The history of the Evening Post for the decade following the Compromise of 1850 is summarized in the names of its greater political correspondents. Thomas Hart Benton, besides contributing much of his “Thirty Years’ View,” sent Bryant occasional memoranda1 for editorial use. Gideon Welles began contributing in 1848, when he was a bureau chief in the Navy Department, and Salmon2 P. Chase sent occasional unsigned contributions, and more frequent comments or suggestions. Both Benton and Welles had been as ardent3 Jacksonian Democrats5 as Bryant, and both were free-soilers; while Welles and Chase became founders6 of the Republican Party in Connecticut and Ohio respectively. The Evening Post, in other words, remained Democratic till early in Pierce’s administration it found that Democracy was simply dancing to the pipings of the slavery nabobs, when it gave all its support to the rising Republican movement. It is evidence of its zeal7 in the new cause that Sumner, more an abolitionist than a free-soiler, became an ardent admirer of the paper. He wrote Bigelow expressing his “sincere delight” in it, saying that its political arguments “fascinate as well as convince.” It was upon his recommendation that William S. Thayer, a brilliant young Harvard man, was employed, and became in the years 1856–60 the Washington correspondent whom the anti-slavery statesmen liked and trusted most.
In the sultry, ominous8 decade before the Civil War storm, there is a long list of events upon which the opinions of any great journal are of interest. What did the Evening Post think in 1850 of Webster’s Seventh of March speech? How in 1852 did it regard the dismal9 contest between Pierce and Winfield Scott? What estimate243 did it place upon “Uncle Tom’s Cabin”? What in 1856 did it say of Brooks10’s assault upon Sumner, and of the fierce Buchanan-Fremont contest; and what the next year of the Dred Scott decision? How did Bryant express himself upon the crimes and martyrdom of “Osawatomie” Brown? Readers of an old file of newspapers for those tense years have a sense of sitting at a drama, waiting the approach of a catastrophe11 which they perfectly12 foresee, but which the players hope to the last will be avoided.
Bryant in the campaign of 1848 had bolted from the regular Democratic ticket along with the other “Barnburners” of New York. The nickname referred to the Dutchman who burned his barn to exterminate13 the rats, for they were accused of trying to destroy the party to get rid of slavery in the territories. It was impossible for the Evening Post to support the regulars’ nominee14, Lewis Cass, who had expressed pro-slavery views, or the Whig nominee, Gen. Zachary Taylor, who owned four hundred slaves. It predicted in June that Taylor would be elected by an enormous majority, and bitterly taunted15 Polk and the other pro-slavery Democrats because their Texan policy had given the Whigs, headed by the hero of Buena Vista16, the Presidency17. Its attitude was hostile to both the parties, but particularly to that which had betrayed the ideals of Jackson and Benton. The Barnburners nominated their candidate for the Presidency, Van Buren, at an enthusiastic August convention on the shores of Lake Erie, in Buffalo18. The leaders were Bryant, Chase, Charles Francis Adams, Joshua R. Giddings, Preston King—an intimate friend of Bigelow’s—and David Dudley Field. All these men knew they had no chance of victory, and Bryant frankly19 said as much. But the trumpet-blast of the convention, “We inscribe20 on our banner Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor21, and Free Men,” was echoed and re?choed by the Evening Post till the day of election. The final appeal, on the day that 300,000 voters cast their ballots22 for Van Buren, shows how militant23 its position was:
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Shall the great republic of the western hemisphere, the greatest which has yet blessed the anxious hope of nations, to which the eyes of millions, now engaged in a desperate struggle for emancipation24 in Europe, turn as their only encouragement and solace25, the republic which was founded by Washington and nourished into vigor26 by Jefferson and Jackson—shall this republic make itself a byword and a reproach wherever its name is heard? Shall the United States no longer be known as the home of the free and the asylum27 of the oppressed, but as the hope of the slave and the oppressor of the poor?
All good men have an interest in answering these questions. But above all others, the laboring28 man has a deeper interest. The greatest disgrace inflicted29 upon labor is inflicted by the institution of slavery. Those who support it—we mean the negro-owners, or the negro-drivers of the South—openly declare that he who works with his hands is on the level with the slave. They cannot think otherwise, so long as they are educated under the influence of this dreadful injustice30. It perverts31 all the true relations of society, and corrupts33 every humane34 and generous sentiment.
Welles published in the Evening Post after the election an unsigned article denouncing the tyranny of party allegiance, but Bryant’s journal did not yet forsake35 Democracy. As a Democratic organ still it boasted that it published the party’s widest-circulated weekly paper. As a Democratic organ it remarked of Polk, when he went out of office in 1849, that “such Presidents as he are only accidents, and two such accidents are not at all likely to be visited upon a single miserable36 generation”—an assertion which Pierce and Buchanan soon confuted. Bennett’s Herald37, with its instinct for the winning side, having climbed on the Taylor bandwagon, the Evening Post was for some years the only Democratic newspaper in this great Democratic city.
As a free-soil Democratic organ it opposed the Compromise of 1850, finding a peculiar38 relish39 in attacking any proposal originated by Clay, and supported by the equally distasteful Whig and protectionist, Webster. Like Chase and Welles, Bryant and Bigelow saw the plain objections to any compromise. The crisis had been precipitated40 by the demand for the admission of California, and the245 question was whether this admission should be purchased by large concessions41 to the South, or—as the Evening Post maintained—demanded as a right. The chief proposals of Clay were that California should be admitted as free territory, that Territorial43 Governments be erected45 in the rest of the Mexican cession42 without any restriction46 upon slavery, that the slave trade be prohibited in the District of Columbia, and that a new and atrociously-framed law for the return of fugitive47 slaves be enacted48.
