Count Henry de Saint-Simon[37] was born at Paris in 1760. He belonged to a noble family of France, which traced its origin to Charlemagne. The family attained3 distinction early in the fifteenth century through the gallant5 conduct of one of its members at the battle of Agincourt. It divided into five branches in the seventeenth century. The celebrated6 Duke de Saint-Simon, author of the “Memoirs of the Reign7 of Louis XIV. and the Regency,” belonged to one branch; Louis Fran?ois de Saint-Simon, Marquis de Sandricourt, grandfather of the socialist8, to another. Among the sons of the marquis were Balthasar Henri, Maximilien Henri, and Charles Fran?ois Simeon, of whom the two latter became distinguished10. Balthasar Henri was the father of the subject of this chapter.
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Although not the grandson of the duke, as has been erroneously supposed,[38] Saint-Simon would naturally have inherited his titles and property. They were lost to him, however, through the quarrel of his father with the duke. The titles he lost were those of a grandee11 of Spain and a duke of France, while the property he would have inherited yielded an annual income of 500,000 francs. “I have lost the titles and the fortune of the Duke of Saint-Simon,” he writes, “but I have inherited his passion for glory.” This was manifested in a singular way when he was only sixteen years of age. That he might not forget the grand destiny in store for him, he ordered his servant to awaken12 him every morning with the words, “Arise, Monsieur le Comte, you have grand deeds to perform.” Saint-Simon had already entered the army at this time, and the year afterwards went to America and fought in the War of the Revolution under Washington. He took part in the siege of Yorktown and witnessed the surrender of Lord Cornwallis. He distinguished himself for bravery on this occasion, and received honorable recognition of his gallant conduct from the Society of the Cincinnati. Upon his return to France, he was made colonel of the Regiment13 of Aquitaine at the early age of twenty-three. But he soon resigned his position and abandoned all hopes of a military career, although his prospects14 were certainly brilliant. In speaking of his sojourn15 in the United States, he says: “I occupied myself much more with political science than military tactics. The war in itself did not interest me, but the purpose of the war interested me exceedingly, and this interest[55] enabled me to endure its hardships without repugnance16. I desire the attainment17 of the purpose, I was accustomed to say to myself, and I ought not to rebel against the means thereto.... My vocation18 was not that of a soldier; I was drawn19 towards a very different, indeed, I may say, diametrically opposite, kind of activity. The life purpose which I set before me was to study the movements of the human mind, in order that I might then labor20 for the perfection of civilization. From that time forward I devoted21 myself to this work without reserve; to it I consecrated22 my entire life.”[39]
Saint-Simon was taken prisoner by the British when returning to France in the Ville de Paris, and carried to Jamaica, where he was detained until the close of the war. In returning to Europe he visited Mexico, and there made an attempt to carry out one of the magnificent plans for the advancement23 of mankind which he had been revolving24 in his mind. He endeavored to interest the viceroy in a project for building a canal to unite the Atlantic with the Pacific. While his exertions were unsuccessful, it is interesting to note that one who drew his inspiration largely from Saint-Simon—viz., De Lesseps—may yet execute his plan.
A few years later Saint-Simon formed designs for a canal to connect Madrid with the sea, and might possibly have succeeded in realizing them, had not the French Revolution recalled him to France. He[56] sided with the people, although his family traditions and early training would have led him to connect himself with the royalists, and although in the struggle he lost the property he had inherited from his mother. He was elected president of the commune where his property was situated25, in 1789, and in an address to the electors proclaimed his intention to renounce26 the title of count, since he regarded it as inferior to that of citizen; and he refused another office lest it should be supposed he owed it to his rank. All this, however, did not prevent his imprisonment27 on account of his nobility, which rendered him in the eyes of the terrorists a dangerous character. He was kept in prison, first at St. Pélagie, afterwards at the Luxembourg, for eleven months, and was released after the Revolution of Thermidor. It was at this time that his ancestor Charlemagne appeared to him and encouraged him with a prophecy of future greatness. He describes the vision in these words: “At the most cruel epoch28 of the Revolution, and during a night of my detention29 at the Luxembourg, Charlemagne appeared to me and said: ‘Since the world has existed, no family has enjoyed the honor of producing a hero and a philosopher of the first rank; this honor has been reserved for my house. My son, thy success as a philosopher will equal mine as a warrior30 and politician.’”
