Cabet, son of a cooper, was born in 1788 in Dijon. He received a good education, became a lawyer, and practised first in his native city, then in Paris. He was appointed attorney-general of Corsica in 1830, but lost his place in the following year on account of his opposition1 to government. He was elected member of the Chamber2 of Deputies shortly after, and returned to Paris. He devoted3 the remainder of his life to literature, politics, and communism. One of his principal works was a “Popular History of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1830.”[25] In a journal which he published at that time, Le Populaire, he advocated moderate communistic principles, or Icarian principles, as they were afterwards called. He was[40] condemned4 to two years’ imprisonment5 for an article in this paper, in which he attacked the king personally, but he was fortunate enough to escape imprisonment by flight to London. It was here he became acquainted with Sir Thomas More’s “Utopia,” from which he drew a large part of his inspiration. He returned to France in 1839, and published his “Voyage to Icaria,”[26] which he himself called a philosophical6 and social romance—Roman philosophique et social. The title indicates his dreamy character. He describes in this work a previously7 unknown country, not quite so large as France or England, but as populous8 and a thousand times more blessed. Peace, wisdom, joy, pleasures, and happiness reign9 there. Crimes are unknown. It is Icaria; “a second Promised Land, an Eden, an Elysium, a new terrestrial Paradise.”[27]
The writer of the “Voyage to Icaria” represents that he met in London Lord William Carisdall, who found in Icaria the one truly happy people he had discovered in his travels. Lord William kept a journal, in which he described this wonder-land, and this, we are told, has been edited and revised for the public with his consent. The object is to show that communism is practicable and is the solution of all social problems. It contains an account of an ideal society, but one which Cabet thought he was able to establish. He made the attempt, choosing Texas as a place in which his ideals were to be realized. He secured the grant of a large tract10 of land on the Red River, and sent out several advance-guards of Icarians in 1848, who were, however,[41] attacked by the yellow fever, and had disbanded before he arrived in New Orleans with a later detachment. He learned on his arrival that the Mormons had abandoned their settlement in Nauvoo, Ill., and set out for that place with his followers11. While the Icarians were in Nauvoo they numbered, all told, at one time fifteen hundred. As Nordhoff, in his “Communistic Societies in the United States,” justly remarks, Cabet might have done something with such a large band, if he had had anything of a business head. But he lacked firmness and perseverance12. They met with some success in cultivating their land, established shops, pursued trades, and set up a printing-office; but instead of rejoicing in his prosperity, and laboring14 to increase it, Cabet was dreaming what he might do if he had half a million, as is evinced by a publication which appeared about that time, entitled “Wenn ich $500,000 h?tte”—“If I only had $500,000.” He described the theatre and the fine houses he would build, the gas-works he would found, the parks he would lay out, and showed, among other things, how he could then introduce hot and cold water in the houses.
To his description of this brochure Nordhoff adds: “Alas for the dreams of a dreamer! I turned over the leaves of his pamphlet while wandering through the present Icaria, on one chilly15 Sunday in March, with a keen sense of pain at the contrast between the comfort and elegance16 he so glowingly described and the dreary17 poverty of the life which a few determined18 men and women have there chosen to follow, for the sake of principles which they hold both true and valuable.”[28]
[42]
It is said that Cabet developed a dictatorial19 spirit in Nauvoo. This may be doubted. It is possible he only attempted to enforce measures without which he believed the commune must prove a failure. At any rate, a division took place among the Icarians. The colony at Nauvoo was broken up, and the members scattered20, save fifty or sixty, who emigrated to Iowa. Cabet and his followers went to St. Louis, where he died in 1856. The emigrants21 to Iowa founded a settlement near Corning, on the Burlington and Missouri Railroad, which they called Icaria. They began with four thousand acres of land and a debt of $20,000. At first they had a hard struggle, being obliged to content themselves even with log-houses. When Mr. Nordhoff wrote his book, in 1874, the debt was paid, they lived in frame houses, and enjoyed a considerable degree of comfort. The community consisted of eleven families and sixty-five members, comprising twenty children and twenty-three voters. They had a good saw-mill and a grist-mill, and owned one thousand nine hundred and thirty-six acres of land, of which three hundred and fifty were under cultivation22. They had one hundred and twenty cattle and five hundred sheep.
A friend[29] has lately spent a week in Icaria, and has kindly23 written me the following account of the present condition of the community, which has experienced noteworthy changes since Mr. Nordhoff paid it a brief visit a few years ago:
“Grinell, Ia., May 7, 1883.
