A diligent4 search continued for some time convinced me several years ago that there was little new or original in the ideas of the living leaders of socialistic movements in France. Since then I have come across three confirmations5 of this view in as many writers. Rudolf Meyer, a German, in his “Emancipations-Kampf des Vierten Standes,” says: “Since Proudhon, France has produced no socialists7 of importance.”[140] Frederic Harrison, an Englishman, in an article in the Fortnightly Review on “The French Workmen’s Congress of 1878,” uses these words to express his view of existing French socialism: “The first impression conveyed is this, that communism, or, indeed, any systematic[144] socialism, is entirely8 extinct in France.”[141] A French socialist2 writes rather regretfully, “The second remark is that we, the young generation of socialists, have discovered little in the domain9 of theory. We live almost exclusively upon the thoughts of our predecessors10.”[142]
New life has, however, been manifested within the last year or two among French socialists, and if they are not discovering new theories, they are making large use of the studies of others. There is also a considerable class whose communism, or socialism, whichever you call it, does not get beyond the purely11 negative state of complaint. It is like a cry of distress12, like “blind yearnings for light—like the voice of one crying, ‘Watchman, what of the night? Will the night soon pass?’”[143] Those of this class condemn13 our present society with unmeasured severity, but they are unable to suggest plans for a better. They are groping about blindly for a guide who shall lead them in their endeavors to realize the ideal of the French device, “liberty, equality, fraternity.” If you purchase at hap-hazard a French socialistic paper, you will very likely find in it only murmurings, repinings, and bitter accusations14 against existing institutions, ravings and outcries as incoherent as Carlyle’s collection of exclamations15 which he calls the “History of the French Revolution.” Perhaps Louise Michel and Felix Pyat ought to be classed among the adherents16 of this group.
[145]
We may roughly divide the remaining communists and socialists of France into three classes—viz., the Blanquists, the Anarchists17, and the Collectivists.
The Blanquists are followers18 of the late Auguste Blanqui (1805-1881), brother of Adolphe Blanqui, the political economist19. Their principle of action is to join hands under the leadership of some man, for the negative work of pulling down existing economic institutions. They come forward with no programme for reconstruction20, because that would be likely to disunite them, and it is as yet too early for positive plans for the new society to be built on the ruins of the old. There is a certain monarchical21 element in their operations, inasmuch as they expect their adherents to follow the leader or leaders, without knowing precisely22 whither they are going, but with confidence in the guiding spirit. Leadership and agitation23 without a programme are both unpopular with most modern socialists, and the Blanquists do not count a large number of adherents. They are, however, active, courageous24, and irreconcilable25. They are “intransigentes,” who will make no compromise with our present institutions. Their leader is Eudes,[144] a member of the Committee of Public Safety at the time of the rising of the commune. The title of a paper which they published for some time indicates the fierceness of their disposition26. It was “Ni Dieu ni Ma?tre”—“Neither God nor Master.” Among its contributors Cournet, Breuillé, and Granger are named. The paper has ceased to appear for lack of patronage27, and they are now compelled to make propaganda orally by conversation[146] and by speeches. It cannot be said that they differ from the other groups of socialists in their attitude of defiance28 towards God and religion, and perhaps they do not in this respect differ so widely as is supposed from a large number of French and German political leaders and thinkers. It must be fairly stated that their opposition29 to religion has no logical connection with their socialistic views. On the contrary, it is as illogical for them to reject Christianity as anything well could be. The French social reformers of about 1850 perceived this. At that time, if one had visited the assembly rooms of a communistic or socialistic society in Paris, he would in all probability have found there a picture of Christ, with these words written under it, “Jesus of Nazareth, the First Representative of the People.”[145]
The anarchists are also a small but determined31 band. Their leading representatives are Prince Krapotkine, a Russian by birth, and Elisée Reclus, the celebrated32 geographer33. émile Gautier, Bernard, and Bordat, who, like Krapotkine, were sentenced to five years’ imprisonment34 at the Lyons trial, January 19, 1883, for connection with the International Association of Laborers37, are also prominent anarchists. Although their programme may be found almost word for word in Proudhon, they profess38 to follow more closely Bakounine, the Russian nihilist, who separated himself from Marx and the Internationals, and formed secret societies in Spain, Switzerland, France, and elsewhere, and thus propagated nihilistic views; for anarchy39 and nihilism are pretty much one and the same thing when nihilism is understood in the older, stricter[147] sense, which does not include, as it does in a larger and more modern sense, those who are simply political and constitutional reformers.[146] Like Prince Krapotkine, Bakounine came of an old and prominent Russian family; like him, he revolted against the cruelties and injustices40 he saw about him; like him, he despaired of peaceful reform, and concluded that no great improvement could be expected until all our present political, economic, and social institutions were so thoroughly41 demolished42 that of the old structure not one stone should be left on another. Out of the ruins a regenerated43 world might arise. We must be purged44 as by fire. Like all anarchists and true nihilists, he was a thorough pessimist45, as far as our present manner of life was concerned. Reaction against conservatism carried him very far. He wished to abolish private property, state, and inheritance. Equality is to be carried so far that all must wear the same kind of clothing, no difference being made even for sex. Religion is an aberration46 of the brain, and should be abolished.[147]
Fire, dynamite47, and assassination48 are approved of by at least a large number of the party. They are brave men, and fight for their faith with the devotion of martyrs49. Imprisonment and death are counted but as rewards.
