Bryant’s real editorial career dates from 1836, for all that had preceded was mere2 preparation. He quickly mastered his first discouragement, and throwing aside the idea of becoming an Illinois farmer or lawyer, devoted3 himself to the Evening Post as the work, poetry apart, of his life. We catch a new and determined4 note in his letters by 1837, when he was laboring6 like a born journalist at his desk from seven to four daily, and, says his assistant, was so impatient of interruption that he often seemed irascible. He was so fully8 occupied, he wrote Dana in February, “that if there is anything of the Pegasus in me, I am too much exhausted9 to use my wings.” In an unpublished note to his wife, who had returned in the fall of 1836, he declared: “I have enough to do, both with the business part of the paper and the management of it as editor, to keep me constantly busy. I must see that the Evening Post does not suffer by these hard times, and I must take that part in the great controversies10 now going on which is expected of it.”
He still longed for literary leisure. But he courageously11 stuck to his post, writing Dana in June, 1838, that his editorial labors12 were as heavy as he could endure with a proper regard to his health, and that he managed to maintain his strength only by the greatest simplicity13 of diet, renouncing14 tea, coffee, and animal food, and by frequent walks of a half day to two days in the country. By this date, he said, he could look back rejoicing that he had never yielded to the temptation of giving up the newspaper.
Leggett did not return. He had borrowed so much of Mrs. Coleman’s part of the dividend15 in the last year of his connection with the paper that she compelled him,167 by legal steps, to surrender his third share of the Evening Post to her; and Bryant would not give him that freedom for vehement16 writing which he wished. In December, 1836, he established the Plaindealer, a short-lived weekly to which the Evening Post made many complimentary17 references. But his health continued bad, and on May 29, 1839, just after President Van Buren had offered him the post of confidential18 agent in Central America in the belief that a sea voyage would benefit him, he died.
His place was supplied in part by chance. During the summer of 1836 Parke Godwin, a briefless barrister of only twenty, a graduate of Princeton, was compelled to remove to a cheaper boarding-house, and went to one at 316 Fourth Street, kept by a native of Great Barrington, Mass. He was introduced one evening to a newcomer, a middle-aged19 man of medium height, spare figure, and clean-shaven, severe face. His gentle manner, pure English, and musical voice were as distinctive21 as his large head and bright eyes. “A certain air of abstractedness made you set him down as a scholar whose thoughts were wandering away to his books; and yet the deep lines about his mouth told of struggle either with himself or with the world. No one would have supposed that there was any fun in him, but, when a lively turn was given to some remark, the upper part of his face, particularly the eyes, gleamed with a singular radiance, and a short, quick, staccato, but hearty22 laugh acknowledged the humorous perception.” On public affairs this stranger spoke23 with keen insight and great decision. That evening Godwin was told that he was the poet Bryant. For some months, till after Mrs. Bryant’s return, the two were thrown much together, without increasing their acquaintance. Bryant’s greeting to strangers was chilly24, he never prolonged a conversation, he was fond of solitary25 walks, and he spent his evenings alone in his room. Godwin was therefore much surprised when one day the editor remarked: “My assistant, Mr. Ulshoeffer, is going to Cuba for his health; how would you like to take his place?” The young lawyer, after demurring26 that he had168 had no experience, went to try it—and stayed, with intermissions, more than forty years.
“Every editorial of Bryant’s opens with a stale joke and closes with a fresh lie,” growled27 a Whig in these years. It was part of the change from Leggett’s slashing28 directness to Bryant’s suavity29 that the latter prefaced most political articles with an apposite illustration drawn30 from his wide reading. When the Albany Journal, Thurlow Weed’s newspaper, was arguing the self-evident proposition that the State should not buy the Ithaca & Oswego Railway, he told the story of the perspiring31 attorney who was interrupted by the judge in a long harangue32: “Brother Plowden, why do you labor5 so? The Court is with you.” The effrontery33 of a Whig politician caught in a bit of rascality34 inspired an editorial which opened with the grave plea of a thievish Indian at the bar: “Yes, I stole the powder horn, but it is white man’s law that you must prove it.” Again, with more dignity, Bryant began an article on the Bank with a reference to Virgil’s episode of Nisus and Euryalus.
In 1839 Webster’s friends professed35 great indignation because the orator36 had been called a “myrmidon.” The myrmidons, Bryant remarked, were soldiers who fought under Achilles at Troy, and the opprobrium37 of being called one was much that of being called a hussar or lancer. The wrath38 of Webster’s defenders39 seemed to him like Dame40 Quickly’s:
Falstaff: “Go to, you are a woman, go.”
Hostess: “Who, I? I defy thee, I was never called so in mine own house before.”
But, he added, there was one important difference between Webster and a myrmidon. He had never heard of the high-tariff41 friends of a myrmidon making up a purse of $65,000 for services well done. Bryant was always master of a grave humor. When another journal assailed42 him, he wrote: “There is an honest shoemaker living on the Mergellina, at Naples, on the right hand as you169 go towards Pozzioli, whose little dog comes out every morning and barks at Vesuvius.”
Bryant had need of this persuasive43 tact44, for in 1836 the following of the Evening Post consisted chiefly of workmen, who could not buy it, and of the young enthusiasts45 who polled a city vote of only 2,712 that fall for the Loco-Foco ticket. The policy was not changed. The paper continued to attack special banking46 incorporations, and in 1838 had the satisfaction of seeing a general State banking law passed. It kept up its fire against the judicial48 doctrine49 that trade unions were conspiracies50 against trade, and saw it rapidly disintegrate51 and vanish. During 1837 it was able to point to the panic as an exact fulfillment of its predictions. By 1840 it was clear that it had said not a word too much when it attacked the craze for State internal improvements as not only making for political corruption53 and favoritism between localities, but as leading to financial ruin. Gov. Seward that year declared that New York had been misled into a number of impractical54 and profitless projects, Gov. Grayson of Maryland called for heavy direct taxes as the only means of averting55 disgraceful bankruptcy56, and Gov. Porter, of Pennsylvania, said that his State had been loaded with a multitude of undertakings57 that it could neither prosecute58, sell, nor abandon. This proved its old contention59, said the Post, that “the moment we admit that the Legislature may engage in local enterprises, it is beset60 at once by swarms61 of schemers.” In 1837 Bryant asked for the repeal62 of the usury63 laws, but in this he was not years, but generations, ahead of his time.
