One of the most popular pieces of sculpture the country has ever known, Horatio Greenough’s “Chaunting Cherubs3,” was being widely discussed in the early thirties, as was Hiram Powers’s “Greek Slave,” a little later. In a witty4 moment the Courier and Enquirer5 christened Bryant and William Leggett, for Leggett also wrote poetry, “the chaunting cherubs of the Evening Post.” The name had outward appropriateness, but it would really have been more fitting to call Leggett a spouting6 volcano.
While Bryant controlled the journal, it abstained7 from any harsh abuse of other journals. His rule was to notice no personal attacks, and to make none in retaliation8. Only once in fifty years did he, passing in the street an editorial adversary9 who had given him the lie direct, lose control of himself. The diarist Philip Hone tells the story under date of April 20, 1831:
While I was shaving this morning at eight o’clock, I witnessed from the front window an encounter in the street nearly opposite, between William C. Bryant and William L. Stone; the former one of the editors of the Evening Post, and the latter editor of the Commercial Advertiser. The former commenced the attack by striking Stone over the head with a cowskin; after a few blows the men closed, and the whip was wrested10 from Bryant and carried off by Stone. When I saw them first, two younger persons were engaged, but soon discontinued their fight.
The next day Bryant made a public statement of this incident, pointing out the gross provocation11 that he had received, but apologizing to his readers for having taken the law into his own hands. Particularly as there developed some doubt whether Col. Stone was the author140 of the attack, he could never hear the matter referred to without showing his chagrin12 and regret.
But Bryant had no sooner left the office for Europe than it became plain that Leggett had no such scruples13. In one brief paragraph he managed to call the editor of the Star a wretch14, liar15, coward, and a vile16 purchased tool who would do anything for money. The “venomous drivel” of the Commercial Advertiser might sometimes require notice, he wrote a few days later, but his contempt for the editor was “so supreme17 that to us, personally, he is as if he were not—a perfect non-entity.” In the autumn Assembly campaign Leggett shotted his guns, and on Sept. 23 and 24 let off broadsides that shook the town. He accused the Daily Advertiser of “a vile untruth”; he called the editor of the American a “detestable caitiff,” a “craven wretch, spotted18 with all kinds of vices,” and “a hireling slave and public incendiary”; while he characterized the Courier and Enquirer as a blustering20, bullying21 sheet, reeking22 with falsehood, pandering23 to the vulgar, profligate24, impudent25, inane26, and inciting27 men to riot and bloodshed. On Sept. 26 Leggett was able to fill a column with answers. “The editor is deranged28,” said the American; he should be “committed to Bedlam,” averred29 the Gazette; “a writ30 de lunatico” is needed, chimed in the Courier; this, said the Star, “is too true to make a jest of”; and the Boston Atlas31 professed32 horror at “the ferocious33, mad, and bloody34 words of this desperate print.”
Leggett was not deranged, but simply in full fighting trim, and showing the defects of his really sterling35 virtues36. By sheer slashing37 vigor38 as a political writer he achieved in a half dozen years upon the Evening Post a permanent fame as a reformer and controversialist. Whittier, in his essays, compares Leggett with Hampden and Vane, and declares that “no one has labored40 more perseveringly42, or, in the end, more successfully, to bring the practice of American democracy into conformity44 with its professions.” His poetical45 tribute to “the bold reformer” and his “free and honest thought, the angel utterance141 of an upright mind,” is better known. Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., believed that but for Leggett’s untimely end he might have made one of the greatest names in American history. Bryant’s memorial tribute:
The words of fire that from his pen
Still move, still shake the hearts of men,
Amid a cold and coward age,
was no exaggeration, but true for the whole generation which followed Leggett’s death. The editor’s political writings were perhaps the most potent47 force in shaping the ideas of democracy held by Walt Whitman, who in 1847 wrote of the necessity of following the doctrines49 of the “great Jefferson and the glorious Leggett,” and who in his old age spoke50 to Horace Traubel of his high admiration51 for him. A recent historical writer has said that Leggett was “one of the most sincere and brilliant apostles of democracy that America has ever known.”
When Leggett became junior editor of the Evening Post he was known solely52 as a writer of essays, stories, and verse. He was a New Yorker by birth, but had been educated at Georgetown, D. C., had been given a taste of Illinois prairie life in his later youth, and had entered the navy as a midshipman at the age of twenty, resigning six years later because of the overbearing conduct of his commander. A volume of his poems, “Leisure Hours at Sea,” and some tales of pioneer and sailor life which he published in annuals and magazines, gave him a sufficient reputation to enable him to found his weekly miscellany, the Critic. He stipulated53 with Bryant that he should not be required to write upon political topics, “on which he had no settled opinions, and for which he had no taste”; but within a few months he found himself almost wholly devoted54 to them. Bryant imbued55 him with his own ardent56 free-trade doctrines, and his own warm admiration for Jackson and Jacksonian measures. He was eight years younger than the senior editor. His associates describe him as a man of middle stature58, compact142 frame, great endurance, and a constitution naturally strong, but somewhat impaired60 by an attack of the yellow fever while serving with the United States squadron in the West Indies. His naval61 training had given him a dignified62 bearing, his address was easy, and his affability and mildness of manner surprised those who had known him only by his fiery63 writings. He was fond of study; and his ability to write fluently in his crowded, littered back room on Pine Street, the crash of the presses in his ear, amid a thousand distractions64, amazed everybody.
Bryant and Leggett had now labored together five years, 1829–1834. The chief local occurrence in this period was the great cholera65 epidemic66 of 1832, causing an exodus67 from the city which the Evening Post of August 6 estimated at above 100,000. The two editors worked manfully, though perhaps hardly candidly68, to allay69 the panic. Although the first case appeared on June 26, so late as July 13 they maintained that there was no epidemic, in the strict sense of the word; and ten days later they denied with vehemence70 the allegation of the Courier and Enquirer, which was exaggerating the plague, that two Evening Post employees had died of cholera.
Throughout the great war over the Bank of the United States the Evening Post had stood by the President. Jackson appealed to the loyalty71 of Bryant and Leggett in equal degree, but differently. To Leggett he was “the man of the people,” a son of the frontier, a democrat72 from heel to crown. In Bryant he awakened73 the same admiration that he aroused in Irving, Cooper, Bancroft, and in Landor abroad: admiration for his adventurous74 heroism75, his unspotted honesty, his simplicity76, his stern directness, his tenacity77 in pressing forward to his goal. One had to be either the wholehearted admirer of “Old Hickory” or his wholehearted opponent, and as early as Jackson Day in 1828 Bryant had become the former, writing for a dinner at Masonic Hall an ode which, according to Verplanck, threw Van Buren into ecstasies78. Not a single measure of Jackson’s, not even his wholesale79 removals from office under the spoils system, was censured143 by the Evening Post, and by 1832, after the end of nullification, it was hailing him as “the man destined82 to stand in history by the side of Washington, the one bearing the proud title of the Father of his Country, the other the scarcely less illustrious one of Preserver of the union.”
