No other five months in our history under the Constitution have been so critical as the five between the election of Lincoln and the capture of Sumter. The anger of the South at the Republican triumph; the secession of South Carolina before Christmas, followed by the rest of the lower South; the erection of a Southern Confederacy in February, with the choice of Davis as provisional President; the complete paralysis1 of Buchanan’s government—all this made the months anxious and uncertain beyond any others in the century. Until New Year’s, many people in the North believed that the Southern threats were not to be taken seriously; until February, many believed that the outlook for a peaceful preservation2 of the union was bright. Thereafter a large part of the population held that, in Gen. Winfield Scott’s phrase, the erring3 sisters should be let depart in peace. In this anomalous4 period a thousand currents of opinion possessed5 the land, and no one could predict what the next day would bring forth6. The time tried the judgment7 and patriotism8 of the nation’s newspapers as by fire.
The New York press had at this time asserted a national ascendancy9 which it slowly lost after the war as the great West increased in population. During December, 1860, the Herald10 averaged a week-day circulation of 77,107, and a Sunday circulation of 82,656, which it boasted was the largest in the world. The daily circulation of the London Times was 25,000 less. The Tribune boasted on April 10, 1861, that while its daily circulation was 55,000, its weekly circulation was enormous, making the total number of its buyers 287,750. Two-fifths of these were in New York, but it had 26,091 subscribers in Pennsylvania; 24,900 in Ohio; 16,477 in268 Illinois; 11,968 in Iowa; 11,081 in Indiana, and even in California 5,535. In the South, on the other hand, there was a mere12 handful of buyers—21 in Mississippi, 23 in South Carolina, 35 in Georgia, and 10 in Florida, against 10,589 in Maine. The Sun had a daily circulation of about 60,000, and the Times of about 35,000. That of the Evening Post was approaching 20,000, while its weekly and semi-weekly issues were widely read in the West. It was in reference to the influence of the Tribune, Times, and Evening Post that the Herald said, “Without New York journalism13 there would have been no Republican party.” It had some excuse for its boast regarding the city’s journals (Nov. 8):
Several of them, possessing revenues equal in amount to those of some of the sovereign States, are unapproachable by influences except those of a national policy, and they constitute a congress of intellect in permanent session assembled. The telegraph and the locomotive carry their influences to the remotest corners of the land in a constantly increasing ratio. These, then, are to be the leading powers which are to range parties, and conduct the discussions of the great questions of the generation that is before us. They, and they only, can do it in a catholic and cosmopolitan14 spirit.... These affect the affairs and hopes of men everywhere.
Lincoln’s election was accepted with unmixed pleasure by the Evening Post and Tribune, the Times and the World, which saw in it a long-deferred assurance that the popular majority in favor of freedom had at last found a dependable leader. It was accepted with resignation by the three chief opposition15 newspapers. Bennett’s Herald, with a snort of chagrin16, reminded good citizens that they should “settle down to their occupations and to discharge the duty which they owe to their families.” The Journal of Commerce remarked that “we have nothing to do but submit,” adding that the conservative majority in both Houses “will check any wayward fancies that may seize the executive, under the influence of his abolition17 advisers18.” The Express deplored19, deeply deplored, the result, but formally acquiesced20 in it, “as under269 the forms if not in the spirit and intent of the Constitution.” But as the news of the secession movement increased, the differences of opinion grew marked.
Bryant in the Evening Post was anxious that Lincoln should not talk of concessions21, nor seem to be frightened by the Southern bluster23. He must refuse to parley24 with disunionists:
If there are any States disposed to question the supremacy25 of the Constitution, or to assert the incompatibility26 of our climatic influences and social institutions with the form of government under which we have been hitherto united, now is the time to meet the question and settle it....
Mr. Lincoln cannot say one word or take one step toward concession22 of any kind without in so far striking at the very foundations upon which our government is based, violating the confidence of his supporters, and converting our victory into a practical defeat.