As a personal friend of Van Buren, Bryant had been among the first to applaud the movement for his nomination64, and he warmly championed him throughout the campaign of 1836. At the South the Evening Post was for some time declared to be Little Van’s chosen organ for addressing the public, much to the President’s embarrassment65; for the Post’s views on the growing anti-slavery movement were not his. Van Buren’s greatest170 measure, the sub-treasury66 plan, was stubbornly opposed by the bankers and most other representatives of capital in New York. It ended the distribution of national moneys among the State banks, where Federal funds had been kept since 1833, and it was a terrible blow to them. The Evening Post had consistently stood for a divorce of the government and the banks, and it supported the sub-treasury scheme through all its vicissitudes67. It had always opposed the division of the surplus revenue among the States, and in applauding Van Buren’s determination to stop it the paper again aroused the wrath of the business community in New York. But upon certain other issues it crossed swords with the President.
II
Bryant, like Ellery Channing, J. Q. Adams, Whittier, Wendell Phillips, and Salmon68 P. Chase, took up the fight for free speech and found that it rapidly led him into the battle for free soil. In January, 1836, Ex-President Adams began in the House of Representatives his heroic contest with the Southerners for the unchecked reception of abolitionist petitions there, and in May the “gag” resolution against these petitions was passed. Bryant’s indignation was scorching69. He wrote upon the speech of a New York Senator (April 21):
Mr. Tallmadge has done well in vindicating70 the right of individuals to address Congress on any matter within its province.... This is something, at a time when the Governor of one State demands of another that free discussion on a particular subject shall be made a crime by law, and when a Senator of the Republic, and a pretended champion of liberty, rises in his place and proposes a censorship of the press more servile, more tyrannical, more arbitrary, than subsists71 in any other country. It is a prudent72 counsel also that Mr. Tallmadge gives to the South—to beware of increasing the zeal74, of swelling75 the ranks and multiplying the friends, of the Abolitionists by attempting to exclude them from the common rights of citizens.... Yet it seems to us that Mr. Tallmadge ... might have gone a little further. It seems to us that ... he should have protested with somewhat171 more energy and zeal against the attempt to shackle76 the expression of opinion. It is no time to use honeyed words when the liberty of speech is endangered.... If the tyrannical doctrines77 and measures of Mr. Calhoun can be carried into effect, there is an end to liberty in this country; but carried into effect they cannot be. It is too late an age to copy the policy of Henry VIII; we lie too far in the occident78 to imitate the despotic rule of Austria. The spirit of our people has been too long accustomed to freedom to bear the restraint which is sought to be put upon it. Discussion will be like the Greek fire, which blazed the fiercer for the water thrown upon it; and if the stake be set and the faggots ready, there will be candidates for martyrdom.
When in August of this year a meeting in Cincinnati resolved to silence J. G. Birney’s abolitionist press by violence, the Evening Post used similar words. No tyranny in any part of the world was more absolute or frightful79 than such mob tyranny. “So far as we are concerned, we are resolved that this despotism shall neither be submitted to nor encouraged.... We are resolved that the subject of slavery shall be, as it ever has been, as free a subject for discussion, and argument, and declamation80, as the difference between whiggism and democracy, or the difference between Arminians and Calvinists.” This was at a time when the right of Abolitionists to continue their agitation81 was denied from some of the most influential82 New York pulpits, when the great majority of citizens had no tolerance83 for them, and when newspapers like Bennett’s Herald84 and Hallock’s Journal of Commerce, both pro-slavery, gave them nothing but contempt and denunciation. When Elijah P. Lovejoy was murdered at Alton, Ill., by a mob, there were influential New Yorkers who believed that he had received his deserts, but Bryant cried out in horror. Without free tongues and free pens, the nation would fall into despotism or anarchy85. “We approve, then, we applaud—we would consecrate86, if we could, to universal honor—the conduct of those who bled in this gallant87 defense88 of the freedom of the press. Whether they erred89 or not in their opinions, they did not err7 in the conviction of their right, as citizens172 of a democratic State, to express them; nor did they err in defending their rights with an obstinacy90 which yielded only to death.”
Before 1840 Bryant had enrolled91 himself among those who held that the spread of slavery must be stopped. President Van Buren had pledged himself to veto any bill for emancipating92 the slaves in the District of Columbia. Although the plan of freeing the District slaves was abominated93 by most people in New York city, and even J. Q. Adams would not vote in favor of it in 1836, the Evening Post attacked and derided94 Van Buren’s pledge. When this reform was included in the Compromise of 1850, it boasted that New Yorkers had been converted to an advocacy of it as overwhelming as their opposition95 a dozen years earlier. During 1839 a considerable stir was produced in the city by the Armistad affair. A number of Africans sold as slaves in Cuba being transported from Havana to Principe on the schooner96 Armistad, rose, took possession of the craft, and compelled those of the crew whom they had not killed to steer97 the vessel98, as they believed, to Africa. It was brought into Long Island Sound instead, and the negroes were seized as criminals. Bryant asked his friend Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., to investigate the law, and the latter came to the conclusion, which he expounded99 at length in the Evening Post, that the blacks could not be held. They had gained their freedom, he said, and were heroes and not malefactors. Secretary of State Forsythe and Attorney-General Grundy did all they could to vindicate100 the claim of the Spanish Minister to the negroes, but the courts upheld Sedgwick’s view of the issue, and they were liberated101.
Every conscientious102 Democratic journal of the North was faced by a common embarrassment in the decade 1840–1850, when a dominance over the Democratic party was steadily103 established by advocates of the extension of slavery. If, like the Herald or Journal of Commerce or Express, they were friendly to the South in defiance104 of conscience, they felt no difficulty. But the Evening Post believed slavery a curse. What could it do when Polk173 was nominated in 1844 by its own party upon a platform favorable to this vicious institution, and when the Democratic leaders carried the nation into the Mexican War with the effect, if not the calculated purpose, of adding to the slaveowners’ domain105? Bryant did not wish to abandon the great party which stood for low tariff, opposition to the squandering106 of public money on internal improvements, and a decisive separation between the government and banking. He could only do in 1844 what Greeley and the Tribune did in 1848, when Taylor, whom the Tribune distrusted, was nominated by the Whigs; stick to his party, reconcile his feelings as best he could with his party allegiance, and labor to improve the party from within.