All Jackson’s charges against the Bank—that it was a source of political corruption83, that it was monopolistic, that it was hostile to popular interests and dangerous to the government, that it was unsafely managed—were echoed by Bryant and Leggett. Probably only the accusation84 that it had gone into politics was fully43 warranted, but the Evening Post pressed them all. Speaking of the Bank’s “enormous powers” and “its barefaced85 bribery87 and corruption,” it applauded Jackson’s veto of the bill to recharter it, and his withdrawal88 in 1833 of the government deposits in it. When the Bank curtailed89 its loans to meet the withdrawal of these deposits, the editors thought that it was trying to coerce90 the people and government, by threatening a panic, into yielding. “The object of the Bank is to create a pressure for money, to impair59 the confidence of business men in each other, and to keep the community at large in a state of great uncertainty91 and confusion, in the hope that men will at last say, ‘let us have the Bank rechartered, rather than that ... the whole country should be thrown into distress92.’” The alliance of the chief statesmen in Congress on behalf of the Bank drew from the journal three interesting characterizations (March 31, 1834):
Clay:— ... The parent and champion of the tariff93 and internal improvements; of a system directly opposed to the interests and prosperity of every merchant in the United States, and calculated and devised for the purpose of organizing an extensive and widespread scheme through which the different portions of the United States might be bought up in detail.... By assuming the power of dissipating the public revenue in local improvements, by which one portion of the community would be benefited at the expense of many others, Congress acquired the means of influencing and controlling the politics of every State in the union,144 and of establishing a rigid95, invincible96 consolidated97 government. By assuming the power of protecting any class or portion of the industry of this country, by bounties98 in the shape of high duties on foreign importations, they placed the labor41 and industry of the people entirely99 at their own disposal, and usurped100 the prerogative101 of dispensing102 all the blessings103 of Providence104 at pleasure....
It is against this great system for making the rich richer, the poor poorer, and thus creating those enormous disproportions of wealth which are always the forerunner105 of the loss of freedom; it is against this great plan of making the resources of the General Government the means of obtaining the control of the States by an adroit106 species of political bribery, that General Jackson has arrayed himself.... He has arrested the one by his influence, the other by his veto.
Calhoun:—Reflecting and honest men may perhaps wonder to see this strange alliance between the man by whom the tariff was begotten107, nurtured108, and brought to a monstrous109 maturity110, and him who carried his State to the verge111 of rebellion in opposition112 to that very system. By his means and influence, this great union was all but dissolved, and in all probability would at this moment lie shattered into fragments, had it not been for the energetic and prompt patriotism113 of the stern old man who then said, “The union—it must be preserved.” Even at this moment Mr. Calhoun ... still threatens to separate South Carolina from the confederacy, if she is not suffered to remain in it with the privilege of a veto on the laws of the union.
Webster:—Without firmness, consistency114, or political courage to be a leader, except in one small section of the union, he seems to crow to any good purpose only on his own dunghill, and is a much greater fowl115 in his own barnyard than anywhere else. He is a good speaker at the bar and in the House; but he is a much greater lawyer than statesman, and far more expert in detailing old arguments than fruitful in inventing new ones. He is not what we should call a great man, much less a great politician; and we should go so far as to question the power of his intellect, did it not occasionally disclose itself in a rich exuberance116 of contradictory117 opinions. A man who can argue so well on both sides of a question cannot be totally destitute118 of genius.
And here these three gentlemen, who agree in no one single principle, who own no one single feeling in common, except that of hatred119 to the old hero of New Orleans, stand battling side by side. The author and champion of the tariff, and the man who on every occasion denounced it as a violation120 of the Constitution;145 the oracle121 of nullification and the oracle of consolidation122; the trio of antipathies123; the union of contradiction; the consistency of inconsistencies; the coalition124 of oil, vinegar, and mustard; the dressing125 in which the great political salad is to be served up to the people.
In this aggressive writing we see Leggett’s pen; and it was only after Bryant left the Evening Post in his sole charge that it entered upon its hottest fighting. The first episode, its defense126 of abolitionists in the right of free speech, was highly creditable to it.
The abolitionists had begun to arouse popular resentment128 in New York so early as 1833; on Oct. 2 of that year, a meeting of the “friends of immediate129 abolition127” at Clinton Hall had been broken up by a tumultuous crowd, which adjourned130 to Tammany Hall and there denounced the agitators131. Lewis Tappan, head of one of the largest silk houses in the city, and for a short time after 1827 editor of the Journal of Commerce; his brother Arthur Tappan; Joshua Leavitt, the Rev94. Dr. F. F. Cox, the Rev. Mr. Ludlow, and several other Protestant clergymen made up a constellation132 only less active than that formed in Boston by William Lloyd Garrison133, Wendell Phillips, Samuel J. May, and John Pierpont. During the spring of 1834 these men continued their speechmaking, and Ludlow and Cox went so far as to appeal to all Northern negroes for support, and to defend intermarriage between whites and blacks. Few New Yorkers then regarded Southern slavery as a national shame, and almost none had any patience with abolition. Most of the press denounced the movement emphatically; the Evening Post refused to do this, though it called it wild and visionary.
On July 7 some negroes repaired to the Chatham Street Chapel134 for a belated celebration of the Fourth, and at the same time the Sacred Music Society met there for practice, claiming a prior right of occupancy. Patriotism and music were forgotten in the ensuing mêlée. The Evening Post had felt that trouble was brewing135, and it raised a warning voice:
146
The story is told in the morning papers in very inflammatory language, and the whole blame is cast upon the negroes; yet it seems to us, from those very statements themselves, that, as usual, there was fault on both sides, and especially on that of the whites. It seems to us, also, that those who are opposed to the absurd and mad schemes of the immediate abolitionists, use means against that scheme which are neither just nor politic39. We have noticed a great many tirades136 of late, in certain prints, the object of which appears to be to excite the public mind to strong hostility137 to the negroes generally, and to the devisers of the immediate emancipation138 plan, and not merely to the particular measure represented. This community is too apt to run into excitements; and those who are now trying to get up an excitement against the negroes will have much to answer for, should their efforts be successful....
Other journals, especially the Courier and Enquirer, continued their provocative140 utterances141 and called for public meetings to protest against the abolition movement. The result was that disturbances142 occurred on the night of Wednesday, the ninth, and reached their climax143 on Friday in scenes not equaled until the Draft Riots.