“——. First, let me say that I think no one has yet done adequate justice to Icarian history.... I was fortunate in being received[43] into the community in the most friendly manner, and spent many hours in talking with the members. Especially, I was fortunate in making the acquaintance of two old men—original members—one of them the leader in the quarrel with Cabet at Nauvoo, and the successor of Cabet as president.... I have never enjoyed a visit more than this, for the Icarians, though poor and necessarily very hampered25, are highly courteous26 and intelligent. To begin with their dissensions.” [For the present purpose it is sufficient to state that the members of the community, not being able to live together peaceably, agreed to separate; the “Young Party” retained the old village, and is now officially known as the “Icarian Community,” and the “Old Party” established a new commune in the vicinity.]
“The reorganization into two groups happened just four years ago.... The court declared the articles of incorporation27 forfeited28, on the technical ground that a commune incorporated as an agricultural society was exceeding its charter in running a grist-mill and manufacturing flour! The arbitrators divided the property on an equitable30 basis. They ascertained31 the amount of property each had brought into the society, the number of years each had labored32 for the society, and on these principles they declared each individual entitled to a certain proportion of the property. The ‘Young Party’ associated themselves and obtained new articles of incorporation.... They assumed the original name. They were the minority in voting numbers, but, counting children, they were more numerous than the ‘Old Folks’ Party.’ The ‘Old Folks’ did not take out articles of incorporation. Instead, they formed themselves into a general partnership33 based on recorded articles of agreement, which I send you (Contrat de la Nouvelle Com. Icar.). The other party having got possession of the name, the ‘Old Folks’ called their society ‘The New Icarian Community.’
“At the time of the dissolution, the Icarians owned over two thousand acres of land. The ‘Old Party’ were found entitled to somewhat more than half the property. Both parties have at different times made small purchases and sales of land. At the time of the dissolution it was expected that the ‘Old Party’ would remain in the original village, and that the ‘Young Party’ would go to the east side of the estate and build themselves new houses; but finally the ‘Old Folks’ chose to be the emigrants, and they have a new village nearly a mile east of the original village (which is now occupied by the ‘Icarian Community’).
[44]
“At present the ‘New Icarian Community’ (i.e., the ‘Old Folks’) have about one thousand and eighty-five acres. About two hundred acres is in timber (which, however, is not valuable except for firewood, posts, etc. There are few trees left which are valuable for lumber34. Iowa timber in general is of little value.) About three hundred acres are being cultivated this year. They were planting corn while I was with them, and will put in two hundred acres. One hundred acres will be in wheat, potatoes, etc. They have eighteen horses, and about one hundred cattle—milk about thirty cows. In summer they sell cream to the Creamery in Corning. They will sell this year a dozen or so beef steers35. They have about two hundred hogs36, and will sell eighty this year. Last year they sold $300 worth of potatoes. They cut from two to three hundred tons of hay annually37. They have the old mill, built in 1853 or 1854, but are not doing a great deal with it. They make some flour, and the mill nets them a clear profit of not more than $200 or $300 per year.
Total assets $28,009.35
Total debts 5,646.50
Net $22,362.85
In the above estimate the land was valued rather too low, and a part of the indebtedness has already been paid. The way is now pretty clear out of all financial difficulties. They pay about $225 annual taxes. They number at the present time thirty-four people. Their village consists of a central two-story frame building (worth about $1500), twenty-two feet by forty feet, perfectly39 plain; the first story is a common dining-hall and kitchen, and the second story has rooms for a family and several old men. They have also eight frame houses, ‘story-and-a-half,’ about fourteen by twenty-two, built uniformly, and arranged symmetrically about the dining-hall. Each is occupied by a family. The arrangement is as follows:
[45]
Each house has a small plot for flowers, etc. The interiors are excessively plain. The living in the common hall is frugal40 but abundant. Of the thirty-four people twelve are men, of whom six are over sixty; ten are women, of whom two are over sixty, and two are young and unmarried; and twelve are children, ranging in age from three weeks to twelve years. Seven children are in school; the other five are too young. Of course everything looks new and rather bleak41 about this new village, but the site is admirably chosen. The prospect42, as one looks out from the windows of the dining-room, is beautiful, and a dozen years hence, if fortune favors, the New Icaria will be a charming place. In spite of bitter adversities, these New Icarians are a bright, agreeable, vivacious43 people. They could talk English well enough for my benefit, but their home-talk is entirely44 French. The children are very pretty and attractive, and all are polite and superior-mannered. They have a promising45 young vineyard and apple-orchard46, and a good large garden for kitchen vegetables. The people are all French except one Spaniard, who came from Cuba many years ago. Their president, A. A. Marchand, was one of the original sixty-nine vanguard who went to Texas in 1848, and he has always been a prominent man. He is a gentleman worthy24 of the highest regard. Another member, Sauva, who was president the year Hinds’s book (‘American Communities,’ 1878) was written, and whom you find mentioned in Hinds’s account, is still with this society. He was formerly47 a member of the Cheltenham branch;[30] returned to Europe, took active part in the International and the Paris Commune, and joined the Iowa Icarians two or three years after. He is a man of high intelligence. A number of these members are men of good literary ability. They have a small press, and print a monthly paper, the Revue Icarienne. They have a shoemaker’s shop, but scarcely anything in the industrial line besides their mill. They have a fair supply of good agricultural implements48, and conduct their farming about as their neighbors in general do.