The picturesque107 log-cabin campaign of 1840 offered no perplexities to the Evening Post. It still looked upon President Van Buren with satisfaction, and wished him re?lected. Like its opponent the Tribune, it was glad that Harrison had beaten Henry Clay for the Whig nomination, but that was in no degree because it respected Harrison. It regarded the retired108 farmer and Indian fighter of North Bend, Ohio, as all Democratic organs regarded him, a nonentity109. What title had this feeble villager of nearly seventy, whose last public office had been the clerkship of a county court, to the Presidency110? No one has ever thought Harrison a great statesman, and any undue111 severity on the part of the Evening Post may be attributed to the warmth of the campaign. It called him “a silly and conceited112 old man whose irregularities of life have enfeebled his originally feeble faculties113, and who is as helpless in the hands of his party as the idols114 of a savage116 tribe we have somewhere read of, who are flogged when they do not listen to the prayers of their people for rain.” At the beginning of March it declared that Harrison might be elected, but that the most sinister117 figure in his party would direct his policies; “Harrison may be the nominal118 chief magistrate119, but Clay will be the Charles Martel, the Mayor of the Palace.”
174 The hard-cider, coonskin-cap, log-cabin enthusiasm sickened the Evening Post. The plan, commented Bryant on the Harrison songs, “is to cut us to pieces with A sharp, to lay us prostrate120 with G flat, to hunt us down with fugues, overrun us with choruses, and bring in Harrison with a grand diapason.” “The accomplishment122 of drinking hard cider, possessed123 by one of the candidates for the Presidency,” he later wrote, was the safest the Whigs could urge. “If they were to talk now of his talents, of his opinions, of his public virtues124, and of the other qualifications which are commonly supposed to fit a citizen of our republic for the office of its chief magistrate, they would find themselves much embarrassed.” The Whigs, counting upon the reflex of the panic of 1837, and the unpopularity of Van Buren, to elect Harrison, had taken care to commit themselves to no platform. The Evening Post therefore attributed to them all the evil policies they had ever espoused125. Was it worth while to shoulder the burden of a high tariff and a costly126 internal improvement system, to restore the corrupt52 union of bank and state, to pay the enormous State debts out of the national treasury, and to strengthen Federal power at the expense of the States, all for the sake of having a President who quaffed127 hard cider?
During the campaign it was hinted by the Evening Post that if chosen, Harrison could not live to the end of his official term. It recorded the fact that when he arrived in Washington, the fatigue128 of receiving his friends was “so great that he was obliged to forego the usual ceremony of shaking hands with them.” A month later the paper was commenting upon the ghastly contrast between the festivities, pageants129, and congratulations which attended his inauguration130, and the solemnity and gloom as the plumed131 hearse carried his body, behind six white horses, to the Congressional burying ground. Because Bryant refused to write panegryrically of the dead President, though he did write respectfully, and because he refrained from using heavy black column rules for mourning, a practice which he called “typographical175 foppery,” he was violently assailed by the Whig press as a “vampire” and “ghoul.”
Bryant and Parke Godwin naturally hoped for the renomination of Van Buren in 1844, believing that the battle unfairly won by the Whigs in 1840 ought to be fought again on the same field, and with the same well-tried Democratic leader. Bryant told the story of the Santa Fé hunter who used to pat his rifle, carried for forty years, saying: “I believe in it. I know that whenever I fire there is meat.” In midsummer of 1843 he was confident that victory was already assured, the political reaction since 1841 being “without a parallel in the history of the peaceful conduct of affairs in this country.” The Evening Post welcomed the “black tariff” of 1842, the work of the Whig protectionists, as contributing magnificently to this reaction. It was like an overdose of poison; instead of accomplishing its purpose, it would act as an emetic132 and be rejected at once. But between that date and Polk’s nomination in May, 1844, there arose the questions of Texas and slavery, offering all editors of Bryant’s views the most distressing133 dilemma134.
From a very early date the Evening Post had opposed the annexation135 of Texas, except under circumstances that would fully satisfy Mexico on one hand, and free soil sentiment on the other. On June 17, 1836, when Texas had just declared its freedom, Bryant asserted that if the United States, under the circumstances, even acknowledged Texan independence, “our government would lose its character for justice and magnanimity with the whole world, and would deserve to be classed with those spoilers of nations whose example we are taught as republicans to detest136.” He frequently spoke with satisfaction of the growth of the little republic, noting in 1843 that it had 80,000 people. But when it became evident early the next year that President Tyler was determined to effect its annexation, the newspaper was alarmed. The first rumor137 that Secretary of State Calhoun had negotiated a secret treaty with Texas, reaching New York in March, threw it into a fever of indignation. Its chief apprehension176 arose from the fact that the treaty was said to permit slavery in all parts of the new territory save a small corner to which it was uncertain the United States would have any title. This led the Evening Post to call the project “unjust, impolitic, and hostile to the freedom of the human race.”
The actual treaty, sent to the Senate on April 22 by President Tyler, was assailed with a variety of arguments, but the Evening Post harped138 chiefly upon the anti-slavery objection. It would inevitably139 involve the United States in war with Mexico, and cost a huge sum in men and money. The Senate having been elected at a time when no one was thinking of the Texan question, it would be wicked to decide so important an issue affirmatively; there must be some form of national referendum. But above all, the treaty was evil because it would increase the slave population of the nation and bulwark140 this monstrous141 Southern institution. It would “keep alive a war more formidable than any to which we are exposed from Great Britain or any other foreign power—we mean the dissensions between the northern and southern regions of the union. The cause of these dissensions, if the territory of the republic be not enlarged, is gradually losing strength and visibly tending to its extinction142, but by the admission of Texas it will be reinforced and perpetuated143.” Theodore Sedgwick, Jr., writing under the pen-name “Veto,” was hurriedly impressed into service for a series of articles—admirable articles, too.
The treaty was defeated in the Senate; and then ensued the Presidential campaign of 1844, hinging upon it—the first campaign directly to involve the slavery question.
