The following permanent “statutes” (by-laws) were adopted at its first meeting in London, September, 1864, and confirmed at its congress in Geneva in 1866:
“In consideration that the emancipation of the laboring8 classes must be accomplished9 by the laboring classes, that the battle for the emancipation of the laboring classes does not signify a battle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition10 of class rule;
“That the economic dependence11 of the laboring man upon the monopolist of the implements12 of work, the sources of life, forms the basis of every kind of servitude, of social misery13, of spiritual degradation14, and political dependence;
“That, therefore, the economic emancipation of the laboring classes is the great end to which every political movement must be subordinated as a simple auxiliary15;
“That all exertions16 which, up to this time, have been directed towards the attainment17 of this end, have failed on account of the want of[184] solidarity18 between the various branches of labor in every land, and by reason of the absence of a brotherly bond of unity19 between the laboring classes of different countries;
“That the emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a social, problem, which embraces all countries in which modern society exists, and whose solution depends upon the practical and theoretical co-operation of the most advanced lands;
“That the present awakening20 of the laboring classes in the industrial lands of Europe gives occasion for new hope, but at the same time contains a solemn warning not to fall back into old errors, and demands an immediate21 union of the movements not yet united;
“——, in consideration of all these circumstances, the First International Labor Congress declares that the International Workingmen’s Association, and all societies and individuals belonging to it, recognize truth, right, and morality as the basis of their conduct towards one another and their fellow-men, without respect to color, creed22, or nationality. This congress regards it as the duty of man to demand the rights of a man and citizen, not only for himself, but for every one who does his duty. No rights without duties; no duties without rights.”
The International resolved to hold yearly congresses. Its members have met at Geneva at least twice, at Basle, at Lausanne, at the Hague, and other places. It is not necessary to give the history of these different meetings, as they were all of one general character.[179] Their importance consists in the repeated emphasis given to the thought of the oneness of the interests of laborers in all civilized states. Delegates at the congresses gave reports of progress, of strikes, reductions in labor-time, and of all matters likely to interest the working classes. Measures for continuing the propaganda more successfully were discussed. The[185] congress at the Hague in 1872 is more important than the others, as it witnessed a split in the ranks of the Internationalists. The original International stood under the influence of Marx, who was the guiding spirit of its general council, with its seat at London. The whole arrangement was that of a strong government. Some were envious23 of Marx, and others—the Anarchists24—objected to the principles of the organization. Bakounine led the opposition25, and a new International was formed, based on anarchic principles. Instead of a General Council, they instituted a Federal Council. The Internationalists of the country where the next congress was to be held carried on the correspondence with the various societies, gathered statistics, etc. Thus, their leading body, their central organ (not authority), changed from year to year. Each land was left free to conduct its agitation26 in its own way, and every individual atom, i.e., local organization, was left free to come and go as it pleased. The Anarchists, and other adherents27 of this newer branch, made strenuous28 efforts to spread their organization, and were particularly successful in Spain, where Bakounine was their representative. Both Internationals held congresses in Geneva in 1873.
It is often supposed that the International is dead. This is a great mistake. The formal organization of the old International was dissolved in 1875; but the original spirit survived. I am much inclined to think that the association founded by Bakounine has still a formal organization, but, however that may be, the International to all intents and purposes is stronger to-day than it ever was before.
Membership in the International is one of the conditions of membership in the revolutionary organization[186] of the Black Hand in Spain.[180] Prince Krapotkine and others were this year condemned29 to imprisonment30 for belonging to an International Association of Laborers, and to-day organizations are being formed in America, with the title of Branches of the International Association of Laborers. At the great mass meeting held in Cooper union to honor the memory of Karl Marx, March 19, 1883, speeches were delivered in English, German, Russian, and other languages, to illustrate31 the spirit of the International, and to impress upon laborers the fact that at such a time no differences existed between them due to the accident of nationality. One of the speakers declared triumphantly32 to the audience that the spectacle they were then witnessing was conclusive33 proof that the International still lived. He was right.
The International has caused the governments of Europe no inconsiderable alarm at various times, and it is likely that its importance has been overrated. Still it must be acknowledged that the existence of such a society, presided over by a man of undoubted ability, spreading itself over Europe and America, was in itself a significant fact. Its importance must by no means be estimated by the number of its declared adherents or the attendance at its congresses. Where one laborer3 avows34 himself openly an Internationalist, we may be sure that there are twenty holding like views who conceal35 them from motives36 of policy. Moreover, the society is still in its infancy37. It may yet play a r?le in the world’s history.
At present, the International appears like a little[187] cloud on the horizon, no larger than a man’s hand, but it is possible that it points to growths and formations which in the future shall darken the heavens with black and heavy clouds. It is possible, it foreshadows a tragedy of world-wide import, which shall make all the cruelty and terror of the French Revolution sink into utter insignificance38. It is possible, it portends39 the destruction of old, antiquated40 institutions, and the birth of a new civilization in a night of darkness and horror, in which the roll of thunder shall shake the earth’s foundations, and the vivid glare of lightning shall reveal a carnival41 of bloodshed and slaughter42.
These are all possibilities, but let us trust that they are not probabilities. The International Workingmen’s Association is one of many signs which gives us reason to hope for a continued growth of international relations; and this growth may terminate in that longed-for internationalism, which shall lead to the formation of a world-organization, guaranteeing to the nations of the earth perpetual peace. There are numerous evidences of this development, of which the following are a few examples; the international postal43 union, international congresses, international courts of arbitration44, and the efforts to establish international factory legislation. It was once hoped that free-trade would help on the good work by knitting nation to nation so firmly that they would realize the identity of their interests. In this people have been disappointed. Free-trade has united, perhaps, a few great merchants and manufacturers, and led to cosmopolitan7 feelings among the wealthier classes. The masses have never been affected45 by questions of international commerce. It may be that an international union between the laborers of all lands will finally force upon[188] men the recognition of the folly46 and crime of war, and will bring to pass that peace and good-will among men prophesied47 so long ago.
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1
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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cosmopolitans
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| 世界性的( cosmopolitan的名词复数 )； 全球各国的； 有各国人的； 受各国文化影响的 | |
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cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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9
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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13
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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28
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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29
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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31
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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avows
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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35
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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36
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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38
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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39
portends
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| v.预示( portend的第三人称单数 )；预兆；给…以警告；预告 | |
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40
antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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41
carnival
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| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
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42
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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43
postal
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| adj.邮政的，邮局的 | |
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44
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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45
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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46
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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47
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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