When the idea of resisting the will of the majority is abandoned in responsible quarters; when every sovereign State shows itself content to abide27 the issue of a constitutional election, it will be time enough for Mr. Lincoln to enlighten those who need light as to what he will do and what he will not do; and we greatly mistake the man if he will give ear to any proposition designed to convert him into a President not of the whole union, nor of those who voted for him, but of those who did not.
The Herald was equally insistent28 that Lincoln should promise concessions; “he should at once give to the world the programme of the policy he will pursue as President, and that policy should be one of conciliation,” it said on Nov. 9. But a special correspondent of the Post, interviewing Lincoln in Springfield on Nov. 14, and finding him reading the history of the nullification movement, obtained an assurance that he would make no such sign of weakness. “I know,” he quoted Lincoln as saying, “the justness of my intentions, and the utter groundlessness of the pretended fears of the men who are filling the country with their clamor. If I go into the Presidency29, they will find me as I am on record—nothing less, nothing more. My declarations have been made to the world270 without reservation. They have been repeated; and now, self-respect demands of me and the party that has elected me, that when threatened I should be silent.” The correspondent assured Lincoln’s Eastern friends that nature had endowed him “with that sagacity, honesty, and firmness which made Old Hickory’s the most eminently30 successful and honorable Administration known to the public.”
When South Carolina carried her threat of secession into execution on Dec. 20, every New York newspaper had already indicated its attitude toward that act. Bryant had done so Nov. 12, in an editorial called “Peaceable Secession an Absurdity31.” No government could have a day of assured existence, he wrote, if it tolerated the doctrine32 of peaceable secession, for it could have no credit or future. “No, if a State secedes34 it is in rebellion, and the seceders are traitors35. Those who are charged with the executive branch of the government are recreant37 to their oaths if they fail to use all lawful38 means to put down such rebellion.” The next day he added that “We look to Abraham Lincoln to restore American unity39, and make it perpetual.” No one expected Buchanan to do anything, and not a week passed without Bryant or Bigelow calling him a traitor36. This insistence40 that the seceding41 States be coerced42 into returning was shared by the World, which was on the point of absorbing Webb’s Courier and Enquirer43, and by the Times.
A far less sound view was taken by the Tribune, so long the most influential44 Republican newspaper of the nation. Horace Greeley is often represented as declaring flatly that the South should be allowed to depart in peace. His opinion, while not much more defensible, was decidedly different. Greeley wished to make sure that it was the will of the Southern majority to secede33, and not the mere whim46 of fire-eating leaders. “I have said repeatedly, and here repeat,” he wrote in the Tribune of Jan. 14, “that, if the people of the Slave States, or of the Cotton States alone, really wish to get out of the union, I am in favor of letting them out so soon as that result271 can be peacefully and constitutionally attained48.... If they will ... take first deliberately49 by fair vote a ballot50 of their own citizens, none being coerced nor intimidated51, and that vote shall indicate a settled resolve to get out of the union, I will do all I can to help them out at an early day. I want no States kept in the union by coercion52; but I insist that none shall be coerced out of it....”
But James Gordon Bennett’s Herald, James Brooks’s Express, Gerard Hallock’s Journal of Commerce, and several minor53 journals, as the Daily News and Day Book, were frankly54 in favor of letting the secessionists proceed without any restraint from the Federal Government. The Herald was much the most important, although the World sneeringly55 said that every new subscriber11 meant two cents and a little more contempt for Bennett. It was read everywhere about New York for its full news and its smartness; the caustic56 observations of Dickens and William H. Russell upon New York journalism were founded principally upon it; and Administration leaders at Washington found its comprehensive dispatches invaluable57 throughout the war. Maintaining its old levity58 of tone, the Herald used at this period to speak of the World, Tribune, and Times as the World, the Flesh, and the Devil. It remarked that Lincoln had once split rails and now he was splitting the union. It called Greeley “the Hon. Massa Greeley,” and it probably refrained only by a supreme59 effort from nicknaming Bryant. One of its cardinal60 tenets was that slavery was really unobjectionable. As the two sections drew near war, it printed a description of slum life in Liverpool, remarking that compared with the English laborer61, “the slave lives like a prince.” He had his cabin, neat, clean, and weatherproof; he had his own garden patch, over which he was lord paramount62; he was well-fed, well-lodged, well-clothed, and rarely overworked; sleek63, happy, contented64, enjoying his many holidays with gusto, he lived to a great age. Before the New Year, the Herald had spoken out plainly against coercion. It would bring on “a fratricidal conflict, which will destroy the industrial interests272 of all sections, and put us back at least a hundred years in the estimation of the civilized66 world.”