When the Democratic Convention met at Baltimore on May 27, 1844, it was the fervent144 hope of the Evening Post and whole northern wing of the party that it would nominate Van Buren. He had publicly declared against immediate145 annexation of Texas, asserting that it would look like territory-grabbing and intimating that, as the Post had repeatedly said, colossal146 jobbery by land-speculators was involved. The South was determined that he177 should not be named. The balloting147 for a nominee148 was therefore a decision whether Democracy should stand for or against the extension of slave territory; and because the Southerners were the more aggressive, they won. Van Buren was defeated by the revival149 of a rule requiring a two-thirds majority, his vote steadily declining, and Polk, a comparatively unknown slave-holder, was named. On May 8 Bryant had said editorially that “the party cannot be rallied, however the politicians may exert themselves,” in favor of an annexationist151 Southerner. He repeated this warning regarding the candidate on the eve of the convention; “if he declares himself for the annexation of Texas, he will encounter the determined opposition” of the North. It was with unconcealed dismay that the Evening Post chronicled Polk’s nomination. He was a man of handsome talents, manly152 character, and many sound views, it said, “but like most Southern politicians, is deplorably wrong on the Texas question.”
Should the Evening Post bolt? For a time Bryant considered doing so. But it simply could not accept Clay, the Whig candidate; and admitting that “the fiery153 and imperious South overrides154 and silences the North in matters of opinion,” Bryant prepared to make the best of a wretched situation. He explained his stand by saying that on the one hand, he could not possibly assist Clay to win the Presidency and restore the United States Bank; on the other, he did not believe annexation inevitable155 under Polk. The Democratic platform had declared for annexation “at the earliest practicable moment”; and by emphasizing the word “practicable,” and arguing that it involved all kinds of delays, and the establishment of national good faith precedent156 to the step, the newspaper tried to argue that it was at least distant.
Bryant’s position was made more tenable when, midway in the campaign, Clay wrote his famous and fatal “Raleigh letter,” in which he said that if annexation could be accomplished157 without dishonor, war, or injustice158, he would be glad to see it. This meant, as thousands of178 Whigs felt when they stayed from the polls on election day, that there was perhaps little to choose between the candidates.
Yet the Post never quite surrendered its independence, and tried throughout the summer to lead a movement within the party for a proper solution of the Texas question. There were enemies to annexation in Texas itself, it believed; there were enemies throughout the South, even in South Carolina, and the initial enthusiasm for it was beginning to cool. If the Northern Democrats159 asserted themselves forcibly against it as a party measure, “the day of this scheme, we are fully assured, will soon be over.” In pursuance of this policy, Bryant, Theodore Sedgwick, David Dudley Field, and three other New Yorkers drew up a confidential circular to a number of Democrats of like views, proposing a joint160 manifesto161 in opposition to annexation, and a concerted effort to elect anti-annexationist Congressmen. This manifesto appeared in the Evening Post of Aug. 20, and made a considerable impression in New York. But such efforts were in vain. Polk’s election made the entrance of Texas into the union a certainty, and it was indeed authorized162 by a joint resolution of Congress the day before he took office. Bryant must have questioned that March whether his newspaper, which had so decisively lost its fight, should not have taken the side of the hated Clay.
The final protests against annexation did not commit the Post to any opposition to the Mexican War. That conflict did not begin for more than two years, until April, 1846; and the events of the interim163 convinced Bryant that Mexico rather than America was responsible for it. Polk acted pacifically, and the poet’s friend, Bancroft, then Secretary of the Navy, wrote him that “we were driven reluctantly to war.” Mexico had, the Evening Post believed, committed numberless aggressions upon American interests, while after severing164 diplomatic relations, she would not renew them except on impossible terms. The journal affirmed its belief (May 13, 1846) in “the inconsistency of a war of invasion and conquest179 with the character of our government and the ends for which Providence165 has manifestly raised up our republic.” It said then and when peace had come that the nation would yet hold to a fearful responsibility the Southerners who had precipitated166 the annexation and the war for the perpetuation167 of slavery. But it did not think that the weak and violent Mexican government had a right to the perpetual allegiance of Texans, or to menace our territory after the annexation. Whereas every one of sense had opposed a war with England over the Oregon question, Bryant wrote, only one or two newspapers were attacking this collision. Writing that “we approve of such demonstrations168 of vigor169 as shall convince Mexico that we are in earnest,” the editor favored a resolute170 prosecution171 of the struggle.
III
While the Evening Post was establishing a militant172 free-soil position, its news features were improving. The office force remained pitifully small. In addition to Bryant, his assistant, Parke Godwin, and a reporter, at the end of 1843 room was made for a commercial editor, who supplied information on the markets, wrote upon business affairs, and supervised the marine173 intelligence; these four made up the staff. The paper was enlarged in 1840, going from seven columns to eight and lengthening174 its page, while in 1842 commenced the issuance of a weekly Evening Post, in addition to the semi-weekly—a profitable innovation. It was wonderful that so few men could do so much. In the fact that they did we have the explanation of a little note Mrs. Bryant wrote to Mrs. William Ware73, wife of the author of “Zenobia,” in the late thirties: “Mr. Bryant has gone to his office. You cannot think how distressed175 I am about his working so hard. He gets up as soon as it is light, takes a mouthful to eat,—it cannot be called a breakfast, for it is often only what the Germans call a ‘stick of bread’; occasionally the milkman comes in season for him to get some bread and milk. As yet, his health is good, but I fear that his180 constitution is not strong enough for such intense labor.” Occasionally a little help was lent by outsiders—James K. Paulding as well as Sedgwick contributed editorials early in the forties; but it was little.
Year by year the local news improved. Bryant had at first objected to reports of criminal cases on moral grounds, but he now took the sensible view that to have the light let in upon evil assisted in combating it. As early as 1836 he had the famous murder of Helen Jewett covered in detail. Another of his early prejudices was against the reporting of lectures by which many literary men of the day made part of their living, on the ground that if the report was faithful, it tended to prevent a repetition of the lecture, but even while he voiced this opinion, in 1841, he was giving a comprehensive summary of Emerson’s addresses. Beginning in 1845, the Evening Post published a daily column with the heading, “City Intelligence,” which was often a queer mélange of news and editorial comment, for it discussed urgent municipal needs—the improvement of the Tombs, the adoption176 of mechanical street sweepers, the substitution of a paid fire department for the volunteer system, and so on. The headings for a typical Monday in 1848 run thus:
Confusion Among the Judges (Six courts met at 10 a. m., at City Hall, with only four rooms among them).
Foul177 Affair at Sea (The brig Colonel Taylor arrives, and reports that its mate at sea threw a sailor overboard).
Case of Mme. Restel (Developments in a murder case).
Fires—A Child Burnt to Death (The week-end conflagrations179 totalled eleven, a modest list. At one in Leroy Street nine houses had been burnt; at one in Thirteenth Street a child and six horses had been killed).