Clay’s action was courageous49. Bryant wrote that he could not refuse admiration50 for his boldness in grappling thus frankly with a subject so full of difficulties, and that his statesmanlike directness contrasted refreshingly51 with the timidity of the Administration. But he called the Compromise a blanket poultice, to heal five wounds at once, when the common sense method was to dress each sore separately; and he opposed any effort to coax53 the free States into abandonment of a single principle. Besides Bryant’s and Bigelow’s editorials, the Evening Post published a 5,000 word argument by William Jay, son of John Jay, and called upon its readers to sign petitions. It specifically objected to the provision that Utah and New Mexico should be organized without any restriction against slavery, for this meant an abandonment of the Wilmot Proviso, which it had always supported. Some Northern advocates of the Compromise argued that the region was not adapted to plantations54 and that slavery would not be transferred thither55 anyway; but this view the Post derided56, quoting Southern members of Congress to the contrary. It was equally opposed to the Fugitive Slave Act. When Calhoun argued that the South was being “suffocated,” it showed that the occupied land in the slave States was about 280 million acres, and the unoccupied land about 395 million, while the whole area of the free States was only about 291 million acres.
Webster’s Seventh of March speech in behalf of the Compromise aroused savage57 indignation among his Boston admirers, but it did not surprise the Evening Post.246 The Washington correspondent wrote of the stir of satisfaction among the listening Southern Senators, of the gleam of exultation59 that played over the quizzical visage of Foote of Virginia. But Bryant had expected Webster’s volte-face:
It was as natural to suppose that he would do this, as that he would abandon, in the manner he has done, the doctrines60 of free trade, once maintained by him in their fullest extent, and, taking the money of the Eastern mill-owners, enrol62 himself as the champion of protection for the rest of his life....
Mr. Webster stands before the public as a man who has deserted63 the cause which he lately defended, deserted it under circumstances which force upon him the imputation64 of a sordid65 motive66, deserted it when his apostasy67 was desired by the Administration, and immediately after an office had been conferred upon his son, to say nothing of what has been done by the Administration for his other relatives. It is but little more than two years since he declared himself the firmest of friends to the Wilmot Proviso, professing68 himself its original and invariable champion, and claiming its principles as Whig doctrine61.
Such aspersions upon Webster’s motives69 were as unfair as Whittier’s bitter lament70 and denunciation in the poem “Ichabod,” but the same righteous anger dictated71 both. As a hoax72, the Evening Post published in its issue of May 21 glaring headlines, proclaiming: “GREAT MEETING IN BOSTON!!—Tremendous Excitement—DANIEL WEBSTER—Out in Favor of—Applying the Proviso to All the Territories!!—No Compromise in Massachusetts!!!” The news story below was an account from Niles’s Register of Dec. 11, 1819, when the Missouri Compromise was pending73, of Webster’s speech at an anti-slavery meeting in Boston, in which he asserted that it was the constitutional duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all territory not included in the thirteen original States. It strikingly exhibited the orator’s inconsistency. The pro-slavery Commercial was angry, declaring that many New Yorkers had not noted74 the date 1819 and had been deceived. Clay’s measures, following the death of President Taylor, were passed by Congress, but to the247 end the Evening Post protested that no permanent compromise was possible. The issue was whether a slave-holding minority should have a share of the new territories equal to that of the anti-slavery majority. The answer was yes or no, for there could be no middle ground. “If an association is composed of twenty members and five insist upon having an equal voice in its affairs with the other fifteen, what compromise can there be? You must either grant what they ask or deny it.”
It was not until the ambitious Douglas, in 1854, introduced the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and Pierce brought his Administration behind the measure, that the Evening Post found it impossible to continue its connection with the Democratic Party. The horror with which Bryant and Bigelow looked upon this enactment75 is easily understood. They had expected the great valley of the Platte as a matter of course to be settled as free soil, since it lay north of the Missouri Compromise line, 36′ 30″. It had been taken for granted, when proposals had been made to erect44 territories there, that slavery had once for all been excluded. But now Douglas, maintaining that the people in such regions should exercise their own choice for or against slavery, proposed to nullify the Missouri Compromise, and to create two territories, in which there should be no restrictions76 as to slavery, and in which the people should be perfectly free to regulate their “domestic institutions” as they saw fit. It was a body-blow to the North.
Franklin Pierce, a handsome, dashing young man of whose views no one knew very much, had been supported by the Evening Post in 1852, against Winfield Scott. James Ford77 Rhodes remarks that “The argument of the Post, that the Democratic candidate and platform were really more favorable to liberty than the Whig, was somewhat strained; the editor failed to look the situation squarely in the face.” He was, however, acting78 in perfect harmony with the prominent New York Democrats who had, four years previously79, bolted the regular nomination80. Van Buren and his son, Preston King, Benton,248 Cambreleng, and most of the paper’s other free-soil friends were willing to take a chance upon Pierce. But he had not been in office four months before the Evening Post suspected his pro-slavery tendencies, and began to eye him with disfavor and alarm. Its utterances81 moved the Washington union on July 5, 1853, and the Richmond Enquirer83 nine days later, to read it out of the Democratic party. “The Evening Post and the Buffalo Republic belong to that class of hangers-on to the Democratic party who sail under Democratic colors, but who are in reality the worst enemies of the party. They are abolitionists in fact,” said the first-named sheet. The Enquirer wanted such newspapers to begone. “It is time that they should be spurned84 with indignation and scorn as the instruments and echoes of the worst factions85 of the day.” Now, in February, 1854, when Pierce made it clear that he was supporting Douglas’s plan for repudiating86 the Missouri Compromise, the Evening Post turned short and became the enemy of Democracy. An occasional Washington correspondent wrote with scorn of the renegade son of New Hampshire:
It was reception day. We walked in unheralded, and soon found ourselves in the reception room, where Mr. Pierce was talking with a bevy87 of ladies. Immediately on seeing us he approached, received us very politely, and introduced us to Mrs. Pierce. The President impressed me better than I had expected, and better than most of his pictures. He had whitened out to the true complexion88 of a parlor89 knight—pale and soft looking. Though not what I should call elegant, his manners are easy and agreeable. He is more meek90 in appearance than he is usually represented, as might be expected of a man who has submitted to be drawn91 into the position of tail to Senator Douglas’s kite.... The President evidently feels the Presidency thrilling every nerve and coursing every vein92. He is so delighted with it that he is palpably falling into the delusion93 of supposing himself a possible successor to himself! Could fond self-conceit go further? Setting aside the inherent impossibility of the thing, on account of the inevitable94 discoveries which his elevation95 has involved; his mad and wicked adhesion to the Nebraska perfidy96 will settle his chances (Feb. 13).