At an hour after dark on Friday, Lewis Tappan’s store was attacked and its windows were broken. At ten o’clock the mob broke in the doors of Dr. Cox’s church on Laight Street, and demolished144 its interior, after which it made a rush for his home on Charlton Street, but found it picketed145 by the police and retired146. The next objective was Mr. Ludlow’s church on Spring Street, which was half demolished, together with the Session House next door. Thereupon the rioters made for the principal negro quarter of the town, in the region about Five Points. The Five Points has figured on some of the blackest pages of New York’s history. It was here that fourteen negroes were burned in 1740 during the so-called Negro Insurrection; here the Seventh Regiment147 was called out in 1857 to quell148 a riot; here the “Dead Rabbits” later fought the “Bowery Boys,” and here stood the notorious Old Brewery149 that the Five Points Mission displaced. But it never saw more panic and outrage150 than on that night. The St. Philip’s African Episcopal Church in Centre Street and a negro church in Anthony Street147 were left mere139 battered151 shells by the mob; a negro school-house in Orange Street was wrecked152; and twenty houses were wholly or partly destroyed, and much of the contents stolen. Innocent negroes were beaten into unconsciousness. The colored people by hundreds fled northward153 into the open fields. Just before midnight infantry154 and cavalry155 arrived, but took no punitive156 measures. The Evening Post called for unremitting severity:
Let them be fired upon, if they dare collect together again to prosecute157 their infamous158 designs. Let those who make the first movement toward sedition159 be shot down like dogs—and thus teach to their infatuated followers160 a lesson which no milder course seems sufficient to inculcate. This is no time for expostulation or remonstrance161.... We would recommend that the whole military force of the city be called out, that large detachments be stationed wherever any ground exists to anticipate tumultuary movements, that smaller bodies patrol the streets in every part of the city, and that the troops be directed to fire upon the first disorderly assemblage that refuses to disperse162 at the bidding of lawful163 authority.
The Post’s uncompromising stand was thoroughly164 unpopular—unpopular with not merely the ignorant, but with most business men. A Boston journal noted165 that “the Evening Post was the only daily paper in that city which condemned166 the riots with manly167 denunciation, without a single sneering168 allusion169 to the abolitionists, and in return for this manifestation170 of a love of law and order, the Courier assailed171 the Post as a promoter of the plan of parti-colored amalgamation172, and strongly hinted that the mob ought to direct its vengeance173 against that office.” This was true. The Courier and Enquirer had said that Editor Leggett, who had dared defend the vile abolitionists, richly deserved the severest castigation174 which had been planned for those who would make their daughters the paramours of the negro.
In the summer of 1835 Leggett showed even greater courage upon the same subject. The postmaster of Charleston, S. C., had refused to deliver abolitionist letters and documents upon the ground that they were incendiary148 and insurrectionary, and on Aug. 4 Postmaster-General Kendall upheld him in a letter stating that by no act or order would he aid in giving circulation to documents of the kind barred. It must be remembered that the Evening Post had thus far stood by Jackson’s administration in every particular. It must also be remembered that Leggett at this time thoroughly disapproved175 of the abolition movement as untimely and impracticable. But he saw in Kendall’s measure a bureaucratic176 censorship in its most odious177 and arbitrary form, and he called the action an outrage:
Neither the general postoffice, nor the general government itself, possesses any power to prohibit the transportation by mail of abolition tracts178. On the contrary, it is the bounden duty of the government to protect the abolitionists in their constitutional right of free discussion; and opposed, sincerely and zealously179 as we are, to their doctrines and practices, we should be still more opposed to any infringement180 of their political or civil rights. If the government once begins to discriminate181 as to what is orthodox and what heterodox in opinion, what is safe and what unsafe in tendency, farewell, a long farewell, to our freedom.
Only three of the really influential182 newspapers of the land declined to admit that Kendall had either done right, or had simply chosen the lesser183 of two evils: the Boston Courier, edited by J. T. Buckingham, the Cincinnati Gazette, edited by Charles Hammond, and the Post.
Unpopular as was the Evening Post’s defense of free speech, its stand upon financial and economic questions was far more heartily184 detested185. It rapidly ceased, after its first attacks upon the Bank, to hold its old position as a representative of the city’s commercial interests. It is true that some rich New Yorkers felt a jealousy186 of the Bank because it belonged to Philadelphia, while others stood loyally with the Democratic Party in denouncing it. But Gulian Verplanck and Ogden Hoffman, close friends of the Post, were typical of many who went over to the Bank’s side. Not a few business men affiliated187 with Tammany joined the ranks of Jackson’s enemies. Historical149 opinion inclines to the view that Jackson did not have a sufficient case against the Bank, which was a salutary institution, and certainly New York commercial circles believed this. A majority of the voters were with Jackson. Thurlow Weed told a friend that all of Webster’s unanswerable arguments for the Bank would not win one-tenth the ballots188 won by two sentences in Jackson’s veto message relating to European stockholders and wicked special privilege. But it was not the mass of poor voters on which a sixpenny journal like the Evening Post relied for sustenance189, but upon the professional and business men.
Leggett’s cardinal190 conviction, expressed with a fire and energy then unequaled in journalism191, was that the great enemy of democracy is monopoly. He hated and assailed all special incorporations, for in those days they usually carried very special privileges. Charters were obtained by wire-pulling and legislative193 corruption, he said, to put a few men, as the ferry-owners in New York City, in a position where they could gouge194 the public. He wished banking195 placed upon such a basis that legislative incorporation192, exclusive in nature, would not be needed. He wanted all franchises196 abolished, and would have forbidden any grant to a company of the exclusive right to build a turnpike, canal, railroad, or water-system between two given points. He objected even to the incorporation of colleges and churches, quoting Adam Smith to show that his views upon this head were less eccentric than they seemed. Joint197 stock partnerships198, he believed, would meet all business necessities. The Legislature should “pass one general law, which will allow any set of men, who choose to associate together for any purpose, to form themselves into that convenient kind of partnership199 known by the name of incorporation”; so that any group would be permitted freely to form an insurance company, a bank, or a college granting degrees. This, of course, would not exclude governmental supervision200. Although there were then grave abuses in monopolistic incorporation, Leggett pushed his doctrine48 quite too far.
150 Equality was Leggett’s watchword. Those were the days when State Legislatures were abolishing the last property restrictions201 upon suffrage202, and vitriolic203 was the wrath204 which the Evening Post poured upon all who opposed the movement. The whole period it pictured as a battle between men and money; between “silk-stocking, morocco-booted, high-living, white-gloved gentlemen, to be tracked only by the marks of their carriage wheels,” and hardworking freemen. It objected to the theory that the state was an aggregation205 of social strata206, one above the other, and maintained that all useful citizens should fare alike. Upon the word “useful,” in Carlylean vein207, it insisted, for they must be “producers.” Tariffs208, internal improvements at the expense of State and nation, and special incorporations, were violations209 of equality; while the spirit of speculation210 was condemned as creating a “paper aristocracy.” On Dec. 6, 1834, Leggett vindicated211 the right of the laboring212 classes to unite in trade unions, a right then widely denied. It is clear that his ultra-democratic crusade was essentially213 an accompaniment of the rise of a new industrialism. It had its affinities214 with the frontier equalitarianism personified by Jackson, but its primary aim was the protection of the toiling216 urban masses.