Upon his release from prison Saint-Simon began to speculate in the confiscated31 national lands, in order to obtain money to enable him to prosecute32 his plans for the improvement of society. He realized 144,000 francs from his investments, and then retired33 from business, as he thought he had all the property he needed. He devoted the following seven years to[57] preparatory study, taking up his abode34 first in the neighborhood of the école Polytechnique, afterwards near the école de Médecine. Physiology35 and the physical sciences interested him chiefly. What he had in view was a science of the sciences, a science to classify facts derived36 from all sciences and to unite them into one whole; and it was from him that his scholar, Auguste Comte, derived the idea of founding a universal science, as he attempted in his “Cours de Philosophie Positive.” In fact this work was only a development of his “Système Politique Positive,” which he, as a scholar of Saint-Simon, wrote at the instance of his master.[40]
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Saint-Simon thought it necessary to add an experimental training to his theoretical one in order to prepare himself for his mission, and accomplished37 this by living every kind of life, from that of the wealthy entertainer of savants to one of poverty and dissipation. While this attempt to pass through all the experiences and feelings of a lifetime in a few years was not altogether unsuccessful, it was unfortunate in making him prematurely38 old.
Saint-Simon began his career as an author and social reformer at the age of forty-three, in 1803, and never abandoned it until his death in 1825.
His life was a sad one. His property was soon gone, and he often worked at his system while suffering the direst want, but he was sustained by the spirit of the martyr39. Saint-Simon endeavored to bring to pass the happy future which he believed possible for the human race. “The imagination of poets,” said he, “has placed the golden age at the cradle of the human race, amidst the ignorance and grossness of the earliest times. It had been better to relegate40 the iron age to that period. The golden age of humanity is not behind us; it is to come, and will be found in the perfection of the social order. Our fathers have not seen it; our children will one day behold41 it. It is our duty to prepare the way for them.”
Saint-Simon had thus devoted his life to a cause which he held sacred, and he pursued it through fortune and misfortune, through good report and through evil report. For a time he occupied the position of copyist at a salary of $200 per annum; a strange place for a scion42 of one of the proudest families of France. He copied nine hours a day, and robbed himself of sleep in order to develop his philosophical[59] and social system. His health had begun to fail him, when he was relieved from his deplorable situation by the kindness of a man who had been his valet in brighter days. This servant, one of the few who never lost faith in Saint-Simon, supported him, and assisted him in the publication of his works. The death in 1810 of the former valet, Diard by name, again left Saint-Simon in a wretched state, but he continued his labors43, and wrote two works, entitled “Sur la Science de l’Homme” and “Sur la Gravitation Universelle.” As he had no means of printing them, he sent them in manuscript to various scientists and other prominent men, with the following letter:
“Sir,—Be my saviour44. I am dying of starvation. For fifteen days I eat only bread and drink water; I work without a fire, and I have sold everything save my garments to cover the expense of the copies. It is a passion for science and the public good, it is the desire of discovering a means of terminating in a peaceable manner the dreadful crisis in which I find the entire European society engaged, that has caused me to fall into this condition of distress45; therefore, it is without blushing that I am able to confess my misery46 and demand assistance to enable me to continue my work.”
This letter met with no very favorable response, though Cuvier made him a small donation and others showed a mild interest in his welfare. His disciples47, however, were afterwards proud of it. The following exhortation48 follows its quotation49 in the “Doctrine50 de Saint-Simon:”[41] “Children of Saint-Simon! generations of the future! guard as a religious memorial these lines which your father has left you as a sacred legacy51. When his word shall have renewed the face of the earth, when the doctrine of recompense according[60] to works shall have been realized among men, when the last of the living shall obtain from the solicitude52 of society a guaranteed subsistence, a remuneration in proportion to merits, children of Saint-Simon, you will then love to repeat how, in order to accomplish his mission of regeneration, your father was reduced to begging.”
A small pension was finally granted Saint-Simon by his family, and he worked on quietly till 1823, but he found little sympathy and encouragement, and for once his courage deserted53 him. He was more than sixty years of age, his strength began to decrease, he was in want of every comfort and convenience and lacked the support and helpful consolations54 of domestic life. In his state of loneliness he was filled with despair by the thought that his life had been a failure, and he resolved to put an end to his own wretched existence.
Fortunately, however, he only succeeded in inflicting55 severe but not fatal injuries upon himself. His pitiable condition appears to have moved some kind hearts, for he was cared for tenderly until he recovered, when he regained56 faith in his mission and worked more diligently57 than ever. In the same year he finished his “Catéchisme des Industriels,” and in 1825, the year of his death, he completed the “Nouveau Christianisme.” These two works and his “Système Industriel,” published in 1821-22, are his three most important productions.