City Statistics (The last year saw 1,823 new buildings erected180; the city had 327 licensed181 omnibuses, 3,780 taverns182 and saloons, 168 junkshops, and 681 charcoal183 peddlers).
And so the column continued through police news,181 theater puffs184, and notices of academy commencements, until it ended just above an advertisement of Sands’s Sarsaparilla and the Balsam of Wild Cherry, glowingly recommended by testimonials.
But the chief improvement in the news was wrought185 by special correspondence, which early in the forties attained186 a surprising extent and finish. By various means, including advertising187 for correspondents, Bryant built up a staff of contributors that covered every part of the nation. In 1841–2 each week during the sessions of Congress brought letters from two men, “Z” and “Very,” while during the legislative188 session there were two Albany correspondents, “L” and “Publius.” Every important State capital north of Richmond had its contributor. In the first week of 1842, for example, appeared letters from Springfield, Ill., Providence, R. I., and Detroit, Mich. A Paris correspondent wrote regularly over the initials “A. V.,” and a London correspondent signed much more frequent articles “O. P. Q.”
This London correspondence ran to great length. Into one typical article, printed on March 14, 1842, “O. P. Q.” crowded an account of the royal christening, at which the future Edward VII “was got back to the Castle without squalling”; the Dublin elections; Macready’s experiment at Drury Lane Theater, where for the first time the pit seats had been “provided with backs, and, together with the boxes, numbered, and a ticket given to the occupant, who thus keeps his seat throughout the evening”; of Adelaide Kemble’s singing at Covent Garden; of Douglas Jerrold’s new comedy, “Prisoners of War”; and of the new books, including Mrs. Trollope’s “Blue Belles189 of England”; the whole concluding with some gossip about a ruler in whom Americans were more interested than in President Tyler:
It is said that the Queen still continues staunch Whig; that she is civil, but laconic190, to the Tories; and that pleasant old Lord Melbourne’s easy chair, in which he used to take his after-dinner nap when he dined at the palace, is still kept for his use alone, being182 wheeled out of the closet when he dines there, and wheeled back when he takes his departure.
Her majesty191 and her husband appear to go on as comfortably as if they lived in a cottage (ornée) untroubled with crowns and royal christenings. Prince Albert is a good deal liked for the sensible and unassuming manner in which he has heretofore conducted himself. At the Mayor’s dinner, the other day, he said he began to feel himself “quite at home.” One of the papers remarks: “Of course he does; what respectable man, living two years in the most comfortable house, with a charming young wife, a rising family, good shooting, and the general esteem192, could feel otherwise than at home?”
The most striking feature in newspaper correspondence of the forties was the prominence193 given mere travel. Americans were more curious about their expanding and fast-filling land than now, and the expense and hardship of travel made its vicarious enjoyment194 greater. Two midsummer months in 1843 afford a representative view of this side of the newspaper. Bryant concluded his correspondence written during a trip to South Carolina and Florida, describing Charleston Harbor, a plantation195 corn-shucking, negro songs, alligators196, tobacco-chewing, and the reminders197 of the Seminole War. From another corner of the union an unsigned letter of 3,000 words described an interesting trip through wilder Michigan. Bryant, returning north, contributed from Keene, N. H., and Addison County, Vt., a description of scenery in those two States. From Columbus, O., some one wrote of his journey thither198 by way of the Great Lakes. In August a correspondent at Saratoga waxed loquacious199. He narrated200 some incidents he had observed of J. Q. Adams’s tour in upper New York; pictured Martin Van Buren sojourning at the Springs, “as round, plump, and happy as a partridge,” and said to be looking for a wife; and sketched201 N. P. Willis, at a ball there, “surrounded by bevies202 of literary loungers and dilettanti, who look up to him with equal respect for the fashionable cut of his coat and the exceeding gracefulness203 of his writings.”
Bryant wrote letters from all his foreign tours—those of 1834–6, 1845–6, 1849, 1852–3, and 1857–8; while183 others of the staff who traveled did the same. In 1834 the Evening Post published a series of letters from South American ports, written anonymously204 by a naval205 officer on an American warship206; while for twenty years regular correspondence was furnished by a resident of Buenos Aires. When Commodore Biddle sailed into Yeddo Bay the summer of 1846 to try to establish treaty relations with Japan, an officer of his squadron sent the Post a highly interesting account of their chill reception. The vessels207 were surrounded with hundreds of armed boats from the day their arrival produced consternation208 upon land; they had been supplied with water, wood, poultry209, and vegetables, free; but the authorities had peremptorily210 refused any further intercourse211. Two years later both the Paris and Berlin correspondents wrote vivid descriptions of the revolutionary uprisings of that year, the former being in the thick of the fighting on the Boulevards. Special correspondence in the early fifties came even from Siam. But we can best give an impression of the wealth of this mailed matter by summarizing it for a single month (August, 1850):
From Washington and Albany, continuous correspondence; from Toronto, three articles, on Dominion212 politics and railways; from Montreal, letter on a great fire there and sentiment toward America; from London, letters by Wm. H. Maxwell and “XYZ” on Peel’s last speech, California gold fever, African trade, stock prices, corn laws, sorrow over President Taylor’s death, etc.; Paris correspondence on dinner to President Louis Napoleon and shouts of “Vive l’Empereur!”; Boston, letters on Massachusetts politics and sad case of Dr. Webster, awaiting execution after having confessed his murder; New Haven20, four articles on Yale Commencement, President Woolsey’s oration47, and a scientific convention; Chicago, the cholera213, the Illinois canal, and crops; Rochester, the Erie Railroad and the “Rochester rappings”; Brattleboro and White Mountains, descriptions of summer excursions; Chester County, Pa., home life of Senator James Cooper, a hated traitor214 to free-soil principles; Berkshire Valley, charms of the Housatonic.
The world’s first war to be thoroughly215 and graphically184 treated in the daily newspapers was, not the Crimean War in which William H. Russell won his fame, but the Mexican War. It was George Wilkins Kendall, a Yankee from New Hampshire who had helped found the New Orleans Picayune nine years earlier, who made the chief individual reputation as a correspondent. Campaigning first with Gen. Zachary Taylor on the Rio Grande, and then joining Winfield Scott on the latter’s dangerous and triumphant216 march from Vera Cruz to Mexico City, always in the thick of the fighting, once wounded, organizing a wonderfully effective combination of courier and steamboat service, Kendall gave the Picayune by far the best current history of a war that journalism217 in any land had seen. The New Orleans Delta218, the Baltimore Sun, the New York Herald, and, at a slight remove, the Evening Post, followed the fighting with admirable enterprise.