Leggett was upon firm ground when in 1835 he began to attack the inflation, gambling217, and business unsoundness of which every day afforded fresh proofs. There was grotesque218 speculation in Southern cotton lands, Maine timber, New York and Philadelphia real estate, and the Western lands enhanced in value by the Erie Canal. Capital was abundant, prices were rising, and every one seemed to be getting rich. Most Northern States were undertaking219 costly220 internal improvements with a reckless faith in the future. Leggett looked with two-fold alarm and indignation upon the flood of paper money then pouring from small banks all over the country. Depreciated221 paper, in the first place, was used to lower the real wages of mechanics; in the second place, he maintained that the grant to State banks of the power to issue151 bills placed the measure of value in the hands of speculators, to be extended or contracted according to their own selfish wishes. On Dec. 24, 1834, just before the Legislature met, the Evening Post published an appeal to Gov. Marcy. The banknotes, it said, were driving specie out of circulation, and causing a fever of reckless speculation. “Already our merchants are importing largely. Stocks have risen in value, and land is selling at extravagant222 rates. Everything begins to wear the highly-prosperous aspect which foretokens commercial revulsion.” It recommended that the State should forbid the issue of any banknotes for less than $5.
“For these views,” Leggett wrote in March, “we have been bitterly reviled223.” On June 20, 1835, the Post published a striking editorial entitled “Out of Debt,” in allusion to the current boast that the nation owed no one. On the contrary, it stated, the people “are plunging224 deeper and deeper into the bottomless pit of unredeemed and irredeemable obligations.” It estimated that the six hundred banks of the nation had issued paper in excess of $200,000,000. “Who will pay the piper for all this political and speculative225 dancing?” The panic of 1837 gave the answer.
By his ringing editorials, written day after day at white heat, a really noble series, Leggett became the prophet of the Loco-Foco party, which arose as a radical226 wing of the New York Democracy and lived only two years, 1835–37. The origin of the name is a familiar story. On Oct. 25, 1835, a meeting was held at Tammany Hall to nominate a Congressman227; the conservative Democrats228 named their man in accordance with a prearranged plan, put out the lights, and went home; the anti-monopoly radicals229 produced tallow candles from their pockets, lit them with loco-foco matches, and nominated a rival candidate. Leggett was not an active politician. But the Loco-Foco mass-meetings of the two ensuing years, and their two State conventions, enunciated230 the same equalitarian doctrines which Leggett had begun to preach in 1834.
152 Not only those whose interests were affected231 by Leggett’s anti-monopoly, anti-speculation, anti-aristocracy crusade, but many other staid, moderate men, were horrified232 by it. He was charged with Utopianism, agrarianism, Fanny-Wrightism, Jacobinism, and Jack57 Cade-ism. His writings were said to set class against class, and to threaten the nation with anarchy233. Gov. William M. Marcy called Leggett a “knave.” The advance of the Loco-Foco movement was likened to the great fire and the great cholera plague of these years. When Chief Justice Marshall died in the summer of 1835, Leggett unsparingly assailed him and Hamilton as men who had tried “to change the character of the government from popular to monarchical,” and to destroy “the great principle of human liberty.” Marshall was regarded by most propertied New Yorkers as the very sheet-anchor of the Constitution, and for them to see him denounced as a man who had always strengthened government at the expense of the people was too much. Ex-Mayor Philip Hone was handed that editorial on an Albany steamboat by Charles King, and dropped the journal with the vehement234 ejaculation, “Infamous!” “This is absolutely a species of impiety235 for which I want words to express my abhorrence,” he entered in his diary.
For the courage, the eloquence236, and the burning sincerity237 of Leggett’s brief editorship we must heartily admire him; but it cannot be denied that he made the Evening Post, for the first and last time in its career, extravagant. He was public-spirited in all that he wrote; his prophecy of a financial crash was shrewd; in defending the abolitionists against persecution238 he was in advance of his generation; and his comments upon many minor239 questions of the day were sound. But the newspaper lacked balance, and its influence was perhaps not so great as when Bryant had been at hand to exercise a restraint upon Leggett. Such an impetuous man could not spare his own health. Almost daily the Evening Post had carried an editorial of from 1,000 to 2,000 words. On Oct. 15, 1835, these utterances broke abruptly241 off, and it153 became known that Leggett was gravely ill of a bilious242 fever. His place was temporarily supplied by Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., and then by Charles Mason, an able lawyer of the city. Bryant, loitering along the Rhine, had hastily to be recalled.
Although Leggett had boasted the previous May that the Evening Post had more subscribers than ever before and an undiminished revenue from advertisements, its condition was rapidly declining when the editor fell ill. For this there were a number of reasons. Leggett’s radicalism243 had offended many sober mercantile advertisers. He, like some other editors, had objected to blackening the newspaper’s pages with the small conventional cuts of ships and houses used to draw attention to advertisements, and had thereby244 lost patronage245. After the death of Michael Burnham, in the summer of 1835, the business management had fallen to a scamp named Hanna, who was generally drunk and always insolent246. Warning symptoms of the approaching panic were in the air, money becoming so tight late in 1835 that reputable mercantile firms could not discount their notes a year ahead for less than 30 per cent. Leggett, finally, had offended valuable government friends. As he wrote (Sept. 5, 1835):
We once expressed dislike ... of the undignified tone of one of Mr. Woodberry’s official letters, as Secretary of the Treasury247, to Nicholas Biddle; and the Treasury advertisements were thenceforward withheld248. The Secretary of the Navy, having acted with gross partiality in regard to a matter recently tried by a naval court-martial, we had the temerity249 to censure81 his conduct; and of course we could look for no further countenance250 from that quarter. The Navy Commissioners251, being Post-Captains, ... have taken in high dudgeon our inquiry252 into the oppression and tyranny practised by their order; and “stop our advertisements!” is the word of command established in such cases. When the Evening Post exposed the duplicity of Samuel Swartwout, the Collector of the Port, it at once lost all further support from the Custom House. And now, having censured80 the doctrines of Mr. Kendall and the practice of Mr. Gouverneur, the postoffice advertising253 is withdrawn254, of course.
154
II
While Bryant was in Europe, while the Evening Post in the spring of 1835 was beginning its abrupt240 plunge255 toward financial disaster, there occurred the simultaneous birth of the New York Herald256 and a new journalism. Its immediate effect upon the Post was small; its effect in the long run upon all newspapers was profound. It was to not only a half-wrecked Evening Post, but to revolutionized journalistic conditions, that Bryant returned from Heidelberg.
