relegate的过去式和过去分词 )；使降职；转移；把…归类 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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centurions
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| n.百人队长，百夫长（古罗马的军官，指挥百人）( centurion的名词复数 ) | |
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centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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imprison
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| vt.监禁，关押，限制，束缚 | |
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52
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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53
parlous
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| adj.危险的，不确定的，难对付的 | |
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54
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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55
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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56
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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57
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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58
portent
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| n.预兆；恶兆；怪事 | |
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59
trumpeted
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| 大声说出或宣告（trumpet的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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60
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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61
sentry
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| n.哨兵，警卫 | |
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62
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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63
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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64
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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65
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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66
dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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67
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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68
beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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69
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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70
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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71
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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72
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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73
forestalling
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的现在分词 ) | |
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74
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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75
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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76
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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79
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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80
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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81
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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82
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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83
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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84
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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86
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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87
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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88
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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89
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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90
javelins
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| n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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91
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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93
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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94
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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96
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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97
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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99
shuddering
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| v.战栗( shudder的现在分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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100
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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101
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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102
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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103
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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104
buckled
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| a. 有带扣的 | |
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105
desecrated
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| 毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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107
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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108
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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109
amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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110
savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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111
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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112
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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113
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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114
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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115
haughtiest
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| haughty（傲慢的，骄傲的）的最高级形式 | |
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116
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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117
fouler
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的比较级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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118
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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119
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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120
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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121
bulwarks
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| n.堡垒( bulwark的名词复数 )；保障；支柱；舷墙 | |
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122
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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123
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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124
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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125
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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126
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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127
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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128
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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129
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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130
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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131
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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132
ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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133
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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134
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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135
mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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136
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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137
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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138
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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139
sheathe
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| v.（将刀剑）插入鞘；包，覆盖 | |
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140
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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142
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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143
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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