Perhaps the most celebrated of them all is his last work, the “Nouveau Christianisme,” the New Christianity. It was from this that his disciples chiefly drew their inspiration, and it was in this that his hopes centred as he lay on his death-bed, surrounded[61] by his friends, Auguste Comte, Rodrigues, and others. Reybaud[42] describes the last scene in the following manner: “Saint-Simon, feeling the approach of death, assembled about his bed his confidants and said to them: ‘For twelve days, my friends, I have been occupied with plans designed to assure the success of our enterprise (a projected journal called Le Producteur); for three hours, despite my sufferings, I have been endeavoring to present to you a résumé of my thoughts. You have arrived at a period where by your combined efforts you will achieve a great success; ... The fruit is ripe; you are able to gather it. The last part of my labors, the New Christianity, will not be immediately understood. It has been thought that every religious system ought to disappear because men have succeeded in proving the weakness and insufficiency of Catholicism. People are deceived in this. Religion cannot disappear from the world; it can only be changed. Rodrigues,’ addressing his favorite scholar, ‘do not forget, but remember that to accomplish grand deeds you must be enthusiastic. All my life is comprised in this one thought; to guarantee to all men the freest development of their faculties60.’
“He paused for a few moments, then in the final struggle added,
“‘Forty-eight hours after our second publication the party of the laborers62 will be formed; the future is ours.’
“After having said these words, he raised his hand to his head and died.”
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There are certain leading doctrines63 in Saint-Simon’s writings, which I will endeavor to present briefly64, before passing on to a consideration of his followers66, the Saint-Simonians. Comparatively unimportant changes of opinion respecting the details of his practical programme, as well as other minor67 points, will be omitted in this presentation.
We find running through all the writings of Saint-Simon, from his first work, “Lettres d’un Habitant de Genève,” to his last one, the “Nouveau Christianisme,” an aim and purpose which may be considered the leading feature of his system. It is the attempt to discover an authority which shall rule the inner life of man as well as his external acts. There have been powers which were able to do this. The Catholic Church, up to the fifteenth century and the beginnings of the Reformation, was one. Since then, however, it has failed to embody68 in itself all the advances of science; it has consequently lost its hold on the minds of men, has declined in influence, and ceased to be an organic bond uniting different nations and molding men’s lives. The present age is, therefore, critical: that is to say, the preponderating69 factors entering into it are disintegrating70. This was seen in the French Revolution, the culmination71 of this period, which was destructive. This critical period was necessary to clear away hinderances and prepare for an organic and constructive72 period, which ought now to follow, since the time is ripe for a new social system based on universal association.
We are now in a transitional stage which is called a crisis.[43] The problem is to terminate the crisis.[63] This can be accomplished only by an advance in knowledge, accompanied by a passage from the feudal73 and theological to the industrial and scientific system. War and industry occupied the Middle Ages and must now be replaced by industry alone. Belief, faith, having lost its power, must be replaced by knowledge. Knowledge and industry are to be united and govern the world. They are to furnish to men the guidance and leadership they need and desire.
Carlyle said that the poor laborer61 “would fain find for himself a superior that should lovingly and wisely govern,” and that the wish and prayer of all human hearts was “give me a leader; a true leader, not a false sham-leader; a true leader, that he may guide me on the true way, that I may be loyal to him, that I may swear fealty74 to him and follow him, and feel that it is well with me.”[44] So thought Saint-Simon, when he appealed to thinkers and workers to unite and lead. He would gladly have seen England and France join in this movement, believing that they could draw the other powers into it.
What were the specific objects of this leadership? What were the functions of this restored authority?
First, universal peace was to be guaranteed. Formerly75, the Catholic Church, in its character of arbiter76 of nations, imposed a wholesome77 restraint on kings, and lessened78 the number of wars. Since the decay of belief it was no longer possible for it to accomplish this. A European parliament composed of true leaders must now arbitrate between nations. This was ever a favorite theme of Saint-Simonism, and[64] modern sentiment and agitation79 in favor of peace owe more than is generally known to Saint-Simon and his followers.
Second, leadership is to establish universal association, guaranteeing labor to all, and a reward in proportion to services rendered. Equality is to be avoided, as involving greater injustice80 than our present economic life. Recompense in proportion to merit is the true maxim9. But as all are to be guaranteed work, all must work either mentally or physically81. In a socially regenerated82 state there is no room left for idlers. An idler is a parasite83; he devours84 what others produce and makes no return. Wealthy idlers are thieves; another class of idlers consists of beggars, and this last class of do-nothings, we are told by Saint-Simon, is scarcely less contemptible85 and dangerous than the first.[45] This makes it sufficiently86 evident that the Saint-Simonians were acting87 in the spirit of their master in proposing the abolition88 of inheritance.
Again, this new society would not be ascetic89, like the old Christianity—Saint-Simon’s kingdom was of this world. Flesh and spirit both had their rights, and their harmonious90 union and development alone formed the perfect man. Everything that was good and true and beautiful was to be encouraged. Luther is even accused of heresy91 because he rejected art as a handmaid of religion. The new society is religious and holy, and its chiefs are its priests.