249 The columns of the paper show that a great popular uprising was occurring in New York. It had recently contrasted the crowded, applauding houses, witnessing “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” at the Chatham Street Theater, with the mob gathered at the Chatham Street Chapel97 in 1834 to attack negroes and abolitionists. In January, 1854, a great mass-meeting was held at the Tabernacle to protest against the Douglas bill. Bryant pointed98 out that it was composed of merchants, bankers, and professional men who had hitherto stubbornly opposed the abolitionist movement and had supported the Compromise of 1850. He noted also that the 80,000 Germans of the city were unanimous, like most other immigrant groups, for keeping the West open to free labor. The Staats Zeitung had supported Lewis Cass in 1848, the Compromise in 1850, and Pierce in 1852, yet now it was decidedly against the Pierce Administration, as were the three other German dailies.
Early on a March morning the Kansas-Nebraska Bill passed the Senate, amid the boom of cannon100 fired by Southern enthusiasts101. When Chase walked down the Capitol steps he said to Sumner: “They celebrate a present victory, but the echoes they awake shall never rest until slavery itself shall die.” From that moment the Evening Post treated slavery as a serpent upon which the nation must set its heel, and Democracy as its ally:
The President has taken a course by which the greater part of this dishonor is concentrated upon the Democratic Party. Upon him and his Administration, and upon all the northern friends of the Nebraska Bill in Congress, and upon the Democratic Party who gave the present executive his power of mischief102, the people will visit this great political sin of the day.... The result is inevitable; Seward is in the ascendancy104 in this State and the North generally; the Democratic Party has lost its moral strength in the free States; it is stripped of the respect of the people by the misconduct of those who claim to be its leaders, and whatever boast we may make of our excellent maxims105 of legislation and policy in regard to other questions, the deed of yesterday puts us in a minority for years to come....
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The admission of slavery into Nebraska is the preparation for yet other measures having in view the aggrandizement106 of the slave power—the wresting107 of Cuba from Spain to make several additional slave States; the creation of yet other slave States, in the territory acquired from Mexico, and the renewal108 of the African slave trade. These things are contemplated109; the Southern journals already speak of them as familiarly and flippantly as they do of an ordinary appropriation110 bill, and who shall say they are not already at our door?
The bitterness and militancy111 of the Evening Post thenceforth increased day by day. The recapture of the slave Burns in Boston during the summer of 1854, the slave whom Thomas Wentworth Higginson tried at the head of a mob to rescue, and who was marched to the wharf113 by platoons of soldiers and police through a crowd of fifty thousand hissing114 people, moved the Evening Post to call the Fugitive Slave law “the most ruffianly act ever authorized115 by a deliberative assembly.” Month after month it exhorted116 the North to send emigrants117 to Kansas and Nebraska to uphold the free-soil cause. It invited Southerners to stay at their own watering-places in summer. It taunted the South with its lack of literature and culture, declaring that the only Southern book yet written which would not perish was Benton’s “Thirty Years’ View,” a free-soiler’s work. In the State election of 1855 it supported the Republican ticket, and when “Prince” John Van Buren attacked it for doing so, it assailed118 him in turn as the “degenerate son” of a great father. As 1855 closed with fresh news every day of bloodshed in the territories, the paper cried its encouragement to those who fought for free soil:
Every liberal sentiment—the love of freedom, the hatred119 of oppression, the detestation of fraud, the abhorrence120 of wrong cloaked under the guise121 of law—every feeling of the human heart which does not counsel cowardly submission122 and the purchase of present safety as the price of future evils, takes part with the residents of Kansas. They may commit imprudent acts, they may be rash ... but their cause is a great and righteous cause, and we must stand by it to the last.
251 It was a foregone conclusion at the beginning of 1856 that the Evening Post would lend energetic assistance to the half-organized Republican party. During the previous summer and autumn it had devoted123 several editorials to the disintegration124 of the Whig party in both sections, and to that of the Democratic party at the North. The time had come, it said, when the old party names meant nothing upon the principal issues, and it welcomed the formation of a new party of definite tenets. Bigelow, more impetuous than Bryant, made the Evening Post an energetic champion of Fremont more than a month before the Republicans nominated him for the Presidency. Even the Tribune was held back until later by the doubts of Greeley’s lieutenant125, Pike, so that the Post was one of the first powerful Northern sheets for him.
To Bigelow it was that Nathaniel P. Banks, just elected Speaker of the House and the foremost advocate of Fremont, addressed himself when he came to New York city in February, 1856. Banks sensibly held that some one was needed to typify free-soil principles, and that the people would never join a party en masse until a man stood at the head of it; while he believed that Fremont was the ideal chieftain. It happened that Fremont was then at the Metropolitan126 Hotel, on the site of Niblo’s Garden, and Banks took Bigelow to call. The sub-editor was favorably impressed. He gathered a conference of free-soil leaders at his home, including the venerable Frank P. Blair, well remembered as a member of Jackson’s kitchen cabinet; Samuel J. Tilden; Edwin P. Morgan, later Governor and Senator; and Edward Miller127. All save Tilden favored Fremont, and Blair, at Bigelow’s instance, undertook to obtain Senator Benton’s endorsement128 of his son-in-law. As early as April 10, 1856, the Evening Post’s editorials showed a marked leaning toward him, and on May 18 (he was nominated on June 19) it began publishing his biography.