Their press is comparatively insignificant50. Their[148] principal newspaper appears to be the Révolté, a small paper published at Geneva since 1879. A paper was, a few years ago, published in their interests at Verviers, Belgium, with the characteristic title, The Cry of the People (Le Cri du Peuple). It lasted only a little over a year, its final number appearing on the 21st of June, 1879, and containing this sentence, among many similar: “Yes, we applaud all the executions made by the Russian nihilists, and wish that their propaganda might extend itself over the whole earth.”
Forty-seven anarchists signed a declaration of principles, which was read by one of their number at their trial at Lyons. It was substantially as follows:
“The anarchists are citizens who, in an age when one preaches everywhere the liberty of opinions, have believed it their duty to recommend unlimited51 liberty.
“Our only merit consists in speaking out openly what the masses are thinking. We are several millions of laborers, who wish absolute liberty, and nothing but liberty.
“We wish liberty—that is to say, we demand for every human being the right and the means of doing that which pleases him, and of doing only that which pleases him; to satisfy integrally all his wants, without any other limits than natural impossibilities and the wants of neighbors equally respectable.
“We wish liberty, and we believe its existence incompatible52 with the existence of any power whatsoever53, whatever its origin and form—whether it be elected or imposed, monarchical or republican—whether inspired by divine right or by popular right, by anointment or universal suffrage54.
“The best governments are the worst.
“The evil, in other terms, in the eyes of the anarchists, does not reside in one form of government more than in another; it is in the idea of government itself, in the principle of authority.
“The substitution, in a word, in human relations, of free contract, perpetually revisable and dissoluble, is our ideal.
“The anarchists propose to teach the people how to get along without government, as they already begin to learn how to get along without God.
[149]
“They will learn, likewise, how to get along without property-holders.
“No liberty without equality! No liberty in a society where the capital is centralized in the hands of a minority, which continually grows smaller.
“We believe that capital—the common patrimony55 of humanity, since it is the fruit of the co-operation of contemporaneous generations—ought to be placed at the service of all.
“We wish, in a word, equality—equality in fact, as corollary or rather as primordial56 condition of liberty. From each one according to his faculties57, to each one according to his needs: that is what we wish sincerely, energetically.
“Wicked and insane as people call us, we demand bread for all, science for all, work for all; for all, also, independence and justice.”[148]
The anarchists believe in a kind of collectivism. Their ideal consists of independent communes united very loosely in a confederation. Of course, the confederation has no powers save such as are voluntarily granted it by each individual and during the time which it may please him to grant them. It is no government. It is simply combined action. There are groups and confederations within the communes based on similar principles.
The collectivists are French socialists and social democrats58, who have adopted the views of the Germans, chiefly of Marx and Lassalle. Their opinions we will then discuss under the head of German socialism. It is here only necessary to give evidence of the fact that they build on German foundations; to mention their organizations and a few of their leaders.