Revolution is injurious and is not to be looked to as a means of social regeneration. It is destructive, whereas a constructive power is sought.[46] Reform[65] must be brought about by public opinion; and public opinion is to be enlightened by the printed and spoken word. An appeal is made to royalty92 to assist in this noble work, as its interests are at one with the industrials, and opposed to those of the do-nothings. In the new state the king is to take the title of the “First Industrial of his kingdom.”[47]
While Saint-Simon is not to be made responsible for all the later extravagance of his school, it is true that authority is to be found in his works for the fundamental ideas of his followers, and even for their practical measures before the separation which took place between Enfantin and Bazard. They were acting in accordance with his dying instructions in organizing and in preaching in behalf of labor. I am unable to separate, as some do, Saint-Simon from his disciples. So long as they were united and moderate they were carrying out consistently his teachings. They simply developed his thoughts and expressed precisely93 notions at which he had only hinted in vague and indefinite language.
The New Christianity was the Bible of the Saint-Simonian religion. Saint-Simon held that God had founded the Christian59 Church, and that we ought to honor the Fathers of the Church with the deepest reverence94. Catholics and Protestants had, however, perverted95 the only true and valid96 Christian principle, and it was this he sought to restore. “In the New Christianity,” said he, “all morality will be derived immediately from this principle; men ought to regard each other as brothers. This principle, which belongs to[66] primitive97 Christianity, will receive a glorification98, and in its new form will read: Religion must aid society in its chief purpose, which is the most rapid improvement in the lot of the poor.” It is thus that the social question becomes the essence of religion. This was the starting-point of Saint-Simon’s disciples, and led to the formation of a Saint-Simonian sect99 with a priesthood.
But let us devote a few moments to a description of the economic and social organization proposed by the Saint-Simonians, before discussing the religious society they founded to do honor to the memory of Saint-Simon, to assist in carrying our their socialistic schemes, and to satisfy the yearnings of hearts which refused to find satisfaction and contentment in the Christian Church.
Saint-Simonism is the first example of pure socialism, by which I understand an economic system in which production is entirely100 carried on in common, and the fruits of labor distributed according to some ideal standard, which appears to the promoters of the scheme just. This standard will, of course, vary according to the subjective101 ideas of different socialists102. Any plan, to be practicable, must necessarily be a compromise between various views and historical antecedents.
Another writer defines “Socialism Proper”—by which he means about what I understand by Pure Socialism—as follows: “It is that system which recognizes inequality both in the capacity and requirements of individuals, and accordingly allows wages to be proportionate to work done, and admits of private income along with collective property.”[48]
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The Saint-Simonians were led to socialism by observing the ill-regulated distribution of economic goods under our present social régime. They found the idle surfeited103 in luxuries and the diligent58 without the comforts and often without even the necessaries of life, the former enjoying the right to live as parasites104 on the fruits of the toil105 of the busy, the latter enjoying the right to choose between hard and ill-paid labor and death by starvation. They were able to perceive no sufficient connection between merit and recompense. Consequently the world appeared in a state of disharmony and they proposed to restore harmony by a new economic system.
It may be as well to state here that political economists107 are generally inclined to admit a certain justice in such complaints and only object to socialistic schemes as impracticable or as involving still worse evils. To show how far a man who holds a high rank as an orthodox political economist106 can go in his objection to the present method of distributing economic goods, it may be well to cite a celebrated passage from John Stuart Mill’s “Political Economy:” “If the bulk of the human race are always to remain as at present, slaves to toil in which they have no interest and therefore feel no interest—drudging from early morning till late at night for bare necessaries and with all the intellectual and moral deficiencies which that implies—without resources either in mind or feeling—untaught, for they cannot be better taught than fed; selfish, for all their thoughts are required for themselves; without interests or sentiments as citizens and members of society, and with a sense of injustice rankling108 in their minds, equally for what they have not and what others have; I know not what there[68] is which should make a person of any capacity of reason concern himself about the destinies of the human race.”[49] In another place Mill says that if the institution of private property necessarily carried with it all the sufferings and injustices109 of the present state of society, and a choice had to be made between private property and communism, “all the difficulties, great or small, of communism would be but as dust in the balance.”[50]
Now, the Saint-Simonians believed it possible to remedy these evils of distribution only by the substitution of state property for private property. At the same time, they rejected any equal distribution of labor’s products, which would give the active and energetic no more than the slow and indolent, which would treat alike the stupid clown, who was only a burden and a nuisance, and a great genius whose talents increased the wealth and prosperity of the nation. The Saint-Simonians held that men were by nature unequal, and that it was right to reward superior power, when exerted for the general good. Their idea was that each one should labor according to his capacity and be rewarded according to the services rendered. They wished to organize civil society on the plan of an army. This thought is distinctly expressed by one of their leaders in these words: “In the army gradations in rank and authority are already established, while in civil life that is precisely what is wanting; and in an enterprise conducted upon the principle of association, a central administration is imperiously required.”[51] The officers are the directing[69] authority in this scheme, and they decide on the value of the services rendered to society and reward the citizens accordingly. As society consists of priests, savants, and industrials—the industrials comprising those engaged in manufactures, agriculture, and commerce[52]—so the government consists of the chiefs of the priests, the chiefs of the savants, and the chiefs of the industrials. All property belongs to the church, i.e., to the state, and every profession or trade is a religious exercise and has its rank in the social hierarchy112.[53]
It is not clearly stated how the ruling body was to be selected, whether by popular vote or otherwise. The idea of the Saint-Simonians seems to have been, however, that the good and wise, the best, would be voluntarily and without dissension selected as leaders—an idea scarcely warranted by the world’s experience with universal suffrage113.
