But socialism is also used in a popular sense which renders it nearly equivalent to communism, although the two ought to be distinguished7. The central idea of communism is economic equality. It is desired by communists that all ranks and differences in society[30] should disappear, and one man be as good as another, to use the popular phrase. The distinctive8 idea of socialism is distributive justice. It goes back of the processes of modern life to the fact that he who does not work, lives on the labor9 of others. It aims to distribute economic goods according to the services rendered by the recipients10. We see thus that the word socialist is most inclusive. Every communist is a socialist, and something more. Not every socialist is a communist. We might call a communist an extreme socialist, and thus include under socialists11 both socialists and communists, though it is in general best to make the distinction. We could not include socialists under communists.
The socialistic and communistic schemes of modern times may be classified as follows:
A. Communism.
1. French and English Communism.
2. Social Democracy.
3. International Communism.
B. Socialism.
1. Pure Socialism.
2. State and Professorial Socialism.
4. French Collectivism.
5. French Anarchists13 and Blanquists.
6. Social Democracy.
7. International Socialism.
The most general division is that into communism and socialism. As subdivisions, social democracy and the International figure under both of the leading divisions, as these parties include socialists and communists. Under French communism are included[31] adherents14 of the French Collectivists, Anarchists, and Blanquists.
Bab?uf and Cabet are perhaps the two leading French representatives of pure communism, Bab?uf representing that of the French Revolution.[19]
Fran?ois No?l Bab?uf was born in St. Quentin, in the Department of Aisne, in 1764.[20] He appears to have come of a good family, for his father was a major in the Austrian army. The elder Bab?uf devoted15 much attention to his son’s education, and, in particular, took especial pains to give him a good mathematical training; but he died when the young man was only sixteen years of age, and this obliged Bab?uf to leave his studies and seek employment. After having filled various subordinate positions, he became a land-surveyor, and was finally elected an administrator16 of the Department of the Somme; but did not enjoy this post long, for he was soon arrested on a charge of forgery17, condemned18, and sentenced to twenty years’ imprisonment19. He escaped to Paris and joined the revolutionary movement. Like Mably and numerous speculative20 thinkers at that time, he was filled with admiration21 for the socialistic institutions of the Greeks and Romans. He even called himself Gracchus Bab?uf, after the Roman tribune, and founded a paper which he named Tribune of the People, and which was the first socialistic[32] newspaper ever published. He signed his articles Caius Gracchus, and in them he attacked the institutions of civilized22 society and the party which accomplished23 the Revolution of Thermidor, executed Robespierre and St. Just, and finally terminated the Reign24 of Terror. His violent abuse of those in authority and his revolutionary projects led to his imprisonment for a few months in 1795. He improved the opportunity to establish a connection with Darthé, Buonarroti and other Jacobins and Terrorists, of whom there were nearly two thousand in the same prison. Upon their release, they formed a conspiracy25, called, after its leader, “the conspiracy of Bab?uf.” Its object was to overthrow26 the Directory and introduce the communistic millennium27, which they had begun to evolve in the prison. The members of the band called themselves the Equals. They formed a complex and skilfully28 contrived29 organization, whose centre was the secret committee of insurrection. This consisted of the following seven members; Bab?uf, Buonarroti, Sylvain Maréchal, Felix Lepelletier, Antonelle, Darthé, and Debon. Most of them were journalists. Maréchal was author of a Dictionary of Atheists (“Dictionnaire des Athées”). Paris was divided into districts, in each of which workers and reporters were engaged in propaganda. They did not, however, even know the names of the seven chiefs of the committee of insurrection, a general agent, Didier, acting30 as intermediary between the committee and other agents.