“If they maintain harmony, they can readily pay this debt and improve their mode of life. They are somewhat chary49 of admitting new members, because they already have men enough to farm their land, and they do not feel able to make their settlement an asylum50 for all who hold communistic ideas. Their school is one of the regular district-schools[46] of the county. It is located between the two communities and patronized by both. The teacher at present is a French lady, educated in Cincinnati—an Icarian in her early days—and the school is well conducted. At the time of the split the library was divided. Each village has a library of more than one thousand volumes, mainly French, and containing the works of the standard old French authors. In both communities newspapers are taken freely, both English and French, and the people seem more conversant51 with affairs—especially with European affairs—than the average American farmer’s family. Their family-life seems natural and affectionate. Their life is necessarily plain, toilsome, and monotonous52, but I think it is fully53 as agreeable and diversified54 as that of isolated55 American farmers. The life in the ‘New Icarian Community’ seems more genial56 and social than in the ‘Icarian Community.’ At the time of the split a number of individuals withdrew, and did not join either party in reorganizing. Since, also, there have been numerous accessions and withdrawals57, the latter preponderating58, especially in the ‘Icarian Community.’
“The ‘Icarian Community,’ according to Mr. Peron, now contains thirty souls: seven are men over twenty years; five are women over eighteen years; eighteen are children. One man, Michael Brumme, a German, is about seventy years old. There is one lady over sixty years old. Both these were Nauvoo members. All the other men and women are under forty years of age. All are French except two Germans and one Spaniard. There were several other old members, who have withdrawn59 within the past two or three years. They have seven hundred and seventy-two acres of land; two hundred acres are timber; three hundred acres are seeded in clover or timothy grass. This year they are planting one hundred and twenty acres of corn—they profess60 to believe in intensive agriculture. They are turning almost exclusive attention to stock-raising, and all their agriculture is with reference to feeding cattle and hogs. They have now about ready for the market thirty-six steers and seventy-five hogs. Altogether they have about one hundred and thirty head of cattle, one hundred and fifty hogs, twenty horses and colts. They are intending to raise sheep, and are just beginning with a flock of seventy-five, expecting to buy a larger flock soon. They have a productive vineyard of nine or ten acres. Last year they made fifteen barrels of wine; they made twenty barrels the previous year. Last fall they made seven or eight barrels of cider and fifteen barrels of vinegar; also five barrels of sorghum61 molasses, of which they will make ten barrels this year. They have ten[47] acres of apple orchard. They have a blacksmith shop, wagon62 shop, and shoemaker shop, for their own work exclusively. They give for their financial report for April, 1883, the following: assets, $30,300; liabilities, $8751.80. They estimate their real estate at two thirds and their stock at one third their assets. They expect that the hogs and steers which they will market in a few days will bring about $3700—about $3000 of which will be applied63 to the debt. They pay an average interest of seven per cent. on their debt. They have a central hall similar to the one already described. They also have eight frame houses like those in New Icaria. (The houses in New Icaria were moved bodily from old Icaria when the new settlement was formed, except the hall and the outbuildings.) A picturesque64 feature of old Icaria is the dozen old log cabins, now used as sheds, etc., which were the original homes. They are close by the present habitations. For a year or two this community has been seriously talking of leaving Iowa. If they can make an advantageous65 sale of their property they say they would go. They have prospected66 somewhat in the South, but have concluded that California is the place for them. In the spring of 1881 over a dozen persons, in five or six families, withdrew from Icaria and moved to Sonoma Co., California, where they bought eight hundred acres of land and have formed a commune. They are said to be prospering67 as fruit-growers. Icaria talks of joining them in California with a view to the fusion68 