Throughout that campaign the Evening Post, the Tribune, Times, Courier, and the German press of the city battled against the “Buchaneers,” represented by the252 Journal of Commerce, Commercial, Express, and Daily News. Bigelow offered two prizes of $100 each for the best campaign songs in English and German, and the Post made special low subscription129 rates. When Fremont was defeated that fall, it consoled itself not only by the startling strength the Republicans displayed, polling 1,341,264 votes, against 1,838,169 for Buchanan, but by the stinging defeat which Pierce, Cass, and Douglas, so subservient130 to the South, saw their friends suffer in New Hampshire, Michigan, and Illinois. Bryant exulted131:
We have at least laid the basis of a formidable and well-organized party, in opposition132 to the spread of slavery—that scheme which is the scandal of the country and the age. In those States of the union which have now given such large majorities for Fremont, public opinion, which till lately has been shuffling133 and undecided in regard to the slavery question, is now clear, fixed134, and resolute135. If we look back to 1848, when we conducted a Presidential election on this very ground of opposition to the spread of slavery, we shall see that we have made immense strides towards the ascendancy which, if there be any grounds to hope for the perpetuity of free institutions, is yet to be ours. We were then comparatively weak, we are now strong; we then counted our thousands, we now count our millions; we could then point to our respectable minorities in a few States, we now point to State after State.... The cause is not going back—it is going rapidly forward; the free-soil party of 1848 is the nucleus136 of the Republican party of 1856; but with what accessions of numbers, of moral power, of influence, not merely in public assemblies, but at the domestic fireside!
The Evening Post was now as firmly a “black Republican” organ as the Tribune, and far more radical138 in tone than Henry J. Raymond’s Times. When in May, 1856, Brooks of South Carolina beat Sumner into insensibility at his desk in the Senate Chamber139, it saw in the episode no mere137 flash of Southern hotheadedness, but evidence of a deep and consistent menace. It was a “base assault,” a bit of “cowardly brutality141.” “Are we, too, slaves—slaves for life, a target for their brutal140 blows, when we253 do not comport142 ourselves to please them?” But Bryant looked below the symptom to its cause:
Violence reigns143 in the streets of Washington ... violence has now found its way into the Senate chamber. Violence lies in wait on all the navigable rivers and all the railways of Missouri, to obstruct144 those who pass from the free States into Kansas. Violence overhangs the frontiers of that territory like a storm-cloud charged with hail and lightning. Violence has carried election after election in that territory.... In short, violence is the order of the day; the North is to be pushed to the wall by it, and this plot will succeed if the people of the free States are as apathetic145 as the slaveholders are insolent146.
Already the Evening Post had fitful glimpses of the furnace into which this violence was leading. Under the heading, “A Short Method with Disunionists,” Bryant (Sept. 26, 1855) had said that secession must be throttled147 as Jackson throttled it in South Carolina. The newspaper already regarded slavery as an evil to be stamped out altogether, though it did not quite say so. Gov. Wise of Virginia deplored148 the failure to open up California as a slave market. Bryant explained this by pointing out that the natural increase of Virginia’s black population exceeded 23,000 souls a year, which at $1,000 each came to more than $23,000,000. The annual production of wheat in Virginia had by the last census150 been worth only $11,000,000. Since the extension of the slave market to Texas had doubled the price of negroes, it was no wonder that Virginia wished it pushed to the Pacific. “Such a state of things may be very proper if the duty and destiny of this great country are to breed slaves and hunt runaway151 human cattle. But how incompatible152 with a genuine Christian153 civilization! How it moves the pride and curls the lip of European despotism! How it strikes down the power and crushes the hopes of the struggling friends of freedom all over the world!”
The excitement produced by the Dred Scott decision in March, 1857, is evinced by the fact that upon eight successive days the Evening Post devoted a leading or an254 important editorial to Chief Justice Taney’s opinion. It was not unexpected: the paper had uttered angry words in 1855 over a decision by a lower court foreshadowing it. But, opening all Territories North and South to slavery, it seemed intolerable. Bryant, on the point of sailing for Europe, took the view that in fact it was so intolerable the American people would never accept its practical implications. He believed the opinion of the court so superficial and shallow that it would be respected nowhere, and compared Chief Justice Taney’s legal knowledge disparagingly154 with that shown by a colored keeper of an oyster155 cellar in Baltimore who had corrected some of his historical misinformation. Northerners regarded the situation with the greater alarm because Buchanan’s Administration, just entering office, was entirely156 committed to the slavery party, the President accepting Southern Cabinet members like Howell Cobb of Georgia and Jacob Thompson of Mississippi as his chief advisers157. Bryant hinted his suspicion of a treasonable conspiracy158 between Chief Justice Taney and these Southern leaders. A new eloquence159 was animating160 the words in which he wrote of slavery:
Hereafter, if this decision shall stand for law, slavery, instead of being what the people of the slave States have hitherto called it, their peculiar institution, is a Federal institution, the common patrimony161 and shame of all the States, those which flaunt162 the title of free, as well as those which accept the stigma163 of being the Land of Bondage164; hereafter, wherever our jurisdiction165 extends, it carries with it the chain and the scourge—wherever our flag floats, it is the flag of slavery. If so, that flag should have the light of the stars and the streaks166 of running red erased167 from it; it should be dyed black, and its device should be the whip and the fetter168.
Are we to accept, without question, these new readings of the Constitution—to sit down contentedly169 under this disgrace—to admit that the Constitution was never before rightly understood, even by those who framed it—to consent that hereafter it shall be the slaveholders’ instead of the freemen’s Constitution? Never! Never! We hold that the provisions of the Constitution, so far as they regard slavery, are now just what they were when it was255 framed, and that no trick of interpretation170 can change them. The people of the free States will insist on the old impartial171 construction of the Constitution, adopted in calmer times—the construction given it by Washington and his contemporaries, instead of that invented by modern politicians in Congress and adopted by modern politicians on the bench.
But in the territory of Kansas the decision for freedom was already being made by force of arms. Bryant and Bigelow had never ceased urging the dispatch of Northern settlers and breech-loading rifles to the Western plains. The poet had written his brother (Feb. 15, 1856) that the city was alive with the excitement of the Kansas news, and subscribing172 liberally to the Emigrants’ Aid Society. “The companies of emigrants will be sent forward as soon as the rivers and lakes are opened—in March, if possible—and by the first of May there will be several thousand more free-state settlers in Kansas than there now are. Of course they will go well armed.” After election day that fall he had proposed that the Republican campaign organization be kept functioning to speed the flow of settlers. The Tribune was simultaneously173 declaring that “The duty of the people of the free States is to send more true men, more Sharpe’s rifles, and more howitzers to Kansas.” Henry Ward103 Beecher, attending a meeting at which a deacon asked arms for seventy-nine men, declared that a Sharpe’s rifle was a greater moral agency than the Bible, and that Plymouth Church would furnish half the guns required; whence the familiar nickname, “Beecher’s Bibles.” Even Henry J. Raymond and the Times, in spite of their policy of not hurting Southern sensibilities, saw that the issue on the Platte must be fought out.