The Saint-Simonians necessarily rejected inheritance from their scheme, as they regarded idlers as thieves, and wished each one to be rewarded only in accordance with his own individual merits. All should start with equal advantages and only avail themselves of nature’s inequalities, i.e., superior talents. Christ’s command was “Away with slavery!” Saint-Simon’s, “Away with inheritance!” Property now inherited would naturally become common property in the new society.
The Saint-Simonians were accused in the Chamber114 of Deputies of advocating community of goods and community of wives. They defended themselves in a brochure dated October 1, 1830, which it is worth[70] while to quote, as it gives their ideas on these two important subjects:[54]
“Yes, without doubt, the Saint-Simonians profess111 peculiar115 views regarding property and the future of women, as well as concerning religion, power, liberty, and, finally, concerning all the great problems which are agitated116 so violently in Europe to-day. But these are very different from those ascribed to them. The system of community of goods means a division among all the members of society, either of the means of production or of the fruits of the toil of all.
“The Saint-Simonians reject this equal division of property, which would constitute in their eyes a more reprehensible117 act of violence, a more revolting injustice, than the present unequal division, which was effected in the first place by the force of arms, by conquest.
“For they believe in the natural inequality of men, and regard this inequality as the very basis of association, as the indispensable condition of social order.
“They reject the system of community of goods, for this would be a manifest violation118 of the first of all the moral laws which it is their mission to teach—viz., that in the future each one should rank according to his capacity and be rewarded according to his works.
“But in virtue119 of this law they demand the abolition of all privileges of birth, without exception, and consequently the destruction of inheritance, the chief of these privileges, which to-day comprehends all the others, and the effect of which is to leave to chance the distribution of social privileges among a small[71] number, and to condemn120 the most numerous class to deprivation121, to ignorance, to misery.
“They demand that land, capital, and all the instruments of labor should become common property, and be so managed that each one’s portion should correspond to his capacity and his reward to his labors.... Christianity has released woman from servitude but has condemned122 her to religious, political, and civil inferiority. The Saint-Simonians have announced her emancipation123, but they have not abolished the sacred law of marriage, proclaimed by Christianity. On the contrary, they give a new sanctity to this law.
“Like the Christians124, they demand that one man should be united to one woman, but they teach that the wife ought to be the equal of the husband, and that, in accordance with the particular grace given to her sex by God, she ought to be associated with him in the triple function of temple, state, and family, in such a manner that the social individual which has hitherto been man alone should hereafter be man and woman.[55]
“The religion of Saint-Simon is to put an end to this legal prostitution which, under the name of marriage, consecrates125 frequently to-day a monstrous126 union of devotion and egoism, of intelligence and ignorance, of youth and decrepitude127.”
The leaders of the Saint-Simonian religion were Enfantin and Bazard, the Supreme128 Fathers. Rodrigues had been chosen by Saint-Simon as his successor, but he generously ceded129 his position to them as his superiors, in accordance with the rule that rank should be the measure of capacity.