As one State after another passed out of the union, therefore, a half dozen newspapers, the Herald, Daily News, Journal of Commerce, Day Book, Staats Zeitung, and Courrier des états Unis were taking an attitude friendly to the South; one, the Tribune, simply wrung67 its hands; and the Evening Post, Times, and World alone urged severe measures. Jefferson Davis, wrote the Evening Post, “knows that secession is a forcible rupture68 of an established government; he knows that it must, if persisted in, lead to war.” “If our Southern brethren think they can better themselves by going out,” declared Bennett’s Herald on Jan. 17, “in heaven’s name let them go in peace. We cannot keep them by force.”
During January nearly all eyes were fastened upon the various plans for keeping the union intact by arranging a compromise, and preposterous69 some of these plans were. The Crittenden Compromise, which proposed making the Missouri line of 36′ 30″ the constitutional boundary between slavery and freedom in the Territories, was brusquely condemned70 by the Evening Post. “In every respect the ... scheme is objectionable, and no Republican who understands the principles of his party, or who is faithful to what he believes the fundamental objects of the Federal Constitution, can assent71 to it for one moment,” the journal said on Jan. 26. The Republican Party had been established and had just won its great victory upon the principle that slavery should not be extended into any Territory whatever; how could it give it up without committing suicide? In the same issue the Evening Post said that the violent acts of the South, the seizure72 of forts and arsenals73, the drilling of men to prevent arrests, “are treasonable acts, and amount to levying74 war upon the United States,” while it called Senator Toombs “a blustering75 and cowardly traitor.” The Tribune, which believed that secession was a mere threatening gesture, and that Northern firmness might overawe the rebels and bring them back into the union,273 was also against the Crittenden plan. “No compromise, then! No delusive76 and deluding77 concessions! No surrender of principle!” exclaimed Greeley on Jan. 18. The next day the Tribune evinced its failure to grasp the situation by remarking that if Major Anderson at Fort Sumter had fired on the rebels when the Star of the West was turned back from his relief, “treason would have been stayed. That act alone would have saved Virginia from plunging78 into the fatal gulf79 of rebellion.”
The Times was as firmly against a compromise as the Evening Post. Stand by the union and the Constitution first, wrote Raymond; when their safety is assured, then only can we talk of guarantees for the South. “We would yield nothing whatever to exactions pressed by threats of disunion....” So was the World, which said that “It is of no use to mince80 matters; this rampant81 cotton rebellion will haul in its horns or we shall have civil war.” The World had its own plan of restoring harmony by extinguishing sectional spirit. It proposed, first, to divest82 the Federal executive of its overgrown patronage83—the office-seekers were always pandering84 to sectional prejudice; second, to improve the navigation of the Mississippi; third, to construct levees to prevent Mississippi floods; and fourth, to build a Southern Pacific railway. It na?vely said that if these public works “could be adopted as a preventive instead of a remedy, their cost would probably be less than the cost of a civil war.” The Tribune also had a pacification85 scheme. It suggested that the Federal Government begin the purchase of all the slaves of Delaware, Maryland, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana, about 600,000 in all; to pay not more than $100,000,000, or less than $200 each, for them; and to complete the transaction in, say, 1876.
A petition for the Crittenden compromise circulated by William B. Astor found 140 signatures at the Herald office. By now, indeed, Bennett’s Herald was expressing opinions which seem madness.