A letter from Osawatomie, Kansas, gave a vivid picture in the Evening Post of July 14, 1856, of the perils174 of the free-soil settlement there, and asked for funds sufficient to keep thirty or forty horsemen in the field, well mounted and armed with breechloading rifles, Colt’s revolvers, and sabers. Other pleas were backed by editorials. A month after the Dred Scott decision a correspondent256 writing from Leavenworth told how the North had rallied to meet the crisis. “Emigration to Kansas and Nebraska has now set in with wonderful vigor, and such force as none have anticipated. Every train from Boston and New York to St. Louis is crowded to excess. More boats are running on the Missouri River than ever before, yet all are crowded. I have been nearly a week on the river and have slept on the cabin floor every night, with some hundred of other bed- or rather floor-fellows, being unable to get a stateroom. It is estimated that 7,000 Kansas emigrants have landed at Kansas City since the opening of navigation, and thousands more have gone on to Wyandotte, Quindaro, Leavenworth, etc.... And still they come. A single party of a thousand persons was expected in St. Louis last Tuesday.” The later correspondence had an equally confident note, which was justified175 when in October the free-soilers swept the Territorial election.
When the pro-slavery legislators that autumn, faced with the loss of their control, hastily drew up the Lecompton Constitution, providing for the establishment and perpetuation176 of slavery, the Evening Post attacked them angrily. Its fear was that the Buchanan Administration would induce Congress, which was Democratic in both branches, to admit Kansas under this illegal instrument. Thayer, its Washington correspondent, wrote that the Administration leaders were employing bribery177 to that end. The protests of the Evening Post day in and day out contributed to the overwhelming Northern sentiment which made this fraud impossible.
While the Herald, Journal of Commerce, and Express were filled with horror by John Brown’s raid at Harper’s Ferry in the closing days of 1859, the Evening Post pointed to it as a just retribution upon the South for its own crimes. Douglas believed and said that the raid was the natural result of the teachings of the Republican party; Bryant believed it the natural result of that Southern violence which he had excoriated178 after Brooks’s assault upon Sumner. His editorials almost recall John257 Brown’s own favorite text: “Without the shedding of blood, there is no remission of sins.” Of course, he condemned179 the lawlessness of the act, but he did not believe Brown solely180 responsible:
Passion does not reason; but if Brown reasoned and desired to give a public motive to his personal rancors, he probably said to himself that “the slave drivers had tried to put down freedom in Kansas by force of arms, and he would try to put down slavery by the same means.” Thus the bloody181 instructions which they taught return to plague the inventors. They gave, for the first time in the history of the United States, an example of the resort to arms to carry out political schemes, and, dreadful as the retaliation182 is which Brown has initiated183, must take their share of the responsibility. They must remember that they accustomed men, in their Kansas forays, to the idea of using arms against their political opponents, that by their crimes and outrages184 they drove hundreds to madness, and that the feelings of bitterness and revenge thus generated have since rankled185 in the heart. Brown has made himself an organ of these in a fearfully significant way.
The evident terror many Southerners had of a slave insurrection filled Bryant with scorn. Buchanan wished to acquire Cuba and northern Mexico, and Southern newspapers wished Africa opened and new millions of blacks poured in; slavery was a blessed institution, and we could not have too much of it! “But while they speak the tocsin sounds, the blacks are in arms, their houses are in flames, their wives and children driven into exile or killed, and a furious servile war stretches its horrors over years. That is the blessed institution you ask us to foster, and spread, and worship, and for the sake of which you even spout187 your impotent threats against the grand edifice188 of the union!” Pending the trial there was much interest in Brown’s carpet-bag. The Evening Post said that its incendiary contents were probably Washington’s will, emancipating189 his slaves; his letter of 1786 to Lafayette expressing hope that slavery would be abolished; Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, deploring190 slavery; his project of 1785 for emancipating the slaves; and similar documents by Patrick Henry, John258 Randolph, and Monroe. Bryant’s utterance82 when John Brown was hanged recalls that of our other great men of letters. Emerson spoke191 of Brown as “that new saint awaiting his martyrdom”; Thoreau called him “an angel of light”; Longfellow jotted192 in his diary, “The date of a new revolution, quite as much needed as the old one.” Bryant wrote:
... History, forgetting the errors of his judgment193 in the contemplation of his unfaltering courage, of his dignified194 and manly195 deportment in the face of death, and of the nobleness of his aims, will record his name among those of its martyrs196 and heroes.
Meanwhile, a new figure had arisen in the West. Like most other New York journals the Evening Post had instantly perceived the significance of the Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858. When they began it remarked that Illinois was the theater of the most momentous197 contest, whether one considered the eminence198 of the contestants199 or the consequences which might result from it, that had occurred in any State canvass200 since Silas Wright’s defeat for Governor in 1846. When they closed it remarked (Oct. 18): “No man of this generation has grown more rapidly before the country than Mr. Lincoln in this canvass.”
At first the paper’s reports of the Lincoln-Douglas addresses were taken from the Chicago press, but it soon had its own correspondent, Chester P. Dewey, following the debaters. This writer knew Lincoln’s capacity. “Poor, unfriended, uneducated, a day laborer201, he has distanced all these disadvantages, and in the profession of the law has risen steadily202 to a competence203, and to the position of an intelligent, shrewd, and well-balanced man,” ran his characterization. “Familiarly known as ‘Long Abe,’ he is a popular speaker, and a cautious, thoughtful politician, capable of taking a high position as a statesman and legislator.” He described the enthusiasm with which Lincoln’s supporters at Ottawa carried him from the grounds on their shoulders. He related how at Jonesboro, in the southern extremity204 of the State,259 where the crowd was overwhelmingly Democratic, Douglas came to the grounds escorted by a band and a cheering crowd, amid the discharges of a brass205 cannon, while Lincoln arrived with only a few friends; how when Lincoln arose “a faint cheer was elicited206, followed by derisive207 laughter from the Douglas men”; but how he quite won his audience.