When Bryant and Leggett had taken full charge of the Evening Post in 1829, the New York newspapers were a quarrelsome group of sixpenny dailies, some political, some commercial, and in their news features all slow, dull, and half-filled by modern standards. The best-known morning journal was the Courier and Enquirer, of which the editor and after a year the sole proprietor257 was James Watson Webb, a rich, hot-tempered, exceedingly handsome young man of twenty-seven, as mercurial258 as any Southerner, with a native taste for fighting which had been developed by his West Point education and some years in the army. Webb knew the use of the sword, pistol, and cane259 decidedly better than that of the pen. The Evening Post well characterized him as “a fussy260, blustering, quarrelsome fellow.” He repeatedly assaulted fellow-editors in the street; he repeatedly journeyed to Washington or Albany to tweak somebody’s nose or exchange shots; and while our envoy261 to Brazil he wanted to kill the British Minister there. When in the early thirties Congressman Cilley of Maine charged him with taking a bribe86, and refused to accept Webb’s challenge on the ground that the latter was no gentleman, the impetuous editor persuaded his second to challenge and kill Cilley. Ten years later Webb provoked Congressman Thomas F. Marshall, of Kentucky, by coarse attacks, into fighting a duel262, and was sentenced to two years in the State prison. Greeley and many others of note signed155 a petition for a pardon, which Bryant indignantly opposed, but Gov. Seward granted it.
Chief among the Courier’s morning rivals was the Journal of Commerce, founded in 1827 as an advocate of the introduction of religion into business affairs, which went into the hands of David Hale and Gerard Hallock after the abolitionist silk merchant, Tappan, gave it up. It refused to advertise theaters and other amusement-places, and was considered a little fanatical, but it showed extraordinary enterprise for that day in news-gathering. In 1828 it stationed a swift craft off Sandy Hook to intercept263 incoming ships and bring the first European news up the harbor, and it subsequently arranged a relay of fast horses from Philadelphia to bring the Congressional debates a day in advance of its competitors. Webb followed the example, extending the pony264 relay to Washington, and spending from $15,000 to $20,000 a year on his clipper boats. Some episodes of this rivalry are amusing. After the fall of Warsaw in the Polish war, the Courier and Enquirer, to punish its competitors for news-stealing, printed a small edition denying—upon the strength of dispatches by the ship Ajax—the reported fall, and saw that copies reached the doorstep of all morning journals. There was no such arrival as the Ajax. Several newspapers reprinted the bogus news without credit, the Journal of Commerce doing so in its country but not its city edition; and great was the Courier’s sarcastic265 glee.
Though Webb was too explosive, too dissipated, and too slender in ability to be a great editor, he had the money to obtain able lieutenants266. One was the Jewish journalist M. M. Noah, who had edited the National Advocate in Coleman’s day, and written patriotic267 dramas. In 1825, conceiving that the time had come for the “restoration of the Jews,” Noah had appeared at Grand Island, near Buffalo268, in the insignia of one of the Hebrew monarchs269, and dedicated270 it as the future Jerusalem and capital of the Jewish nation, calling it Ararat in honor of the original Noah. Disillusioned271 in this project, Noah bought a share in the Courier in 1831, and in 1832 resigned156 it. Another worker on the Courier was Charles King; James K. Paulding contributed; and in the forties it obtained Henry J. Raymond’s services. But the most notable of its writers when the year 1829 ended was a smart young Scotchman named James Gordon Bennett, who, after knocking about from Boston to Charleston in various employments—he had even essayed to open a commercial school in New York—had made a shining success in 1828 as Washington correspondent for Webb.
Bennett, at this time highly studious, had examined in the Congressional Library one day a copy of Horace Walpole’s letters, and at once began to imitate them in his correspondence, making it lively, full of gossip, and even vulgarly frank in descriptions of men of the day. Some Washington ladies were said to be indebted to Bennett’s glowing pen-pictures for their husbands. He was active in other capacities for the journal—he reported the White-Crowinshield murder trial in Salem, Mass., wrote editorials, squibs, and amusing articles of sorts; and Webb showed how fundamentally lacking he was in editorial discernment when he never let Bennett receive more than $12 a week. In 1832 the homely272, thrifty273 youngster from Banffshire left the Courier.
Others among the eleven dailies were the Commercial Advertiser, the Daily Advertiser, and the Star, the last-named being the Post’s closest rival in evening circulation. Much attention was attracted to the Daily Advertiser in 1835 by the Washington letters of Erastus Brooks274, a young man who wrote as brightly as Bennett but more soberly. The following year he and his brother James founded the Express, also a sixpenny paper, which succeeded against heavy obstacles. Compared with London, the New York field was overcrowded, and no journal had many subscribers; the Courier was vastly proud when it printed 3,500 copies a day. Newspapers were sold over the counter at the place of publication, and at a few hotels and coffeehouses, but not on the streets; the first employment of newsboys excited indignation, and was denounced as leading them into vice19. Advertising157 rates continued ridiculously small. The Evening Post and its contemporaries still made the time-honored charge of $40, with a subscription275 thrown in, for indefinite space; the first insertion of a “square,” 8 to 16 lines, cost seventy-five cents, the second and third twenty-five, and later insertions eighteen and three-fourths cents. When the daily advertising of the Courier (apart from yearly insertions) reached $55, that sum was thought remarkable276.
The harbinger of the new journalism was Benjamin H. Day, a former compositor for the Evening Post, who in September, 1833, began issuing the first penny newspaper with sufficient strength to survive, the Sun. The idea of this innovation came from London, which had possessed277 its Illustrated278 Penny Magazine since 1830, sold in huge quantities in New York and other American cities; Bryant had often praised it as an instrument for educating the poor. The Sun began with a circulation of 300, which it rapidly increased, until after the publication of the famous “moon hoax” in 1835 it boasted the largest circulation in the world; three years later it distributed 38,000 copies daily. Not until the Civil War did it raise its price above one cent, and it continued to be read by the poor almost exclusively. It was not a political force, for it voiced no energetic editorial opinions, nor was it a better purveyor279 of intelligence than its neighbors. It showed no more enterprise in news-collecting, its correspondence was inferior, and its appeal, apart from its cheapness and special features, lay in its great volume of help-wanted advertisements.
The new journalism therefore had its real beginning when, on May 6, 1835, in a cellar in Wall Street—not a basement, but a cellar—Bennett established the Herald. He had fifteen years’ experience, five hundred dollars, two chairs, and a dry-goods box. It also was a penny paper. But its distinction rested upon the fact that it embodied280 four original ideas in journalism. The first, and most important, was the necessity of a thorough search for all the news. The second was that fixed281 principles158 are dangerous, and that it is most profitable to be on the winning side. Bennett felt with Hosea Biglow that
A merciful Providence fashioned us hollow
In order thet we might our princerples swallow.
The third was the value of editorial audacity282—that is, of impudence283, mockery, and Mephistophelian persiflage—for Bennett had seen in Boston that the saucy284, indecorous Galaxy285 had been universally abused, and universally read. The fourth idea embodied in the Herald was the value of audacity in the news; of unconventionality, vulgarity, and sensationalism.