After appealing to Lincoln to beg the South to return; after appealing to the Republican Party to repudiate86 its274 Chicago platform; after appealing to Congress to pass the Crittenden resolution or submit it to the States, the Herald appealed to the South. On Jan. 4, railing at the imbecility of Congress and the indifference87 of President-elect Lincoln, it proposed that the Southern States arrange a Constitutional Convention for their own section alone. Let this body adopt amendments88 to the Constitution embodying89 guarantees of the return of fugitive90 slaves, of the validity of the Dred Scott decision, and of universal tolerance91 of opinion respecting slavery as a social institution. “Let them submit these different amendments to the different Northern States, earnestly inviting92 their acceptance of them, and assigning a period, similar to that which was appointed for the ratification94 of the Constitution of 1787, when all States which should have agreed to their proposition should be considered as thenceforth forming the future United States of America.” The whole nation, said the Herald, would join such a union, save New England. Probably the Yankee States would stay out. Good riddance to them. The rest of the country is sick and tired of New England. It has had too much “of the provincial95 meanness, bigotry96, self-conceit, love for ‘isms,’ hypercritical opposition to anything and everything, universal fault-finding, hard bargaining, and systematic97 home lawlessness ... which are covering their section of the country with odium.”
This was not a shabby offer to the South—to take any conditions it made and kick the Yankees out. But the Herald waxed more generous still. On March 20, a month after the inauguration98 of Jefferson Davis, it had found the solution of the great problem: let the new Congress, when it met at Lincoln’s call, adopt the Confederate Constitution, and submit it to the nation for ratification by three-fourths of the States. “This would settle the question and restore peace and harmony to a troubled nation, while at the same time every statesman and every man of common sense must admit that the new Constitution is a decided45 improvement on the old.” The Herald enumerated99 its merits: the restriction100 of the President to275 one six-year term, the budget system of appropriations101, the interdiction102 of internal improvements at the expense of the national treasury103, and so on. “Let Mr. Lincoln call Congress together for the purpose, and he will have taken the first step of a statesman since he came to power.” The Herald did not say who it believed should be President under the new constitution, but it could hardly avoid concluding that Jefferson Davis ought to be accepted along with the Confederate system of government. All the while, the Journal of Commerce, Express, and News were imperturbably104 declaring that the South should be allowed to depart amicably105.
A surprising number of New Yorkers, indeed, sympathized with this hostility106 to coercion. A meeting of disciples107 of Mayor Fernando Wood held at Brooke’s Hall on Dec. 15 gives us the key to much of this sentiment. Its chairman said that the city had lost $20,000,000 a month in Southern orders, an estimate which merchants applauded; while the rougher element that later engaged in the Draft Riots adopted with a roar the resolution that, “believing our Southern brethren to be now engaged in the holy cause of American liberty, and trying to roll back the avalanche108 of Britishism, we extend to them our heartfelt sympathy.” The Herald the same day computed109 the loss of the North from the “national convulsion” at $478,620,000, explaining that flour had fallen a dollar a barrel, wheat twenty cents a bushel, and many manufactories had suspended, since Lincoln’s election. Mayor Fernando Wood, in his message published Jan. 8, proposed that if disunion took place, New York should declare itself a free city, clinging to its commerce with both sections. Wood was a Philadelphia Quaker by birth, who began life as a cigar-maker, and made his way in politics by a physique so handsome, a personality so fascinating, and a character so unscrupulous that he has been well called the successor of Aaron Burr. The Evening Post remarked that it had always known he was a knave110, but it had not before suspected him of being so egregious111 a fool, and asked whether the city in seceding276 would take the Hudson River, Long Island Sound, New York Central, and Erie Canal with it—it couldn’t do without them. Even the Herald sneered112 at his proposal. But William H. Russell, visiting the city, as late as March was shocked by the indifference which prominent citizens showed to the impending113 catastrophe114.
This indifference the Evening Post, Times, and Tribune were loyally trying to dispel115. On Feb. 2, when five States had seceded116, the Evening Post warned them that the act meant war. “No one doubts that if the people of those States should transfer them back to Spain or France, the United States would be prepared to recover them at all the hazards of war; and, for the same reason, she will recover them from the hands of any other ‘foreign powers’ under any other names.” A fortnight later Bryant reiterated117:
... Our government means no war, and will not, if it can be avoided, shed a drop of blood; if war comes, it must be made by the South; but let the South understand, when it does come, that eighty years of enterprise, of accumulation, and of progress in all the arts of warfare118 have not been lost upon the North. Cool in temperament119, peaceful in its pursuits, loving industry and trade more than fighting, it has yet the old blood of the Saxon in its veins120, and will go to battle with the same ponderous121 and irresistible122 energy with which it has reared its massive civilization out of the primitive123 wilderness124.