If French expositions of collectivism are examined, it will be found that constant references are made to[150] the German socialists and citations59 taken from their writings. Thus Malon, himself a collectivist, cites Depaepe’s presentation of international collectivism—and pretty much all collectivism and social democracy are to-day international; and Depaepe, in the passage quoted, states plainly that he has only given a more or less perfect résumé of Marx and Lassalle.[149] The French socialist who wrote the article for the London Times on French socialists, to which reference has already been made, mentions familiarly the names of Sch?ffle, Marx, and Lassalle. émile de Laveleye, in his article in the Fortnightly Review on the “European Terror,”[150] follows Sch?ffle’s “Quintessence of Socialism” in explaining the system of the collectivists, and Sch?ffle simply presents German social democracy at its best. The international spirit of social democracy was illustrated60 in the marriage of two of Marx’s daughters to two French socialists, Longuet and Lafargue, the latter of whom translated his work, “Das Kapital,” into French.
The collectivists are divided into two branches—the evolutionist collectivists and the revolutionary collectivists.
The evolutionist collectivists do not reject reform as a possible substitute for revolution. While they do not claim to be able to say that a social revolution will never be necessary, they recognize the fact that a change of the economic forms of society is a matter of growth and evolution, and are willing to approach the socialistic state by degrees. A writer much in vogue61 with them is Colins, a Belgian, who advocated the nationalization of land. His two chief works, “Qu’est-ce[151] que la Science Sociale?”—“What is Social Science?”—and “L’économie Politique,” were published between 1848 and 1857. A number of millionnaires belong to this group of collectivists, and a society has been formed to publish and disseminate62 the works of Colins. It is said that 40,000 francs have been subscribed63 for this purpose.
Colins favored these four measures as a transition from private property in land to its nationalization:
“3. A tax of twenty-five per centum upon all inheritances.
“4. Enlightenment of the masses, so that they shall soon demand the collectivity of the soil, or, as the English say, the nationalization of land.”[151]
Collectivists of this group are called “Possibilists” and “Opportunists,” on account of their temporizing67 inclinations68. Although M. de Laveleye states that they are gaining favor with the laborers as opposed to the Irreconcilables, they have few leaders, or, at any rate, talkers of note. On occasion of the election at Belleville, when a deputy was to be elected to replace Gambetta, the evolutionist collectivists nominated a respectable mechanic by the name of J. B. Dumay. He was not, however, elected.
The revolutionary collectivists, also called Marxists, are divided into two factions69, owing to personal rivalries70. These are called the “Fédération du Centre,” among whom are Jules Guesde, Paul Lafargue, émile Massard, and Gabriel Deville; and the “union[152] Fédérative,” among whom are B. Malon, author of the work which I have several times cited; Paul Brousse, and Joffrin, a municipal councillor, who recently demanded of the council the execution of a large number of socialistic measures, like the erection of city workshops (ateliers municipaux) to furnish work to the unemployed71, the establishment of bakeries and meat-markets in order to sell provisions at a moderate price, and the construction of houses to be let to laborers at cost price.
At the time when Dumay was candidate at Belleville for the place in the Chamber72 of Deputies which Gambetta’s death left vacant, the revolutionary collectivists nominated Jules Guesde, who received only a small number of votes. He issued, however, an electoral programme, which is valuable as an authentic73 statement of principles approved by his party at several different congresses between 1879 and 1882. It is as follows:
“Considering: That the emancipation6 of the productive class is that of all human beings, without distinction of sex or race; that the producers can never be free until they are in possession of the means of production (lands, factories, ships, banks, credit, etc.); that there are only two forms under which the means of production can belong to them:
“1. The individual form, which has never existed as a general and universal fact, and which is being eliminated more and more by industrial progress;
“2. The collective form, whose material and intellectual elements are furnished by the very development of capitalistic society:—
“Considering: That this collective appropriation74 can result only from the revolutionary action of the productive class—or the proletariat—organized as a distinct political party; that such an organization ought to be pursued by all the means at the disposal of the proletariat, universal suffrage included, and thus transformed from an instrument of injury, as it has hitherto been, into an instrument[153] of emancipation—the French socialistic laborers, in proclaiming as their end the political and economic expropriation of the class of capitalists, and the return into the collective form of all the means of production, have decided75, as the means of organizing the conflict, to enter into the elections with the following demands:
“A. POLITICAL PROGRAMME.