News of the war came to the East through two main channels. The greater part of it was brought from the border (i. e., from Brownsville or Matamoras) or from Vera Cruz to New Orleans or Pensacola, and thence overland northward219; a smaller part came in on the long Santa Fé trail to St. Louis. Thus on Christmas Day, 1846, Col. Doniphan, at the head of a force of confident Missourians, defeated a Mexican detachment in the little skirmish of Brazitos, near El Paso. A company of traders from Santa Fé brought the news into Independence, Missouri, on Feb. 15, and the local news-writer there wrote a dispatch which was printed in the St. Louis Republic on the 26th. The Evening Post copied it on March 8, long after most of Doniphan’s seven wounded men had forgotten their injuries. El Paso had been captured from the Mexicans on Dec. 27, and the fact was known in New York on March 10.
The delay in obtaining the news of Buena Vista220 gave rise to disheartening rumors221. The battle which made “Old Rough and Ready” a national idol115 and the next President of the United States was fought on Feb. 23, 1847, and for a month thereafter the gloomiest reports appeared185 in the press. After the middle of March Washington and New York were confused and alarmed by vague dispatches from the Southwest; on March 21 President Polk received a detailed222 account of Taylor’s perilous223 position, menaced by a force three times as large as his own, and New York heard of it immediately afterward224. On the evening of the twenty-second the messages to Washington had “Taylor completely cut off by an overwhelming force of the enemy,” but no word of fighting. The Evening Post of March 30 carried its first news of a definite disaster. It republished from the New Orleans Delta a dispatch, brought by ship, stating “that Gen. Taylor was attacked at Agua Nueva and fell back, in good order, to the vicinity of Saltillo; here he was again attacked by Santa Anna, and a sharp engagement ensued in which Gen. Taylor was victorious225, continuing his retreat in good order. Gen. Taylor fell back to Monterey, where he arrived in safety.” Read between the lines, this meant a humiliating defeat. Every one was prepared to credit it, and it was partly corroborated226 by more meager227 news carried in the New Orleans Bulletin.
Nevertheless, the Post uttered a shrewd caution against believing the reports. It was justified228 the following day when copies of the New Orleans Mercury arrived, dated March 23, bearing the full tidings of Taylor’s victory against crushing odds229. The false rumors had filtered out through Tampico and Vera Cruz; the truth was brought by army messengers to Monterey, who had to make a detour230 of hundreds of miles to evade231 Mexican guerillas. When it reached Washington it found the politicians fiercely debating who was responsible for so weakening Taylor’s army as to enable Santa Anna to smash it; when it reached New York it found the people depressed232 and indignant; and when it got to Boston on April 1, many denounced it as an April Fool’s joke.
As the war continued the dispatches came more rapidly. The Baltimore Sun early established an express of sixty blooded horses overland from New Orleans, and when it was in effective operation newspapers and letters186 were carried over the route in six days. This made it possible to have newsboys on Broadway shouting the capture of Vera Cruz a fortnight after it occurred. As Scott pushed inland toward Mexico City, dispatches from him were retarded233, for marauding Mexicans made his line of communications with the sea unsafe. Kendall used to start his express riders from the army at midnight, and he chose men who knew the country perfectly234; but several were captured and others killed. Nevertheless, the Evening Post could publish the news of Cerro Gordo, fought on April 18, on May 7; the news of the capture of Mexico City, which occurred on Sept. 14, on Oct. 4, or less than three weeks after the event.
Three correspondents in the field furnished the Evening Post with letters—Lieut. Nathaniel Niles, an Illinois soldier with Gen. Taylor; “M. R.” with Scott, and “B” at Matamoras. The last gave a striking history of the rapid Americanization of this Mexican town, telling how the inhabitants reaped a golden fortune and how Taylor’s soldiers chafed235 under their enforced stay. “M. R.” contributed a picture of the taking of Vera Cruz, in which he carried a rifle. But Niles was the most active and the best writer. When the New Orleans papers, with their advantage of position, tried to give all the credit of Buena Vista to the Mississippi troops (commanded by Jefferson Davis) and to the Kentuckians, Niles flatly contradicted them. The Indiana and Illinois men, he said, deserved quite as much praise. His account of the decisive moment at Buena Vista, when the attack of the Mexicans had been finally and bloodily236 repulsed238, is worth quoting:
At length, about three o’clock p. m., we saw the Mexican force in our rear begin to falter239 and retrace240 their steps, under the well-directed shot of our ranks of marksmen, and the artillery241 still pouring its iron death-bolts into their right. Their lancers, who had taken refuge behind their infantry242, and there watched the progress of the fight, made one desperate charge to turn the fortunes of the day by breaking the line of Indiana and Mississippi. But the cool, steady volunteers sent them with carnage and confusion187 to Santa Ana, on the plain above, with the report that our reserve was 5,000 strong, and filled all the ravines in our rear. The retreat of their infantry, which paused for a moment, was now hastened by the repulse237 of the lancers, but still under a galling243 fire. They marched back in excellent order. While making their toilsome and bloody244 way back, Santa Ana practised a ruse121 to which any French or English officer would have scorned to resort. He exhibited a flag of truce245, and sent it across the plain to our right, where stood our generals.
When the Second Indiana, under Col. Bowles, fled from the field after the first Mexican onset246 upon the American left, leaving the way to Taylor’s rear open, some one suggested—says Niles—a retreat. “Retreat!” exclaimed Taylor; “No; I will charge them with the bayonet.” Niles reported many human incidents of the war, and dwelt upon the barbarity of the Mexicans:
They generally killed and plundered247, even of their clothes, all whom the current of battle threw into their hands. We, on the contrary, saved the lives of all who threw down their arms, and relieved the wants of the wounded, even in the midst of battle. I have seen the young American volunteer, when bullets were flying around him, kneel beside a wounded Mexican and let him drink out of his canteen. In one heap of wounded Mexicans we came upon a groaning248 man, whom an Illinois soldier raised and gave water. We had gone only a few steps past when the soldier thus helped twisted himself upon his elbow and shot our man through the back dead; three or four volleys instantly repaid this treachery.