It is interesting to note that this correspondent grasped the full importance of the Freeport debate, where Lincoln asked Douglas whether the people of a territory could themselves exclude slavery from it. To answer “no” meant that Douglas repudiated208 his doctrine of squatter209 sovereignty, and to answer “yes” meant that he alienated210 the South. On Sept. 5 the Evening Post had published a long editorial in which it concluded that Douglas was likely to be the Southern candidate in 1860. Just two days later its correspondent foretold211 the effect of Douglas’s fatal “yes” at Freeport:
It was very evident that Mr. Douglas was cornered by the questions put to him by Mr. Lincoln. He claimed to be the upholder of the Dred Scott decision, and also of popular sovereignty. He was asked to reconcile the two....
When the Freeport speech of Mr. Douglas shall go forth112 to all the land, and be read by the men of Georgia and South Carolina, their eyes will doubtless open. Can they ... abet212 a man who avows213 these revolutionary sentiments and endorses214 the right to self-government of the people of a territory?... How would he appear uttering this treason of popular sovereignty at a South Carolina barbecue?
Lincoln had been anxious to visit New York, and on Feb. 27, 1860, through the invitation of the Young Men’s Central Republican union, he made his great speech at Cooper Institute. Bryant presided. The poet had met Lincoln nearly thirty years before, when, on his first visit to Illinois, he had encountered a company of volunteers going forward to the Black Hawk215 War, and had been attracted by the racy, original conversation of the uncouth216 young captain; but this meeting he had forgotten. James260 A. Briggs, who made all the business arrangements for Lincoln’s speech, later told in the Evening Post (Aug. 16, 1867) some interesting facts concerning the occasion. It was Briggs who personally asked Bryant to preside. The fame of the Westerner had, although the jealous Times, a Seward organ, spoke of him as merely “a lawyer who had some local reputation in Illinois,” impressed every one. In its two issues preceding the 27th the Evening Post published prominent announcements of Lincoln’s arrival and of the meeting, and promised “a powerful assault upon the policy and principles of the pro-slavery party, and an able vindication217 of the Republican creed218.” The hall was well filled. According to Briggs, the tickets were twenty-five cents each, and the receipts, in spite of many free admissions, $367, or just $17 in excess of the expenses, of which the fee to Lincoln represented $200. As the Tribune said, since the days of Clay and Webster no man had spoken to a larger body of the city’s culture and intellect.
Bryant, in his brief introductory speech, said that it was a grateful office to present such an eminent219 Western citizen; that “these children of the West form a living bulwark220 against the advance of slavery, and from them is recruited the vanguard of the mighty221 armies of liberty” (loud applause); and that he had only to pronounce the name of the great champion of Republicanism in Illinois, who would have won the victory two years before but for an unjust apportionment law, to secure the profoundest attention. The Evening Post reported that at the end of Lincoln’s speech the audience arose almost to a man, and expressed its approbation222 by the most enthusiastic applause, the waving of handkerchiefs and hats, and repeated cheers. It reproduced the address in full, saying editorially that when it had such a speech it was tempted223 to wish its columns indefinitely elastic224, emphasizing Lincoln’s principal points, and praising highly the logic225 of the argument, its mastery of clear and impressive statement, and the originality226 of the closing passages. Briggs tells us that Lincoln read this eulogistic227 editorial:
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After the return of Mr. Lincoln to New York from the East, where he had made several speeches, he said to me: “I have seen what all the New York papers said about that thing of mine in the Cooper Institute, with the exception of the New York Evening Post, and I would like to know what Mr. Bryant thought of it”; and he then added: “It is worth a visit from Springfield, Illinois, to New York to make the acquaintance of such a man as William Cullen Bryant.” At Mr. Lincoln’s request I sent him a copy of the Evening Post, with a notice of his lecture.
Raymond and the Times, when the Republican national convention met in Chicago on May 16, 1860, were ardently228 for Seward—indeed, Thurlow Weed and Raymond were Seward’s chief lieutenants229 there. Greeley, had he been able to make the nomination himself, would have chosen Bates of Missouri first, and anybody to beat Seward second. Bryant, up to the time of the Cooper union speech, had supported Chase for the nomination, but he knew that his chances were slight and he now leaned toward Lincoln—for he also was anxious to see Seward beaten. The Evening Post’s dislike of Seward dated from 1853, when it had declared (Nov. 2) that his friends in the Whig Party and a Democratic faction58 had formed a corrupt32 combination to plunder230 the State treasury231 through contracts. Its bitterness against him had steadily increased during the years of his close association with the political boss, Thurlow Weed. No one believed that Seward was dishonest, but thousands thought that Weed’s methods were detestable, and that Seward’s intimacy232 with men who schemed for public grants was altogether too close. References to the connection between “Seward’s chances” and “New York street railroads” had become common in 1859. Bryant wrote his associate Bigelow on Dec. 14 that, much as Seward had been hurt by the misconstruction of his phrase “the irrepressible conflict,” he had been damaged more in New York by something else. “I mean the project of Thurlow Weed to give charters for a set of city railways, for which those who receive them are to furnish a fund of from four to six hundred thousand dollars, to be expended262 for the Republican cause in the next Presidential election.” He added on Feb. 20:
Mr. Seward is not without his chance of a nomination, though some of your friends here affirm that he has none. He is himself, I hear, very confident of getting it. While the John Brown excitement continued, his prospects233 improved, for he was the best-abused man of his party—now that he is let alone, his stock declines again and people talk of other men. For my part I do not see that he is more of a representative man than a score of others in our party. The great difficulty which I have in regard to him is this, that by the election of a Republican President the slavery question is settled, and that with Seward for President, it will be the greatest good luck, a special and undeserved favor of Providence234, if every honest Democrat4 of the Republican party be not driven into the opposition within a twelvemonths after he enters the White House. There are bitter execrations of Weed and his friends passing from mouth to mouth among the old radical Democrats of the Republican party here.