The activity of the leaders was remarkable31, and met with a considerable success in winning adherents. In April, 1796, seventeen thousand men were prepared to join them in an insurrection against the Directory and[33] for the establishment of a communistic republic. A Manifesto32 of the Equals, prepared by Maréchal, was published and scattered33 broadcast among the people. It contained a development of their programme, and an invitation to join in the proposed movement. Tracts34 were distributed in large numbers, and incendiary broadsides were from time to time affixed35 to the walls. One of the leaders, however, proved false, turned informer, and procured36 the arrest of the chief conspirators37 on the 10th of May, 1796. After a considerable delay and a long trial, two of them, Bab?uf and Darthé, were condemned to death in the following year, while Buonarroti and six others were sentenced to deportation38. Sixty-five were tried, but fifty-six were discharged on account of lack of evidence. Bab?uf and Darthé were guillotined on the 24th of May, 1797, Bab?uf’s last words being, “I wrap myself into a virtuous39 slumber40.”[21]
Buonarroti did not suffer deportation, but was instead confined in prison for some time and then allowed to escape to Switzerland, whence he was obliged to flee to Belgium after the Congress of Vienna, because Geneva was unable to tolerate him during the reactionary41 period which followed. He supported himself by teaching music and other branches of learning, and wrote a remarkable account of the conspiracy in which he had been engaged. It was published in Brussels in 1828, and after the Revolution of July it[34] became a power in France. It revived the memory of Bab?uf and his schemes, and rallied a number of followers42 about the old flag. Babouvism, as Bab?uf’s system was called, was thus enabled to play a r?le in French history from 1830 to 1839, when a premature43 rising of the laborers44 was easily suppressed.[22] Even to-day, Buonarroti’s work has not ceased to influence the thought of French laborers.
Bab?uf’s theoretical development of communism, based largely on Morelly’s “Code de la Nature,” is comparatively simple. Its leading idea is expressed in these words: “The aim of society is the happiness of all, and happiness consists in equality.” The fact is emphasized again and again that this equality must be perfect and absolute. It is officially proclaimed that the harmony of the system would be broken if there was one single man in the world richer or more powerful than his fellows. The adherents of this doctrine45 were ready to sacrifice everything to their desire for equality. “We are prepared,” cried they, “to consent to everything for it, we are prepared even to make tabula rasa to obtain it. Let all the arts perish if need be, provided we retain real equality.”[23] The first article of the official declaration of rights, as established by the secret committee of insurrection, reads: “Nature has given to every man an equal right to the enjoyment46 of all goods.” In the “proofs” following, it is maintained that all public and private wrongs, as oppressions, tyrannies, wars,[35] and crimes, take their origin in disobedience to this natural law. At least six of the eleven articles of this “Charter of Equality” do little more than repeat in varying form the idea contained in article 1. Article 7, e.g., reads: “In a true society there ought to be neither poor nor rich.” Article 10, “The end of the revolution is to destroy inequality and to re-establish the common happiness.”
How was equality to be attained48? Perhaps it is best to correct at the start a popular error by stating how they did not expect to obtain equality. They were not foolish enough to propose to divide the wealth of society among the various citizens and then allow the production and distribution of economic goods to go on as at present. It is a matter of course that under such circumstances inequalities would again arise within twenty-four hours. This is so perfectly49 obvious that no communist of note has ever proposed anything so childish and absurd. Yet it is a widely prevalent notion that this is what the communists have desired. One of the Rothschilds of Frankfort-on-the-Main once hearing a poor man complain of his lot, and express a desire for the equality of communism, is said immediately to have put his hand in his pocket, drawn50 out two or three shillings, and offered them to the poor man as his share of the wealth of a Rothschild, were it equally divided among all the inhabitants of Germany. This is often told as a business man’s concise51 and practical refutation of communism. It has, however, no significance at all either for or against that economic system. All communists without exception propose that the people as a whole, or some particular division of the people, as a village or commune, should own all the means of production—land,[36] houses, factories, railroads, canals, etc.; that production should be carried on in common; and that officers, selected in one way or another, should distribute among the inhabitants the fruits of their labor. Under such circumstances inequalities could have no opportunity to spring up; nor do we find communistic experiments failing because it is impossible to maintain equality. Where it is really desired, it is not difficult to secure it. As a matter of fact, however, it is not desired by the great masses of any land of Christendom, nor would they for a moment consent to endure it.