The first intimation of the revolution in news-gathering which occurred in the middle forties was furnished Evening Post readers in the issue of May 27, 1844, when the Washington correspondent told of Morse’s successful experiment with the telegraph two days earlier. “What is the news in Washington?” was the question asked from Baltimore, where the Democratic National Convention was about to meet. “Van Buren stock is rising,” came the answer. On May 31 the correspondent sent another brief mention of
188
MORSE’S TELEGRAPH.—This wonderful invention or discovery of a new means of transmitting intelligence, is in full and perfectly successful operation. Mr. Morse is the magician at the end of the line, and an assistant who does not spell with perfect correctness officiates.
There have arrived numerous telegraphic dispatches since the meeting of the Convention at Baltimore at nine o’clock this morning. By one we are informed of the nomination of Mr. George M. Dallas, of Philadelphia, for Vice-President.
All the New York newspapers, the Herald leading, shortly had a column of telegraphic news, and from that in the Evening Post we can trace the steady extension of the wires. In the early spring of 1846 communication was opened between New York and Philadelphia. When war was declared, April 24, the line to Washington was incomplete, not having been finished between Baltimore and Philadelphia, but the gap was soon closed. The fastest carriage of news between the capital and New York, 220 miles, had been that of Harrison’s inaugural249 message, weighty with its Roman consuls250 and Greek generals, in eleven hours; now eleven minutes sufficed. By the middle of September, when the line to Buffalo was complete, the country had 1,200 miles of telegraph, reaching above Boston towards Portland, to Washington on the south, and to Harrisburg on the west.
During 1847 the expansion of the telegraphic system amazed all who did not stop to think how much simpler and cheaper the installation of a line was than the building of a road. By March it had reached Pittsburgh on the west, and by September, Petersburg on the south. The next month saw it in Cincinnati and Louisville, and that fall the Evening Post printed telegraph news of a Cincinnati flood which made 5,000 homeless. In its New Year’s message the journal congratulated its readers upon such progress that “the moment a dispatch arrives at New Orleans from our armies in Mexico its contents are known on the borders of the northern lakes.” The next year Florida alone of the States east of the Mississippi was untouched by it. When the President’s message189 opening Congress in December, 1848, was transmitted to St. Louis, the Evening Post remarked that “the idea of a document filling twelve entire pages of the Washington union appearing in a city nearly one thousand miles from Washington, twenty-four hours after its delivery, is almost beyond belief.” Christopher Pearse Cranch contributed a poem to the Post upon the marvel251:
The world of the Past was an infant;
It knew not the speech of today,
When giants sit talking from mountain to sea,
And the cities are wizards, who say:
The kingdom of magic is ours;
We touch a small clicking machine,
And the lands of the East hear the lands of the West
With never a bar between.
Ten years after the opening of the first American telegraph line Bryant made some caustic252 remarks in the Evening Post upon “The Slow-Coach System in Europe.” For many months, it transpired253, the Allies in the Crimean War had possessed a continuous telegraph line from London to the battle front. It had been demonstrated that dispatches sufficient to fill two columns of the London Times might be sent over it in two hours; yet the French and British publics had been obliged to wait two weeks for full details of the fall of Sebastopol, simply because the Allied150 authorities did not organize a competent telegraphic staff.
IV
In this decade of rapid changes, 1840–1850, Bryant began to reap the fruits of his courage, persistency254, tact, and industry. The hostility255 of the mercantile community had lessened256 as the Bank question receded1 and the correctness of the Post’s warnings against inflation and speculation257 was proved by the great panic. On March 30, 1840, Bryant editorially rejoiced that “the prejudices against it, with which its enemies had labored258 so vehemently259 to poison the minds of men of business, have been gradually overcome.” The pressure of advertisements190 forced the enlargement of the sheet in this year. The weekly edition which it began issuing at New Year’s, 1842, was the only Democratic weekly in New York, and at $2 a year rapidly obtained an extensive circulation. In competition with sixpenny evening papers like the Journal of Commerce and penny papers like the Daily News, the Post held its own. It took its share in all the business enterprises of the press, as when in 1849–50, at the height of the gold fever, it published a special “Evening Post for California, Oregon, and the Sandwich Islands” just before every important sailing for the Pacific. Bryant’s sagacity kept the expenses low, and his ability kept the editorial page easily the best, save for Greeley’s, in the city.
It was a reflection of the new Evening Post prosperity when Bryant wrote his brother early in 1843: “Congratulate me! There is a probability of my becoming a landholder in New York! I have made a bargain for about forty acres of solid earth at Hempstead Harbor, on the north shore of Long Island.” He referred to the Roslyn homestead at which thereafter he was to spend so much of his time. Between 1839 and 1840 the gross earnings260 of the journal rose from $28,355.29 to $44,194.93, and they never thereafter dropped to the danger point. In 1850 it was calculated that for the preceding ten years the average annual gross receipts had been $37,360, and that the average annual dividends261 had been $9,776.44. Of this Bryant’s share until 1848 was one-half, and thereafter two-fifths, so that he enjoyed an ample income; while towards the end of the decade the profits of the job printing office were a tidy sum.
Nor was there so much drudgery262 in the office as when he had first returned in 1836. Parke Godwin draws an interesting picture of the editor’s life at this period. He liked to take a week of fine summer weather from the office and spend it in excursions to the Palisades, the Delaware Water Gap, the Catskills, or the Berkshires, sometimes alone, sometimes with another good walker. Bryant’s appreciative263 descriptions of these scenes did191 much to raise the public esteem of them. At the office there were many entertaining visitors. Cooper always called when he was in town, and the contrast between the novelist and the poet was striking: “Cooper, burly, brusque, and boisterous264, like a bluff265 sailor, always bringing a breeze of quarrel with him; Mr. Bryant, shy, modest, and delicate as a woman—they seemed little fitted for friendship.” Yet warm friends they were. John L. Stephens, who had won a reputation by his travels in Arabia, Nubia, and Central America, and whose books were in considerable vogue266, frequently came, “a small, sharp, nervous man,” and talked of his adventures. A more magnetic personality was that of Audubon, whose tall, athletic267 figure, Indian-bronzed face, bright eyes, eagle nose, and long white hair attracted the eyes of every worker. He, too, loved to tell of his exploits in the wilds, and his experiences in the salons268 of Europe. Bancroft, who liked Bryant’s Jacksonian zeal as much as he did his poetry, and William Gilmore Simms, author of “The Yemassee,” occasionally paid a visit, while Godwin believed he remembered seeing Edgar Allan Poe “once or twice, to utter nothing, but to look his reverence269 out of wonderful lustrous270 eyes.”