Above all, Bennett gave New York city the news, with a comprehensiveness, promptness, and accuracy till then undreamed of. At first, compelled by poverty to do all the work himself, and unable to hire his first reporter for more than three months, he found the task hard. But within five weeks (June 13) he began publishing a daily financial article, something that Bryant, Col. Stone, Webb, and Hallock had not thought of, although thousands were just as keenly interested in the exchange then as now. From one to four every business afternoon, having labored in his cellar since five in the morning, Bennett was making the rounds of the business offices, collecting stock-tables and gossip. Local intelligence began to be thoroughly gathered. Incomparably the best reports of the great fire of December, 1835, are to be found in the Herald. He was the first editor to open a bureau of foreign correspondence in Europe, something that Bryant might well have done. He soon went the Courier and Journal of Commerce one better by keeping his clipper off Montauk Point, and running a special train the length of Long Island with the European newspapers. A Herald reporter, notebook in hand, began to be seen in precincts which had never known a journalist. In 1839 Bennett made bold to report the proceedings286 of church sects287 at their annual meetings, and though the denominational officers were at first indignant, they became mollified when they saw their names in print. Important trials were for159 the first time followed in detail, and important public speeches reproduced in their entirety. The interview was invented.
This “picture of the world” was served up with a sauce. Bennett had no reverence288 and no taste. He announced his own forthcoming marriage in 1840 in appalling289 headlines: “To the Readers of the Herald—Declaration of Love—Caught at Last—Going to be Married—New Movement in Civilization.” The Herald was not a year old before it was ridiculing290 republican institutions, and in shocking terms assailing291 the Catholic Church, the Pope, and the doctrine of transubstantiation. When the Erie Railroad began its infamous early career, Bryant attacked the schemes of the speculators with great effect, and helped stop the first effort of the promoters to sack the State treasury. The Herald’s comment was brief and characteristic: “The New York and Erie Railroad is to break ground in a few days. We hope they will break nothing else.” James Parton quotes one of Bennett’s impudent paragraphs as representative. “Great trouble among the Presbyterians just now. The question in dispute is, whether or not a man can do anything toward saving his own soul.” In even the few and brief book-notices this tone was maintained. Reviewing an Annual Register which told him that there were 1,492 rogues292 in the State Prison, Bennett added: “And God only knows how many out of prison, preying293 upon the community, in the shape of gamblers, blacklegs, speculators, and politicians.”
By the prominence294 it gave to crimes of violence, divorces, and seduction, and by its bold personal gossip, the Herald fully earned the name of a “sensation journal.” Most of the other newspapers, the magazines, and the Catholic and Protestant pulpits, denounced it roundly. The Evening Post did not mention it by name, but in 1839 condemned “the nauseous practice which some of our journals have imitated from the London press of adopting a light and profligate tone in the daily reports of instances of crime, depravity, and intemperance295 which fall160 under the eye of our municipal police, making them the subject of elaborate witticisms296, and spicing them with gross allusions297.” The Herald’s cynical298 contempt for consistent principles increased the dislike with which it was viewed. In general it was Hunker Democratic, and built up a large Southern following, but it supported Harrison in 1840 and Taylor in 1848. The English traveler, Edward Dicey, said that it had but two standing299 rules, one to support the existing Administration, the other to attack the land of Bennett’s birth. Dicey found that as late as Civil War times Bennett was barred from society, and that when he went to stay at a watering place near New York, the other guests at the hotel told the landlord that he must choose between the editor’s patronage and their own—and Bennett left.
But upon Bennett’s success was largely founded that of other great morning newspapers of the next decades. “It would be worth my while, sir, to give a million dollars,” said Henry J. Raymond, “if the devil would come and tell me every evening, as he does Bennett, what the people of New York would like to read about next morning.” The Sun was given new life when it passed into the hands of Moses Y. Beach in 1838. Greeley, with a capital of $1,000, founded the Tribune in April, 1841, to meet the need for a penny paper of Whig allegiance. The sixpenny journals, the Evening Post, Commercial Advertiser, Courier, Journal of Commerce, and Express, perforce learned much from the Herald about news-gathering. Years later the Evening Post described the new spirit of enterprise which had seized upon journalism by the early forties:
In those days expresses were run on election nights, and in times of great excitement the Herald and Tribune raced locomotive engines against each other in order to get the earliest news; on one occasion, we remember, the sharp reporter engaged for the Tribune “appropriating” an engine which was waiting, under steam, for the use of the opposition agent, and so beating the Herald at its own game.... Nor was the competition confined to enterprises like these. For want of the boundless300 facilities now161 afforded by the organized enterprises of the newspaper offices, there were curious experiments in unexpected directions; type was set on board of North River steamboats by corps301 of printers, who had a speech ready for the press in New York soon after its delivery in Albany; carrier pigeons, carefully trained, flew from Halifax or Boston with the latest news from Europe tucked under their wings, and delivered their charge to their trainer in his room near Wall Street; an adventurous person, known at the time by the mysterious title of “the man in the glazed302 cap,” made a voyage across the Atlantic in a common pilot boat twenty years ago, secretly and with only three or four companions, in the interest of two or three journals which determined303 to “beat” the others in their arrangements for obtaining early news from abroad.
Charles H. Levermore twenty years ago expressed regret in the American Historical Review that the revolution in journalism had been wrought304 by the unprincipled Bennett, and not by a man of such education, taste, and high-mindedness as Bryant, whose name would assure the standards of his newspaper. The best journalist and worst editor in the country, Parton called Bennett, deploring305 the fact that during the Civil War neither the Times, Tribune nor World could reduce the “bad, good Herald,” which Lincoln read, to a second rank. Parke Godwin, writing upon Bennett’s death in 1872 in the Evening Post, refused him the title of a great journalist even, stating that he was a great news-vender. “What he said from day to day was said merely to produce a sensation, to raise a laugh, or to confirm a vulgar prejudice; and so far as he had any influence at all as a writer, it was one that debased and corrupted306 the community in which his paper was read. He did more to vulgarize the tone of the press in this country than any man ever before connected with it; and the worst caricatures that the genius of Balzac, Dickens, and Thackeray has given us of the low, slang-whanging, dissolute, and unprincipled Bohemian, of the Lousteaus, Jefferson Bricks, and Capt. Shandons of the journalistic profession, fail to depict307 what Bennett actually was.” But his journal was read as no other had been. Men concealed308 it when they saw a162 friend approaching it, but they bought it and examined every column.