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The new faith gained a large number of adherents130 after the Revolution of July, 1830.[56] Some of these became prominent afterwards, some of them were then men of wealth and importance. The best known are perhaps Buchez, who wrote a “Parliamentary History of the Revolution,” and was President of the Constituent131 Assembly of 1830; Laurent, a distinguished author and professor; Michel Chevalier, a civil engineer, since celebrated as a writer and a political economist; Barrault, professor of literature at the College of Sorèze, a dramatic author of distinction, some of whose plays had been performed at the Théatre Fran?ais, and an orator132 of remarkable133 eloquence134; Fournel, who had studied at the Polytechnic135 and afterwards made a name as an engineer; Adolphe Blanqui, who became an orthodox political economist, and wrote a “History of Political Economy,” and Pierre Leroux,[57] who at a later period became the exponent136 of Humanitarianism137, a kind of Saint-Simonism modified and tinctured with Hegelian philosophy, and under whose influence several of Madame Sand’s works, as “Consuelo” and “La Comtesse de Rudolstadt,” were written. Other men of more or less note, bankers, lawyers, merchants, and particularly all kinds of engineers, joined them. The école Polytechnique was ever their stronghold. De Lesseps, an engineer who has disturbed the peace of many Americans, was also for a time connected with them.
Enfantin was, indeed, a strange man. It is scarcely comprehensible what could have given him such power[73] over men of ability, learning, wealth, and shrewd business capacity. In commenting upon this circumstance, Mr. Booth says: “He ruled despotically over their lives and thoughts; he induced them ... to lead an ascetic life; he withdrew them from refined society, and forced them to share in the coarsest toil; he compelled them to undergo the humiliation138 of public confessions139, and he received from them the honors and the reverence accorded to a divine teacher. Yet his intellectual powers were inferior to those possessed140 by some of his disciples.” ... However, “his views were noble and generous and he advocated them with all the sincerity141 of genuine enthusiasm and the boldness of matchless self-confidence. It was natural that they should fascinate young men of an ardent142 temperament143, who burned with a chivalrous144 desire to redress145 the evils of the world. They were readily charmed by a prophet whose countenance146 was remarkable for its dignity and repose147, and whose affectionate disposition148 inspired them with boundless149 confidence and fervor150. It must be admitted also that both his religious and political opinions contained a large amount of truth; but his vanity has invested them with an appearance of absurdity151, for he delighted in fantastic dresses, in solemn processions, and imposing152 ceremonies; and he exposed himself to the ridicule153 of the world by permitting his disciples to speak to him of the majesty154 of his countenance and the divine brightness of his smile.”[58] An absent follower65 writes to the father, le Père, as they called him, from Corsica: “The kiss of my father will give me power, and his eloquent155 voice; I have every confidence in[74] my father, for I am sure that he knows his children better than they know themselves; why do I, nevertheless, tremble in going to him?” Other expressions addressed to the father are too absurd, extravagant156, and impious to be quoted. Once, indeed, Enfantin rebuked157 the homage158 of his disciples with the words: “No one of us is God: I am only a man.”
The Saint-Simonians in an early stage of their proselytism formed a “Sacred College of Apostles,” consisting of six leaders. These chiefs were Enfantin, Bazard, Buchez, Rodrigues, Laurent, and Rouen. The younger and less influential159 disciples were organized as a subordinate order. They established missions and bishoprics in Toulouse, Montpellier, Sorèze, Lyons, in fact, in all parts of France, and also carried the new gospel to foreign lands, as Belgium and Algeria. Paris was divided into twelve districts and a male and a female missionary160 sent into each part. They propagated their faith by numerous lectures and by the press. One of their organs was called the Globe; its mottoes were: “Religion, Science, Industry, Universal Association.
“The purpose of all social institutions ought to be the intellectual, moral, and physical amelioration of the poorest and most numerous class.
“All privileges of birth, without exception, are abolished.
“To each one according to his capacity; to each capacity according to its works.”
These mottoes are a good résumé of their ideas.
The Saint-Simonians considered it necessary first to distinguish themselves in marked manner by wearing a peculiar costume, afterwards to separate themselves from the world by retiring to a sort of monastery161.
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Their costume consisted of blue cloth. Bazard and Enfantin wore light blue, the other adherents a darker shade, according to rank, the lowest members of the hierarchy being clad in royal blue. At a later period a still more peculiar costume was adopted, which embraced a waistcoat so contrived162 that no one could either put it on or take it off without assistance; and this symbolized163 the dependence164 of man upon his fellow-man.
In 1831 a schism165 took place in the Saint-Simonian church. Enfantin’s views regarding love and marriage were becoming constantly less and less orthodox. His belief in the substantial correctness of the impulses of the flesh led him to advocate, first, divorce, then views which can fairly be called free-love. In this he departed widely from the doctrines of the earlier and purer Saint-Simonism. A violent controversy166 followed the announcement of Enfantin’s later opinions. The debates lasted day and night for some time. They were all terribly in earnest. Young men were borne from the room unconscious and some even lost their reason. The matter did not terminate until Bazard and a large number of disciples, including Mde. Bazard, M. Fournel and his wife, and Pierre Leroux, withdrew from the association. To the credit of the women connected with the Saint-Simonians, it should be stated that not one of them remained with Enfantin.