But to return from this digression. Bab?uf proposed to attain47 equality by degrees. He desired that a large national and common property should be at once formed out of the property of corporations and public institutions. The property of individuals was to be added to this upon their death, as inheritance was to be abolished. All property would thus become nationalized in the course of fifty years. Production was to be carried on in common under officers chosen by popular vote. These same officers, according to the scheme, decide upon the needs and requirements of the different individuals of the society, and divide the products of their common industry. The earth must belong to all, and its fruits must be common property. Officers receive no more than those under them, and a rapid rotation52 in office prevents the acquirements of habits and thoughts consequent on superior position. No one becomes accustomed to command; no one becomes accustomed to obey.
The country is divided into “regions,” and the “regions” into “departments.” There is a central and superior administration for the entire country, an intermediate[37] one for each “region,” and a subordinate one for each “department.” Each administration has its own duties—the lowest coming into contact with individuals, the higher supervising the subordinate boards. Government is absolute, notwithstanding the adoption53 of the watchword “Liberté.” On its orders citizens are sent from commune to commune, as their services may be required; and the “superfluous” products of one region are transferred to another less fortunate one. The supreme54 administration must store up the surplus of years of plenty as provision for unfruitful years. It also conducts trade with foreign nations, for which purpose great magazines or store-houses are erected55 on the frontiers and the borders of the sea. No private individual is allowed to trade with foreign countries, and all merchandise used in such trade is confiscated56 for the benefit of the community. All intercourse57 with outside countries is carefully watched to prevent the importation of erroneous ideas and disastrous58 customs. Even within the country only such publications are allowed as teach the unqualified blessings59 of equality.
Article 3 of the “Organization of the Government of the Community” enumerates60 the kinds of labor which the law considers useful, and which alone entitle an individual to exercise any political right whatever. They are the following: agriculture, which is especially favored, as being most natural to man; the pastoral life; fishing; navigation; mechanic and manual arts; retail61 trade; transportation; war; teaching; and the sciences. However, teaching is only then considered useful when it is undertaken by one who has declared his adherence62 to the principles of the community, and bears a certificate of “civisme.” Literature and the[38] fine arts are not included, being regarded with little favor.
The whole scheme is dreary63 and monotonous64. All differences save those relating to age and sex being abolished, equality is even interpreted to mean uniformity. All must be dressed alike, save that distinctions are made for sex and age; all must eat the same quantity of the same kind of food, and all must be educated alike.[24] As the higher goods of life are lightly esteemed65, education is restricted to the acquirement of elementary branches of knowledge, and of those practical in a material sense. Comfortable mediocrity in everything is the openly expressed ideal.
Children are removed from the family at an early age, and brought up together, to train them in principles of communism, and to prevent the growth of differences and inequalities.
All things are contrived to level down and not to level up; to bring the highest down to the plane of stupid, self-satisfied mediocrity, and not to elevate the less fortunate to higher thoughts, feelings, and enjoyments66.
This most cheerless of all communistic schemes fitly took its origin among those sunk in the most degraded materialism67 of the French Revolution.
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1
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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2
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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5
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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6
admonishes
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| n.劝告( admonish的名词复数 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责v.劝告( admonish的第三人称单数 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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7
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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8
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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9
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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10
recipients
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| adj.接受的；受领的；容纳的；愿意接受的n.收件人；接受者；受领者；接受器 | |
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11
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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12
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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13
anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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14
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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15
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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16
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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17
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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18
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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19
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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20
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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21
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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22
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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23
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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24
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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25
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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26
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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27
millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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28
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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29
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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30
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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31
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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32
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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33
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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34
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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36
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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37
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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38
deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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39
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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40
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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41
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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42
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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43
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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44
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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45
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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46
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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47
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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48
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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49
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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50
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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51
concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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52
rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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53
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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54
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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55
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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56
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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58
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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59
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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60
enumerates
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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61
retail
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| v./n.零售；adv.以零售价格 | |
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62
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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63
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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64
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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65
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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66
enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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