Bigelow, writing home from London (March 20), saw in Lincoln the only hope of the party. He had no use for Seward; he had even less for Bates—“an old Clay Whig from Missouri ... who has been for two years or more the candidate of Erastus Brooks and Gov. Hunt, who is not only not a Republican but who is put forward because he is not a Republican, and whom the Tribune recommends because he can get some votes that a straight-out Republican cannot get.” Moreover, Bigelow saw “no possibility of nominating Fessenden, or Chase, or Banks, or any such man”; and he knew that unless the right kind of Republican was elected the fight was lost.
Lincoln’s nomination was therefore hailed with more real gratification by the Post than by any other great Eastern newspaper. It saw in him one who would call forth the enthusiasm of his party, and the attachment235 of independent voters. The popular approval had already been surprising in its volume and gusto. “The Convention could have made no choice, we think, which, along with so many demonstrations236 of ardent approval, would have263 been met with so few expressions of dissent237.” It paused to point out the two reasons for Seward’s defeat. The first was the convention’s opinion, with which it was inclined to agree, that he could not be elected, because he could not have carried Pennsylvania, Douglas would have beaten him in Illinois, and he was weak in Ohio, Indiana, and Vermont; the second lay in the distrust of his warmest political friends excited by the corruption238 of the two last New York legislatures. At this time there was much talk about “representative men,” and the Post, after naming a few, remarked that Lincoln surpassed them all as a personification of the distinctive239 genius of our country and its institutions. “Whatever is peculiar in the history and development of America, whatever is foremost in its civilization, whatever is good in its social and political structure, finds its best expression in the career of such men as Abraham Lincoln.”
A vignette of Lincoln by one of Bryant’s friends then traveling in the West, George Opdyke, was immediately printed to disprove the current story that he dwelt in “the lowest hoosier style”:
I found Mr. Lincoln living in a handsome, but not pretentious240, double two-story frame house, having a wide hall running through the center, with parlors241 on both sides, neatly242 but not ostentatiously furnished. It was just such a dwelling243 as a majority of the well-to-do residents of these fine western towns occupy. Everything about it had a look of comfort and independence. The library I remarked in passing, particularly, and I was pleased to see long rows of books, which told of the scholarly tastes and culture of the family.
Lincoln received us with great, and to me surprising, urbanity. I had seen him before in New York, and brought with me an impression of his awkward and ungainly manner; but in his own house, where he doubtless feels himself freer than in the strange New York circles, Lincoln had thrown this off, and appeared easy, if not graceful244. He is, as you know, a tall lank52 man, with a long neck, and his ordinary movements are unusually angular, even out west. As soon, however, as he gets interested in conversation, his face lights up, and his attitudes and gestures assume a certain dignity and impressiveness. His conversation is fluent,264 agreeable, and polite. You see at once from it that he is a man of decided99 and original character. His views are all his own; such as he has worked out from a patient and varied245 scrutiny246 of life, and not such as he has obtained from others. Yet he cannot be called opinionated. He listens to others like one eager to learn. And his replies evince at the same time both modesty247 and self-reliance. I should say that sound common sense was the principal quality of his mind, although at times a striking phrase or word reveals a peculiar vein of thought.
At first, it is interesting to note, the Evening Post was not only all confidence in Lincoln’s election, but all contempt for the Southern threats of secession if he won. Until that fall it held to a short-sighted view that the secession talk was a mere repetition of the old Southern attempt, made so often since nullification days, to bully248 the North as a spoiled child bullies249 its nurse. This confidence, which the Times and Tribune fully186 shared, was not assumed for campaign reasons. The stock market sustained it, and Bryant pointed to the midsummer advance in security prices as showing that business was not alarmed. A correspondent wrote from Newport on Aug. 23 that visitors from all parts of the South were there, but no fire-eating disunionists among them; “they deplore149 the election of Lincoln, while they regard it as almost a certainty, but scout250 the idea of secession or rebellion as a necessary consequence of it.” For years the North had listened to bullying251, blustering252, and threats from the South, and it had grown too much used to menaces.
But in the final fortnight of the campaign the newspaper began to perceive that there was a sullen253 reality behind these fulminations. On Oct. 20 we find the first editorial to treat secession earnestly, one declaring that no government could parley254 with men in arms against its authority, and that like Napoleon dealing255 with the insurrectionaries of Paris, the United States “must fire cannon balls and not blank cartridges256.” On Oct. 29 it charged the existence of a definite secession conspiracy. Its authors were Howell Cobb and other officers high in the Administration; moreover, it declared, “the eggs of the265 conspiracy now hatching were laid four years ago, in the Cincinnati Convention.” Bigelow at that time, a close observer at Cincinnati of the scenes amid which Buchanan was nominated, had declared (June 13, 1856) that the nomination was purchased from the South by a promise from one of Buchanan’s lieutenants, Col. Samuel Black, that if a radical Republican should be elected his successor in 1860, then Buchanan would do nothing to interfere257 with the secession of the Southern States.
John Bigelow
Associate Editor 1849–1860.
A few days before election, Samuel J. Tilden, who was supporting Douglas, came into the office of the Evening Post in high excitement. In Bigelow’s room were seated the Collector of the Port, Hiram Barney; the president of the Illinois Central, William H. Osborn, and one of the commissioners258 of Central Park. They were all confident of Lincoln’s election, and Tilden’s excitement rose as he saw them rejoicing in the certainty. With a repressed anger and dignity that sobered them, he cut short their chaffing by saying: “I would not have the responsibility of William Cullen Bryant and John Bigelow for all the wealth in the sub-treasury. If you have your way, civil war will divide this country, and you will see blood running like water in the streets of this city.” With these words, he left. On Oct. 30 the Evening Post devoted more than six columns to a letter by Tilden, in which he explained why, though long a free-soiler, he had not supported Lincoln. He declared that the Republican Party was a sectional party, that if it ruled at Washington the South would be virtually under foreign domination, and that the Southerners would never yield to its “impracticable and intolerable” policy. The Post replied to but one of his arguments. The Republican Party, it said, was sectional only because it had never been given a fair hearing at the South. But, it added, “We do not propose to review Mr. Tilden’s paper at length to-day; a logical and conclusive259 answer to all its positions is in the course of preparation, and will appear in the Evening Post just one week from to-morrow afternoon.”