Enfantin and Bazard had been the two fathers, and in their assemblies Bazard had had a seat beside Enfantin. His chair was left vacant, as an appeal to some female Messiah to come forward and occupy it, and form together with Enfantin the couple-prêtre, the true priest man-woman. As man and woman together[76] formed one unit, the supreme priesthood could only be perfect when composed of both. Enfantin’s beauty and wonderful magnetism167 appear to have attracted numerous candidates, but the right one never appeared. The perfect priest remained an unrealized dream.
After the schism Enfantin and a number of his disciples decided168 to come out from the world, and for this purpose retired to Ménilmontant, where Enfantin owned a house surrounded by a large garden. Here forty or fifty of the faithful led a most strange life. It was one of severe asceticism169. Husbands separated from their wives for the sake of their religion, after they had assumed the monastic dress. Sometimes the wives shared the enthusiasm of the disciples; sometimes they murmured. One of them, who finds the trial a hard one and yet appreciates her husband’s motives170, writes to him: “On Wednesday, I shall see you assume the dress of an apostle, and then I can give you but a sisterly kiss. I will endeavor to collect all my strength to hear you renounce me as a wife and your Amelia as child. Such a proceeding171 requires an energy which I trust I shall possess. Receive the tender farewell of her who will soon no longer be able to subscribe172 herself—your Amelia.” To a friend she writes: “I am sensible of the aims to which his noble and generous heart leads him, when he separates himself from me. This knowledge is sufficient for me to accept the sacrifice, and, after all, what is my grief, what are my tears, when the enfranchisement173 of the world is concerned?”
As they held the performance of labor to be a religious act, they employed no servants, and at Ménilmontant you might have been edified174 by the sight of a man scrubbing the floor, who has since attained a[77] world-wide fame. They were generally cheered in their work by music. Another part of their creed175 laid stress upon mental development, and we find at the monastery instruction given in astronomy, geology, physical geography, music, and civil engineering. Any one might well be proud to have had such instructors176 as those who taught. To mention only one, the teacher of music was David, the composer of the operas “Lalla Rookh,” “Désert,” and “Herculanum.”
It is not necessary in this place to describe the strange and fantastic life by which the apostles endeavored to attain4 a more elevated spiritual state, reverencing177 Saint-Simon and Enfantin as sacred messengers of God. They were finally dispersed178 by dissensions, the desire of some to return to their families, financial difficulties, and external persecution179. Enfantin and Chevalier were imprisoned180 for holding illegal assemblies. The faith, however, continued to prosper110 for a few years, and missionaries181 were still sent out to teach the New Christianity. One of the latest expeditions was headed by Enfantin himself after his release from prison. Its aim was to connect the Red Sea with the Mediterranean182. De Lesseps was associated with them in this, but he finally separated from them, as they could not agree upon the engineering plans. Enfantin and other Saint-Simonians continued to advocate the project and scouted183 Stephenson’s assertion that it was impossible. This may seem at first like strange missionary work, but it does not, when you remember that to them all labor for the advancement of humanity was sacred. It is owing to Enfantin’s persistent184 endeavors that the Suez Canal was built. When Enfantin heard that De Lesseps was going on with the canal alone, it was[78] thought that he might feel injured. He exhibited, however, a truly noble spirit, and simply remarked that, “Provided the work which I have brought into notice, and caused to be studied as highly useful to the moral and material interests of humanity, be executed, I will be the first to bless him by whom it is executed. Undoubtedly185, it is but just that posterity186 should know that the initiation187 of that gigantic enterprise was taken by those whom the Old World could recognize only as Utopists, dreamers, or fools.”[59]
The Saint-Simonians never reunited after the Egyptian expedition. A considerable number were able to make themselves useful in that country on account of their engineering skill. Mehemet Ali, the viceroy, recognized their talents and employed them in numerous ways. One received a commission to found a Polytechnic School at Cairo, another was placed at the head of a school of artillery188, two others were appointed professors in the school at Kauka, and several medical men received positions in the hospital. David delighted the Alexandrians with concerts, and Barrault charmed them by his eloquent lectures. An Egyptian paper declared of Barrault that “Alexandria, since the best days of its glory, has never heard within its walls a voice so eloquent or a poetry of language so harmonious.”[60]
The most of these Saint-Simonians returned to France, and, like many of their former associates who had not left their native soil, acquired positions of prominence189 and influence.
Enfantin himself received a post as director of the[79] Lyons Railway and became wealthy. He never lost faith in Saint-Simonism, but thought that as much had been done for the system as was then possible, since its doctrines had been proclaimed far and near, and were slowly leavening190 the mass of society.