of the communes. Peron (a prominent member) says they would like the climate better than that of Iowa, and would also find fruit-growing more congenial than general farming. It would give more time for mental culture, and would admit of a more agreeable style of living. The society publishes a monthly paper called the Communiste-Libertaire—which is written and printed by Peron. If there had been harmony, and no division, I think that Icaria would have been prosperous to-day—with perhaps several hundred members. As things now stand it is hard to foretell69 the fate of either branch. If the one goes to California, the other may have a slow, steady growth in Iowa. A good many young people lack the devotion to the principle of communism necessary to keep them in the society, and they withdraw from time to time. The difficulty of Frenchmen living harmoniously70 in a commune seems the great source of disaster. Spite of his theory to the contrary, a Frenchman has a great deal of “individualism,” and not a great deal of patience and forbearance.... It just occurs to me to say one thing more. The Icarians are good[48] American citizens. Cabet and all his comrades took out naturalization papers, and were all ardent71 abolitionists! They voted the first Republican ticket (Fremont) in 1856, and Mr. Marchand tells me that he has voted for every Republican president since. The “old folks” in New Icaria are still solidly Republican in politics; but Mr. Peron and his friends in the other community have been voting the Greenback ticket for a year or two. They say that it seems to them that the Greenback party represents the laboring classes in their struggle against great corporate29 and moneyed monopolies; and it is in the spirit of agitators72 that they support the Greenback party, and not so much because they expect anything definite from that party.
“Peron is very brilliant and epigrammatic in conversation.... He is a scientist, a positivist philosopher, an internationalist, somewhat of an avowed73 anarchist74, and a terrible proletarian. In short, he is a character whose acquaintance I enjoyed making—Gérard, Marchand, Peron, Fugier, Sauva, and Bettannier are the sort of men who figure in French history or in Hugo’s novels. Their tremendous individuality seems to me ill at ease in an obscure little commune where, theoretically, no man is more than his fellow-man.”
They are still governed by the essential principles of Cabet’s constitution, the two leading ideas of which are the equality of all and the brotherhood75 of man. They elect executive officers every year, who are, however, only empowered to execute the orders of their fellow-citizens, and may not so much as buy a bushel of corn without being authorized76 to do so by the society. They have no servants, and are too poor for the enjoyment77 of luxuries. The directors buy the goods needed by the Icarians twice a year at wholesale78. Each one makes known his wants previous to the semi-annual purchases. Marriage is essential according to Cabet’s scheme,[31] and wives are highly[49] honored. Not only is the strictest fidelity79 enjoined80 upon the husbands, but they are required to render special acts of homage81 to their wives.[32]
Education is valued. All children are sent to school till they are sixteen, and they regret that their poverty does not allow them to give the young a more extended mental training.
As is evident, the community has been by no means an entire failure, although it has been one of the poorest communistic societies in our country. The differences which have sprung up may possibly be beneficial to the cause, as they have led, as has been seen, to three communes instead of one. At present, it is safe to say that the only possible way for communism to succeed is to adopt, as the Icarians have done, the communal82 or township system. This affords room for a diversity of growth and the development of at least local individuality.
A gentleman, learning that Mr. Nordhoff had visited Icaria, wrote to him as follows: “Please deal gently and cautiously with Icaria. The man who sees only the chaotic83 village and the wooden shoes, and only chronicles those, will commit a serious error. In that village are buried fortunes, noble hopes, and the aspirations84 of good and great men like Cabet. Fertilized85 by these deaths, a great and beneficent growth yet awaits Icaria. It has an eventful and extremely interesting history, but its future is destined86 to be still more interesting. It, and it alone, represents in America a great idea—rational democratic communism.”