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receded
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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controversies
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| 争论 | |
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courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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renouncing
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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dividend
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| n.红利，股息；回报，效益 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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middle-aged
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| adj.中年的 | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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chilly
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| adj.凉快的，寒冷的 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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demurring
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| v.表示异议，反对( demur的现在分词 ) | |
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growled
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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slashing
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| adj.尖锐的；苛刻的；鲜明的；乱砍的v.挥砍( slash的现在分词 )；鞭打；割破；削减 | |
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suavity
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| n.温和；殷勤 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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perspiring
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| v.出汗，流汗( perspire的现在分词 ) | |
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harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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rascality
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| 流氓性，流氓集团 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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opprobrium
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| n.耻辱，责难 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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disintegrate
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| v.瓦解，解体，（使）碎裂，（使）粉碎 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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impractical
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| adj.不现实的，不实用的，不切实际的 | |
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averting
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| 防止，避免( avert的现在分词 )； 转移 | |
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bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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59
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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60
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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61
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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62
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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63
usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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64
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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65
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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66
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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67
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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68
salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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69
scorching
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| adj. 灼热的 | |
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70
vindicating
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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71
subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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72
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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73
ware
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| n.(常用复数)商品，货物 | |
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74
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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75
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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76
shackle
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| n.桎梏，束缚物；v.加桎梏，加枷锁，束缚 | |
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77
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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78
occident
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| n.西方；欧美 | |
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79
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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80
declamation
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| n. 雄辩，高调 | |
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81
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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82
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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83
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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84
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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85
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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86
consecrate
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| v.使圣化，奉…为神圣；尊崇；奉献 | |
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87
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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88
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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89
erred
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
obstinacy
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|
| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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91
enrolled
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|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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92
emancipating
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| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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93
abominated
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| v.憎恶，厌恶，不喜欢( abominate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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96
schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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97
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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98
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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99
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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101
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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102
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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103
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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104
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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105
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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106
squandering
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的现在分词 ) | |
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107
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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108
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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109
nonentity
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| n.无足轻重的人 | |
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110
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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111
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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112
conceited
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| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
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113
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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114
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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115
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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116
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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117
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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118
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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119
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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120
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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121
ruse
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| n.诡计，计策；诡计 | |
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122
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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123
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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124
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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125
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
costly
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|
| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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127
quaffed
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| v.痛饮( quaff的过去式和过去分词 )；畅饮；大口大口将…喝干；一饮而尽 | |
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128
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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129
pageants
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| n.盛装的游行( pageant的名词复数 )；穿古代服装的游行；再现历史场景的娱乐活动；盛会 | |
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130
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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131
plumed
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| 饰有羽毛的 | |
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132
emetic
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| n.催吐剂；adj.催吐的 | |
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133
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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134
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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135
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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136
detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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137
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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138
harped
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| vi.弹竖琴（harp的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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139
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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140
bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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141
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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142
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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143
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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144
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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145
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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146
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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147
balloting
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| v.（使）投票表决( ballot的现在分词 ) | |
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148
nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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149
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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150
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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151
annexationist
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| 兼并[并吞]主义者 | |
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152
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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153
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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154
overrides
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| 越控( override的第三人称单数 )； （以权力）否决； 优先于； 比…更重要 | |
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155
inevitable
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|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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156
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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157
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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158
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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159
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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160
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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161
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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162
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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163
interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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164
severing
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的现在分词 )；断，裂 | |
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165
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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166
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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167
perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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168
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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169
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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170
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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171
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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172
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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173
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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174
lengthening
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的现在分词 )； 加长 | |
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175
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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176
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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177
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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178
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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179
conflagrations
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| n.大火（灾）( conflagration的名词复数 ) | |
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180
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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181
licensed
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| adj.得到许可的v.许可，颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词) | |
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182
taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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183
charcoal
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| n.炭，木炭，生物炭 | |
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184
puffs
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| n.吸( puff的名词复数 )；（烟斗或香烟的）一吸；一缕（烟、蒸汽等）；（呼吸或风的）呼v.使喷出( puff的第三人称单数 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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185
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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186
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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187
advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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188
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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189
belles
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| n.美女( belle的名词复数 )；最美的美女 | |
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190
laconic
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| adj.简洁的；精练的 | |
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191
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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192
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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193
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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194
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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195
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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196
alligators
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| n.短吻鳄( alligator的名词复数 ) | |
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197
reminders
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| n.令人回忆起…的东西( reminder的名词复数 )；提醒…的东西；（告知该做某事的）通知单；提示信 | |
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198
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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199
loquacious
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| adj.多嘴的，饶舌的 | |
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200
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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202
bevies
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| n.（尤指少女或妇女的）一群( bevy的名词复数 )；（鸟类的）一群 | |
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203
gracefulness
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204
anonymously
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| ad.用匿名的方式 | |
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205
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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206
warship
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| n.军舰，战舰 | |
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207
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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208
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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209
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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210
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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211
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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212
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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213
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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214
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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215
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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216
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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217
journalism
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| n.新闻工作，报业 | |
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218
delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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219
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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220
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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221
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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222
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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223
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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224
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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225
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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226
corroborated
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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227
meager
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| adj.缺乏的，不足的，瘦的 | |
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228
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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229
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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230
detour
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| n.绕行的路，迂回路；v.迂回，绕道 | |
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231
evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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232
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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233
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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234
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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235
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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236
bloodily
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| adv.出血地；血淋淋地；残忍地；野蛮地 | |
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237
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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238
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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239
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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240
retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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241
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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242
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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243
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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244
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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245
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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246
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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247
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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248
groaning
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| adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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249
inaugural
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| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
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250
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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251
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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252
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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253
transpired
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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254
persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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255
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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256
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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257
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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258
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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259
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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260
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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261
dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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262
drudgery
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| n.苦工，重活，单调乏味的工作 | |
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263
appreciative
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| adj.有鉴赏力的，有眼力的；感激的 | |
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264
boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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265
bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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266
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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267
athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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268
salons
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| n.（营业性质的）店( salon的名词复数 )；厅；沙龙（旧时在上流社会女主人家的例行聚会或聚会场所）；（大宅中的）客厅 | |
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269
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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270
lustrous
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| adj.有光泽的；光辉的 | |
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