Many of the principles taught by the Saint-Simonians must receive our hearty191 approbation192. We sympathize with their endeavors to improve the lot of the poor and oppressed, and assent193 to them when they preach the dignity and sacredness of labor, the reverence due woman, and the duty of maintaining peace between nation and nation. When Chevalier proposes that the armies of Europe, “instead of being applied194 to the destruction of property and life, should be employed upon works of public utility,”[61] we are reminded that the coming of a time has been prophesied195 when “nations shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.”[62]
Saint-Simon has ceased to be the prophet of a religious school, but he did not sacrifice life and happiness in vain. He still lives in the lives and actions of men, and to-day possesses an historical importance which has been well expressed in these words:
“Saint-Simon first taught us to consider the history of labor and property as an essential element of human development, and consequently to investigate the history of society.
“He first discerned clearly the separation of the two great classes of industrial society, and implanted bitter hatred196 in the consciousness of the lower classes. Saint-Simon’s[80] word that the party of the laborers would be formed, has been fulfilled. Saint-Simonism is the first expression of the proletariat.
“He first represented social reform as the only true function of government.
“Finally, he first brought forward the question of inheritance, the question upon which the entire future of the social form of Europe will rest during the next two generations.
“Thus through Saint-Simon is society, in its power, its elements, and its contradictions, for the first time half understood, half vaguely197 conjectured198. He is the boundary of a new era in France. He left the beaten track and laid down his life in discovering and opening for society a new path. In it we have as yet taken only a few steps, and no human eye is able to discern the goal whither we are tending.”
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1
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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grandee
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| n.贵族；大公 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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15
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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21
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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22
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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23
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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24
revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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25
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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26
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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27
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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29
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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37
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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38
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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39
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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40
relegate
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| v.使降级，流放，移交，委任 | |
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41
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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42
scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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43
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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44
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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45
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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46
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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47
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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48
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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49
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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50
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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51
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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52
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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53
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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54
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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55
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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56
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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57
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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58
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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59
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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60
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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61
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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62
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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63
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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64
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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65
follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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66
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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67
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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68
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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69
preponderating
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
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70
disintegrating
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
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71
culmination
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| n.顶点；最高潮 | |
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72
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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73
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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74
fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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75
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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76
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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77
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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78
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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79
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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80
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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81
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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82
regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
parasite
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| n.寄生虫；寄生菌；食客 | |
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84
devours
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| 吞没( devour的第三人称单数 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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85
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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86
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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87
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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91
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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92
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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93
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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94
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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95
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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96
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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97
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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glorification
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| n.赞颂 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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101
subjective
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| a.主观(上)的，个人的 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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103
surfeited
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| v.吃得过多( surfeit的过去式和过去分词 )；由于过量而厌腻 | |
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104
parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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105
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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106
economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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107
economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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108
rankling
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的现在分词 ) | |
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109
injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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110
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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111
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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112
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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113
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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114
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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115
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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116
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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117
reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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118
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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119
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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120
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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121
deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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122
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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123
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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124
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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125
consecrates
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| n.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的名词复数 )；奉献v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的第三人称单数 )；奉献 | |
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126
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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127
decrepitude
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| n.衰老；破旧 | |
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128
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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129
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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130
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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131
constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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132
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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133
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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134
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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135
polytechnic
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| adj.各种工艺的，综合技术的；n.工艺(专科)学校；理工(专科)学校 | |
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136
exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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137
humanitarianism
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| n.博爱主义；人道主义；基督凡人论 | |
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138
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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139
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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140
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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141
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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142
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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143
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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144
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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145
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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146
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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147
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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148
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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149
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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150
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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151
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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152
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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153
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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154
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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155
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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156
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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157
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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159
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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160
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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161
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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162
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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163
symbolized
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| v.象征，作为…的象征( symbolize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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165
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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166
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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167
magnetism
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| n.磁性，吸引力，磁学 | |
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168
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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169
asceticism
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| n.禁欲主义 | |
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170
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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171
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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172
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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173
enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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174
edified
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| v.开导，启发( edify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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176
instructors
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| 指导者，教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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177
reverencing
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的现在分词 )；敬礼 | |
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178
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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179
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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180
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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182
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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183
scouted
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| 寻找，侦察( scout的过去式和过去分词 )； 物色（优秀运动员、演员、音乐家等） | |
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184
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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185
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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186
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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187
initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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188
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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189
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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190
leavening
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| n.酵母，发酵，发酵物v.使（面团）发酵( leaven的现在分词 )；在…中掺入改变的因素 | |
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191
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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192
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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193
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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194
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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195
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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197
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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198
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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