A good notion of Cabet’s teachings may be obtained[50] by studying Icaria and its constitution; but, if more complete information is desired, it can be found in the “Voyage to Icaria”—a really fascinating book. His principles are quite simple, and all centre in the beneficent effects of equality, to which fraternity, as understood by Cabet, necessarily leads. “If we are asked, ‘What is your science?’ we reply, ‘Fraternity.’ ‘What is your principle?’—‘Fraternity.’ ‘What is your doctrine87?’—‘Fraternity.’ ‘What is your theory?’—‘Fraternity.’ ‘What is your system?’—‘Fraternity.’”[33] But how were people to be taught to practise communism? how induce the aristocracy to renounce88 their privileges? This was to be accomplished89 by peaceful means alone. The apostles of Icarianism should, like Christ, whose principles they were only carrying out, convert the world by teaching, preaching, writing, discussing, persuading, and by setting good examples.[34] The wildness of his dreams is shown by the fact that he allowed fifty years for a peaceful transition from our present economic life to communism. In the interval90, various measures were to be introduced by legislation to pave the way to the new system. Among these may be mentioned communistic training for children, a minimum of wages, exemption91 of the poor from all taxes, and progressive taxation92 for the rich. But “the system of absolute equality, of community of goods and of labor13, will not be obliged to be applied completely, perfectly, universally, and definitely until the expiration93 of fifty years.”[35] No one who has studied the slow formation[51] of social organizations could possibly hope for a radical94 change in so short a period. Some are doubtless led to such anticipations95 by noticing the rapid changes in the commercial and industrial world. This is, it is said, a fast age, and in not a few respects the saying is true. But man’s nature and society are not changing so rapidly. It is the mere96 externals of our life which change speedily.
Cabet’s political organization consists of a democratic republic.[36] Representatives and executives are allowed, but they derive97 their power from the people. Those whom the Icarians choose to rule over them prepare laws and regulations which are submitted to the citizens for approval, provide amusements, conduct industries in large establishments, and divide the products of common labor equally among all. Houses, villages, provinces, communes, and farms are as nearly alike as possible. The economies of common production enable all to enjoy every comfort and many luxuries. Elegance and beauty are encouraged.
The only choice allowed in one’s clothes concerns their color; otherwise all are dressed alike, save that distinctions are made for age and sex.
Marriage and family are held sacred, as might perhaps be expected from the high honors accorded by Cabet to the fair sex. Perhaps his views concerning the elevated position due woman were influential98 in drawing to him the large number of sympathizers he found among the ladies of Paris, who encouraged him with kind words and frequent floral gifts.
As large an amount of liberty was granted by the Icarians as was practicable. Work was common, as has[52] been stated, but young men and young women were allowed to choose their own career. However, if there existed a disproportionate number of applicants99 for any particular trade or profession, competitive examination decided100 who should be selected for the said pursuit. The others were obliged to make another choice.
Diligence and thrift101 were enjoined on all. Men worked till sixty-five years of age and women till fifty. The length of a day’s labor was seven hours in summer and five in winter; for women, however, only four. All labor ceased at 1 P.M. Dirty and disagreeable work was performed by machines.
Science and literature were held in high esteem102 and encouraged, though publication was not free. Any one might write books, but only those could be printed whose publication had been authorized by law.
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opposition
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chamber
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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condemned
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imprisonment
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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previously
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populous
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reign
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tract
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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chilly
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elegance
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dreary
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determined
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dictatorial
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scattered
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emigrants
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cultivation
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kindly
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worthy
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hampered
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courteous
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incorporation
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forfeited
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corporate
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equitable
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ascertained
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labored
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partnership
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lumber
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steers
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hogs
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37
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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38
inventory
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| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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41
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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43
vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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44
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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46
orchard
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| n.果园，果园里的全部果树，(美俚)棒球场 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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48
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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49
chary
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| adj.谨慎的，细心的 | |
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50
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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52
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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54
diversified
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| adj.多样化的，多种经营的v.使多样化，多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 )；进入新的商业领域 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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withdrawals
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| n.收回，取回，撤回( withdrawal的名词复数 )；撤退，撤走；收回[取回，撤回，撤退，撤走]的实例；推出（组织），提走（存款），戒除毒瘾，对说过的话收回，孤僻 | |
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preponderating
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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sorghum
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| n.高粱属的植物，高粱糖浆，甜得发腻的东西 | |
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wagon
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| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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prospected
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| vi.勘探（prospect的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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prospering
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的现在分词 ) | |
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fusion
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| n.溶化；熔解；熔化状态，熔和；熔接 | |
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foretell
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| v.预言，预告，预示 | |
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harmoniously
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| 和谐地，调和地 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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84
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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Fertilized
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| v.施肥( fertilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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87
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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88
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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91
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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92
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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93
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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94
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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96
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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97
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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98
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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99
applicants
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| 申请人，求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
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100
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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101
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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102
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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