“1. The abolition of all laws concerning the press, assemblies, and associations, and especially the law against the ‘International Association of Workmen,’ suppression of the workman’s book,[152] this registration76 of the laboring77 class, and of all articles of the code establishing the inferiority of the laborer35 vis-à-vis his employer and of the inferiority of woman vis-à-vis man.
“2. Suppression of religious appropriations78, and the return to the nation of all property designated by the term mortmain (Decree of the Commune of April 2, 1871)....
“3. Suppression of the public debt.
“4. Abolition of standing79 armies, and the establishment of a militia80 system to include all the people.
“5. The establishment of the freedom of the Commune as regards its administration and its police.
“B. ECONOMIC PROGRAMME.
“1. One day of rest in seven; eight hours to constitute a day’s labor36 for adults; prohibition81 of the labor of children under fourteen in private establishments, and the reduction of their labor to six hours a day between fourteen and eighteen.
“2. A protecting ‘surveillance’ of apprentices82 by corporations of laborers.
“3. A legal minimum of wages, determined each year according to the local price of provisions, by a statistical83 commission composed of laborers.
“4. Legal prohibition of the right to employ foreign laborers with smaller wages than those given to Frenchmen.
“5. Equal wages for equal work for laborers of both sexes.
[154]
“6. Free instruction in science, trades, and professions.
“8. Suppression of all interference of employers in the management of funds destined85 for the benefit of laborers.
“9. Responsibility of employers for accidents to their employees.
“10. Participation86 of laborers in the establishment of rules and laws for different shops; suppression of the right of employers to impose fines and penalties upon laborers.
“11. Annulment87 of all contracts which have alienated88 public property (banks, railroads, mines, etc.), and the management of all state-workshops by laborers employed therein.
“12. Abolition of all indirect taxes, and the transformation89 of all direct taxes into a progressive tax on incomes exceeding 3000 francs; suppression of all collateral inheritances, and of inheritances in direct line exceeding 20,000 francs.”[153]
Clovis Hugues, mentioned as “unclassed,” is a collectivist deputy. It is stated, however, that he has announced his intention of leaving the party, on account of the tyranny with which they have attempted to control him in every step. Joffrin refused to attend Louis Blanc’s funeral, as he held that he had proved false to the laborers in 1871. Hugues, an old friend of Blanc’s, attended, and was reproved for this, whereupon he indignantly declared the above-mentioned intention, maintaining that Louis Blanc was an honorable, high-minded man, and a true friend of the laborer.
De Laveleye believes that a majority of French workmen are socialists, while Malon confidently speaks of the socialists as forming the élite of the proletariat. The latter states their views and tendencies at the present time in the following language: “We have rejected all religious regenerations, whether they are[155] called New Catholic, New Christian30, pantheistic, or theo-humanitarian; and we have accepted every scientific demonstration90, however much opposed it might be to the previous order of our conceptions.
“We have recognized that the social and intellectual world, like the physical world, are governed by natural laws, and are subject to relations of succession and similitude independent of our personal intervention91. We have admitted that our will itself is determined by natural laws which, it may not break.
“This has given us larger views, and especially has taught us to seek in a terrestrial future the ideal which is at the basis of every human nature.
“We have acquired a more profound knowledge of the laws which govern social phenomena92. We know that as our human nature is essentially93 capable of modification94 and perfection, so social phenomena and industrial phenomena, being based thereon, are modifiable in large degree, and we labor to modify them as much as possible.”
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dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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confirmations
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| 证实( confirmation的名词复数 )； 证据； 确认； （基督教中的）坚信礼 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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exclamations
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| n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 )；感叹；感叹语；感叹词 | |
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adherents
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anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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irreconcilable
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disposition
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patronage
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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celebrated
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geographer
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| n.地理学者 | |
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imprisonment
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laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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pessimist
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| n.悲观者；悲观主义者；厌世 | |
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aberration
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| n.离开正路，脱离常规，色差 | |
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dynamite
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| n./vt.(用)炸药(爆破) | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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primordial
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| adj.原始的；最初的 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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citations
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| n.引用( citation的名词复数 )；引证；引文；表扬 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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disseminate
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| v.散布；传播 | |
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subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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bequest
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| n.遗赠；遗产，遗物 | |
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temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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registration
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| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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appropriations
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| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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annulment
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| n.废除，取消，（法院对婚姻等）判决无效 | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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