Bryant had neither the necessary inclinations309 nor aptitudes310 to accomplish such a revolution. When he started home from Germany he left his family there, meaning soon to return. Upon learning how straitened was the condition of the Evening Post, he became temporarily disheartened. Within two months he wrote Dana that he earnestly hoped that “the day will come when I may retire without danger of starving, and give myself to occupations that I like better.” Near the end of the year he informed his brother John in Illinois that he thought of removing thither311 with $3,000-$5,000 for a new home. The best journalist is not made from a man who is thus lukewarm in his work. Moreover, even had Bryant thrown himself heart and soul into his calling, his literary tastes, his retiring temper, his keen sense of dignity, his fame as a poet, would have prevented his breaking new ground as Bennett did. He had no equal before Greeley, and no superior later, in writing editorials, and he made the intellectual influence of the Evening Post one of the strongest in the nation. He was a great editor. But he could not have gone down into the busy ‘Change with his pencil as Bennett did; he could not have attended meetings, visited theaters, and mingled312 with common men in offices and on street corners, with Bennett’s constancy of purpose.
The Evening Post had as much news as some sixpenny rivals, but it sadly needed the Herald’s stimulus313. Its reports of the great fire of 1835 were partly original, partly taken from the Express. When the Astor House was opened the following summer, an exciting event, it clipped its report from the Daily Advertiser—and even the latter had but one meager314 paragraph. Probably the most striking instance of its deficiency occurred in December, 1829, the month that Chancellor315 Lansing disappeared from the city streets—the greatest mystery of the kind in New York political history. The Post’s only account was left by Lansing’s friends:
163
Notice.—On Saturday evening, the 12th instant, Chancellor Lansing, of Albany, arrived in this city, and put up at the City Hotel; he breakfasted and dined there. Shortly after dinner he retired to his room and wrote for a short time, and about the hour that the persons intending to go to Albany usually leave the Hotel, he was observed to leave his room. He has not been seen or heard of since that time. He left his trunk, cane, etc., in his room. His friends in this city have heard this morning from Albany that he has not returned home.
It is supposed that he had written a letter to Albany and that he had intended to put it on board the steamboat that left here for that place at five o’clock that afternoon. He had made an engagement to take tea at six o’clock that evening with Mr. Robert Ray, of this city, who resides at No. 29 Marketfield Street.
He was dressed in black, and wore powder in his hair. He was a man of a large and muscular frame of body, and about five feet nine inches in height. He was upwards316 of seventy-six years of age. He was in good health, and has never been known to have been affected by any mental aberration317. Any intelligence concerning him will be most gratefully acknowledged by his afflicted318 friends and family, if left for them, at the bar of the City Hotel.
No effort whatever was made to push an inquiry into this mystery, which a generation later would have made the press ring for weeks.
III
Bryant resumed his editorial chair in the Pine Street office on Feb. 16, 1836, and set heroically to work to restore the Evening Post. The net profits that year fell to $5,671.15, and in the panic year following to $3,242.76. Leggett was only slowly convalescing319 at his New Rochelle home, and the editor was assisted by Mason till the end of May, when he obtained the services of Henry J. Anderson, professor of mathematics at Columbia. He took a large furnished room on Fourth Street, and was accustomed to be in his office at seven o’clock in the morning. There was no money to hire many helpers, and until 1840 three men did practically all the writing. Bryant wrote the editorials and literary notices; his chief assistant, first Anderson and then Parke Godwin,164 clipped exchanges, furnished dramatic criticism, and contributed short editorial paragraphs; and another man acted as general reporter. Ship news was gathered by pilots in the common employ of the evening papers.
Yet in this moment of adversity occurred one of those displays of liberalism and enlightened judgment320 which are the special glory of the Evening Post. After Leggett’s illness, Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., had written an editorial (Nov. 14, 1835) arguing against the attitude of condemnation321 which nearly all employers then took toward labor unions, which were just beginning to find imperfect shape. He affirmed that the whole body social was interested in promoting the objects of these unions—in diminishing the hours of labor and increasing the wages of the mechanics. The laboring masses, under the principle of universal suffrage, held the government in their hands, and would exercise their power wisely only if they had education and prosperity. This was not the case: “compelled to labor the extremest amount that nature can endure, and receiving for that excessive labor a compensation which makes year after year of excessive toil215 necessary to obtain independence, what leisure have they to devote to the acquisition of ... knowledge ...?” Bryant felt precisely322 as Leggett and Sedgwick did on this subject. At the end of May, 1836, twenty-one journeymen tailors who had formed a union were indicted323 for a conspiracy324 injurious to trade and commerce, and after a three days’ trial in the court of Oyer and Terminer, Judge Edwards charged the jury to find them guilty. Bryant immediately (May 31) attacked him:
We do not admit, until we have further examined the question, that the law is as laid down by the Judge; but if it be, the sooner such a tyrannical and wicked law is abrogated325 the better. His doctrine has, it is true, a decision of the Supreme Court in its favor; but the reasoning by which he attempts to show the propriety326 of that decision is of the weakest possible texture327. The idea that arrangements and combinations for certain rates of wages are injurious to trade and commerce, is as absurd as the165 idea that the current prices of the markets, which are always the result of understandings and combinations, are injurious.
The next day the tailors were heavily fined. The Evening Post, declaring this monstrous, showed its wicked absurdity328 in a series of clear expositions. It had been made criminal for the working classes to settle among themselves the price of their own property! According to Judge Edwards, the owners of the packets, who had agreed upon $140 as the standard fare to Liverpool, were criminals; so were the editors, who had agreed upon $10 for a yearly subscription; so were the butchers and bakers329. The very price current was evidence of conspiracy. Bryant recalled the fact that in England the Tories themselves had expunged330 the laws against labor unions from the statute331 books twelve years before. “Can anything be imagined more abhorrent332 to every sentiment of generosity333 and justice, than the law which arms the rich with the legal right to fix, by assize, the wages of the poor? If this is not slavery, we have forgotten its definition. Strike the right of associating for the sale of labor from the privileges of a freeman, and you may as well bind334 him to a master, or ascribe him to the soil.”
Other newspapers, of which the Journal of Commerce and the American were the most prominent, took the side of Judge Edwards. For a time the excitement was intense. A mass-meeting of mechanics, which the Evening Post declared the largest ever seen in the city, was held in City Hall Park on the evening of June 13; and Bryant continued his editorials at intervals335 for a month.