266 On the day announced, the day after election, the Evening Post published a table of the electoral votes, by which it appeared that Lincoln had a certain majority of thirty-five and a possible majority of forty-two; heading it, “Reply to the Letter of Samuel J. Tilden, Continued and Concluded.” But Tilden’s prophecy was to be realized in a fashion the editors little expected.
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1
memoranda
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| n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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inscribe
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| v.刻；雕；题写；牢记 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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ballots
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| n.投票表决( ballot的名词复数 )；选举；选票；投票总数v.（使）投票表决( ballot的第三人称单数 ) | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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perverts
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| n.性变态者( pervert的名词复数 )v.滥用( pervert的第三人称单数 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corrupts
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的第三人称单数 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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41
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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42
cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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45
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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46
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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47
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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48
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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50
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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51
refreshingly
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| adv.清爽地，有精神地 | |
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52
lank
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| adj.瘦削的；稀疏的 | |
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53
coax
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| v.哄诱，劝诱，用诱哄得到，诱取 | |
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54
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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55
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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56
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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58
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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60
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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enrol
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| v.（使）注册入学，（使）入学，（使）入会 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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69
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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70
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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71
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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72
hoax
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| v.欺骗，哄骗，愚弄；n.愚弄人，恶作剧 | |
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73
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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74
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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75
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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76
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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77
Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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78
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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79
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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80
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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81
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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82
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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83
enquirer
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| 寻问者，追究者 | |
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84
spurned
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| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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86
repudiating
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的现在分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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87
bevy
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| n.一群 | |
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88
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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89
parlor
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| n.店铺，营业室；会客室，客厅 | |
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90
meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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91
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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92
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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93
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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94
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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95
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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96
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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97
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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98
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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99
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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100
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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101
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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102
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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103
ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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104
ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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105
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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106
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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107
wresting
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| 动词wrest的现在进行式 | |
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108
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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109
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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110
appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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111
militancy
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| n.warlike behavior or tendency | |
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112
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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113
wharf
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| n.码头，停泊处 | |
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114
hissing
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| n. 发嘶嘶声, 蔑视 动词hiss的现在分词形式 | |
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115
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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116
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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118
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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119
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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120
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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121
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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122
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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123
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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124
disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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125
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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126
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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127
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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128
endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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129
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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130
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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131
exulted
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| 狂喜，欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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133
shuffling
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| adj. 慢慢移动的, 滑移的 动词shuffle的现在分词形式 | |
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134
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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135
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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136
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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137
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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138
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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139
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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140
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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141
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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142
comport
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| vi.相称，适合 | |
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143
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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144
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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145
apathetic
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|
| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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146
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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147
throttled
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| v.扼杀( throttle的过去式和过去分词 )；勒死；使窒息；压制 | |
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148
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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150
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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151
runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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152
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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153
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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154
disparagingly
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| adv.以贬抑的口吻，以轻视的态度 | |
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155
oyster
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| n.牡蛎；沉默寡言的人 | |
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156
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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157
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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158
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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159
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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160
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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161
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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162
flaunt
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| vt.夸耀，夸饰 | |
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163
stigma
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| n.耻辱，污名；(花的)柱头 | |
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164
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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165
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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166
streaks
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| n.（与周围有所不同的）条纹( streak的名词复数 )；（通常指不好的）特征（倾向）；（不断经历成功或失败的）一段时期v.快速移动( streak的第三人称单数 )；使布满条纹 | |
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167
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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168
fetter
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| n./vt.脚镣，束缚 | |
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169
contentedly
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| adv.心满意足地 | |
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170
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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171
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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172
subscribing
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| v.捐助( subscribe的现在分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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173
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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174
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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175
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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176
perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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177
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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178
excoriated
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| v.擦伤( excoriate的过去式和过去分词 )；擦破（皮肤）；剥（皮）；严厉指责 | |
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179
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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180
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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181
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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182
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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183
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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184
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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185
rankled
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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186
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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187
spout
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| v.喷出，涌出；滔滔不绝地讲；n.喷管；水柱 | |
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188
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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189
emancipating
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|
| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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190
deploring
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的现在分词 ) | |
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191
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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192
jotted
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| v.匆忙记下( jot的过去式和过去分词 )；草草记下，匆匆记下 | |
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193
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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194
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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195
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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196
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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197
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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198
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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199
contestants
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| n.竞争者，参赛者( contestant的名词复数 ) | |
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200
canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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201
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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202
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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203
competence
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| n.能力，胜任，称职 | |
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204
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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205
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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206
elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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207
derisive
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| adj.嘲弄的 | |
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208
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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209
squatter
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| n.擅自占地者 | |
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210
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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211
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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212
abet
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| v.教唆，鼓励帮助 | |
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213
avows
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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endorses
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| v.赞同( endorse的第三人称单数 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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215
hawk
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| n.鹰，骗子；鹰派成员 | |
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uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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217
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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218
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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219
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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220
bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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221
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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222
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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223
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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224
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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225
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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226
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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227
eulogistic
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| adj.颂扬的，颂词的 | |
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228
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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229
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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230
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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232
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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234
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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236
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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238
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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239
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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240
pretentious
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| adj.自命不凡的，自负的，炫耀的 | |
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241
parlors
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| 客厅( parlor的名词复数 )； 起居室； （旅馆中的）休息室； （通常用来构成合成词）店 | |
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242
neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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243
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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244
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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245
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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246
scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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247
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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248
bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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249
bullies
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| n.欺凌弱小者, 开球 vt.恐吓, 威胁, 欺负 | |
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250
scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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251
bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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252
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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253
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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254
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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255
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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256
cartridges
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| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
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257
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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258
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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259
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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