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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cherubs
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| 小天使，胖娃娃( cherub的名词复数 ) | |
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witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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enquirer
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| 寻问者，追究者 | |
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spouting
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| n.水落管系统v.（指液体）喷出( spout的现在分词 )；滔滔不绝地讲；喋喋不休地说；喷水 | |
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abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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spotted
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| adj.有斑点的，斑纹的，弄污了的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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reeking
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| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
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pandering
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的现在分词 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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impudent
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| adj.鲁莽的，卑鄙的，厚颜无耻的 | |
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inane
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| adj.空虚的，愚蠢的，空洞的 | |
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inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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deranged
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| adj.疯狂的 | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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atlas
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| n.地图册，图表集 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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slashing
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| adj.尖锐的；苛刻的；鲜明的；乱砍的v.挥砍( slash的现在分词 )；鞭打；割破；削减 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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42
perseveringly
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| 坚定地 | |
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43
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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44
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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45
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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46
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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47
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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48
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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49
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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50
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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51
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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52
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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53
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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54
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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55
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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56
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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57
jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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58
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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59
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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60
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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62
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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63
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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64
distractions
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| n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 )；娱乐，消遣；心烦意乱；精神错乱 | |
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65
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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66
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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67
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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68
candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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69
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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70
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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71
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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72
democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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73
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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74
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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75
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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76
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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77
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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78
ecstasies
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| 狂喜( ecstasy的名词复数 )； 出神； 入迷； 迷幻药 | |
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79
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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80
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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81
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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82
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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83
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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84
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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85
barefaced
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| adj.厚颜无耻的，公然的 | |
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86
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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87
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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88
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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89
curtailed
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
coerce
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| v.强迫，压制 | |
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91
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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92
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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93
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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94
rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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95
rigid
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|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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96
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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97
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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98
bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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99
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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100
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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101
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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102
dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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103
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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104
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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105
forerunner
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| n.前身，先驱（者），预兆，祖先 | |
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106
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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107
begotten
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| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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108
nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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109
monstrous
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|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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110
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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111
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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112
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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113
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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114
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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115
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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116
exuberance
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| n.丰富；繁荣 | |
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117
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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118
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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119
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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120
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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121
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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122
consolidation
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| n.合并,巩固 | |
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123
antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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124
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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125
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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126
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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127
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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128
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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129
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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130
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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132
constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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133
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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134
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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135
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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136
tirades
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| 激烈的长篇指责或演说( tirade的名词复数 ) | |
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137
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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138
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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139
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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140
provocative
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| adj.挑衅的，煽动的，刺激的，挑逗的 | |
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141
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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142
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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143
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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144
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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145
picketed
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| 用尖桩围住（picket的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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146
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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147
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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148
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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149
brewery
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| n.啤酒厂 | |
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150
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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151
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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152
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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153
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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154
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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155
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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156
punitive
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| adj.惩罚的，刑罚的 | |
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157
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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158
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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159
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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160
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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161
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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162
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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163
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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164
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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165
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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166
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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167
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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168
sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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169
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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170
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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171
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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172
amalgamation
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| n.合并，重组；；汞齐化 | |
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173
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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174
castigation
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| n.申斥，强烈反对 | |
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175
disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
bureaucratic
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| adj.官僚的，繁文缛节的 | |
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177
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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178
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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179
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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180
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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181
discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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182
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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183
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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184
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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185
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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186
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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187
affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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188
ballots
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| n.投票表决( ballot的名词复数 )；选举；选票；投票总数v.（使）投票表决( ballot的第三人称单数 ) | |
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189
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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190
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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191
journalism
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| n.新闻工作，报业 | |
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192
incorporation
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| n.设立，合并，法人组织 | |
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193
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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194
gouge
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| v.凿；挖出；n.半圆凿；凿孔；欺诈 | |
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195
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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196
franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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197
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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198
partnerships
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| n.伙伴关系( partnership的名词复数 )；合伙人身份；合作关系 | |
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199
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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200
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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201
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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202
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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203
vitriolic
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| adj.硫酸的，尖刻的 | |
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204
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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205
aggregation
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| n.聚合，组合；凝聚 | |
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206
strata
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| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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207
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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208
tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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209
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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210
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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211
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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212
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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213
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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214
affinities
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| n.密切关系( affinity的名词复数 )；亲近；（生性）喜爱；类同 | |
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215
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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216
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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217
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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218
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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219
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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220
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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221
depreciated
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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222
extravagant
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|
| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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223
reviled
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224
plunging
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|
| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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225
speculative
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|
| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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226
radical
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|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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227
Congressman
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| n.（美）国会议员 | |
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228
democrats
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|
| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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229
radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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230
enunciated
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| v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的过去式和过去分词 )；确切地说明 | |
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231
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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232
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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233
anarchy
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|
| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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234
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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235
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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236
eloquence
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|
| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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237
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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238
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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239
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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240
abrupt
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|
| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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241
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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242
bilious
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|
| adj.胆汁过多的；易怒的 | |
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243
radicalism
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|
| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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244
thereby
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|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
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245
patronage
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|
| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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246
insolent
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|
| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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247
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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248
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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249
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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250
countenance
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|
| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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251
commissioners
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|
| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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252
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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253
advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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254
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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255
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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256
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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257
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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258
mercurial
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| adj.善变的，活泼的 | |
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259
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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260
fussy
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| adj.为琐事担忧的，过分装饰的，爱挑剔的 | |
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261
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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262
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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263
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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264
pony
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| adj.小型的；n.小马 | |
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265
sarcastic
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|
| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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266
lieutenants
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|
| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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267
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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268
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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269
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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270
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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271
disillusioned
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| a.不再抱幻想的，大失所望的，幻想破灭的 | |
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272
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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273
thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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274
brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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275
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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276
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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277
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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278
illustrated
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|
| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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279
purveyor
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| n.承办商，伙食承办商 | |
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280
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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281
fixed
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|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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282
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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283
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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284
saucy
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| adj.无礼的；俊俏的；活泼的 | |
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285
galaxy
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| n.星系；银河系；一群(杰出或著名的人物) | |
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286
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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287
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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288
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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289
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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290
ridiculing
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的现在分词 ) | |
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291
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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292
rogues
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|
| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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293
preying
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| v.掠食( prey的现在分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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294
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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295
intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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296
witticisms
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| n.妙语，俏皮话( witticism的名词复数 ) | |
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297
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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298
cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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300
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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301
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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302
glazed
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| adj.光滑的，像玻璃的；上过釉的；呆滞无神的v.装玻璃( glaze的过去式)；上釉于，上光；（目光）变得呆滞无神 | |
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303
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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304
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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305
deploring
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的现在分词 ) | |
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306
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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307
depict
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| vt.描画，描绘；描写，描述 | |
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308
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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309
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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310
aptitudes
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| （学习方面的）才能，资质，天资( aptitude的名词复数 ) | |
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311
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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312
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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313
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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314
meager
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| adj.缺乏的，不足的，瘦的 | |
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315
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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316
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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317
aberration
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| n.离开正路，脱离常规，色差 | |
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318
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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319
convalescing
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| v.康复( convalesce的现在分词 ) | |
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320
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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321
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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322
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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323
indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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324
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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325
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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326
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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327
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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328
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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329
bakers
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| n.面包师( baker的名词复数 )；面包店；面包店店主；十三 | |
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330
expunged
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| v.擦掉( expunge的过去式和过去分词 )；除去；删去；消除 | |
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331
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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332
abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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333
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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334
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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335
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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