The Times was equally emphatic125. When the Journal of Commerce argued that two American nations, one free and one slave, might live as cordially together as the Protestant and Catholic parts of Switzerland, the Tribune reminded it that in 1846–7 the Catholic cantons had tried to secede, and the Swiss government had instantly crushed the movement.
Bryant was keenly interested all the while in the formation of Lincoln’s Cabinet. Immediately after Lincoln’s nomination126 he had written him saying that “I was not without apprehensions127 that the nomination might fall upon some person encumbered128 with bad associates, and it was with a sense of relief and infinite satisfaction that I,277 with thousands of others, heard the news of your nomination.” He was desirous of having Cabinet places given his friends Chase and Gideon Welles, and Parke Godwin prints in his biography the three letters in which he urged the claims of these men and protested against Cameron. He also wrote Lincoln in behalf of a low tariff129. But the biography does not contain the letter which Hiram Barney, Collector of the Port, wrote Bryant from Chicago immediately (Jan. 17, 1861) after seeing Lincoln regarding his Cabinet:
I went with Mapes, Opdyke, and Hageboom from Washington to Columbus and Springfield. We saw and conversed130 freely and fully47 with Gov. Chase and Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln received your letter announcing our mission the night previous to our arrival. I thank you for writing it. It was influential, I have no doubt, in procuring131 for us the favorable reception and hearing which was accorded to us. Mr. Lincoln has invited to his Cabinet only three persons, to wit—Mr. Bates, Mr. Seward, and Mr. Cameron. All these have accepted. In regard to the latter-named, however, Mr. Lincoln became satisfied that he had made a mistake, and wrote him requesting him to withdraw his acceptancy or decline. Mr. Cameron refused to answer the letter and was greatly offended by it. He, however, authorized132 a mutual133 friend to telegraph and he did so—that Mr. Cameron would not on any account accept a seat in his Cabinet. Mr. Lincoln has thus a quarrel on his hands which he is anxious to adjust satisfactorily before he proceeds further in his formation of his Cabinet. He is advised from Washington not to conclude further upon the members of his Cabinet until he reaches Washington, which will be probably about the middle of February—and he has concluded to act according to this advice. We tried to change this purpose, but I fear in vain. He has not offered a place to Mr. Chase. He wants and expects to invite him to the Treasury Department. But he fears this will offend Pennsylvania, and he wants to reconcile the Republicans of that State to it before it is settled. He thinks Mr. Chase would be willing to let the matter stand so and leave the option with him (Mr. Lincoln) of taking him when he can do so without embarrassment134. He knows that Gov. Chase does not desire to go into the Cabinet and prefers the Senate—but he relies upon Gov. Chase’s patriotism to overcome the objections which arise from this unpleasant state of things.
278 He wants to take Judd, but this selection will offend some of his friends and he does not decide upon it. Welles of Connecticut is his preference for New England. Blair of Maryland is favorably considered. Dayton will either go into his Cabinet or will have the mission to England or France. One of these missions he intends to give to Cassius M. Clay. Caleb B. Smith of Indiana is urged upon him and he may have to take him instead of Judd. Caleb is almost as objectionable as Cameron, and for similar reasons. He received good naturedly and with some compliments my Cabinet which I gave him in pencil on a slip of paper, rather in joke—as follows:
Lincoln and Judd
Seward and Chase
Bates and Blair
Dayton and Welles
He considers Chase the ablest and best man in America. He is determined135 that Justice shall be done to all his friends, especially to the Republicans of Democratic antecedents, and Mr. Seward understands that he will not allow the Democratic ... Republicans of New York to be deprived of their full share of influence and patronage under his Administration. He is opposed to all offers of compromise by Republicans which can in the least affect the integrity of the principles as set forth in the Chicago platform.
If he would act now on his own judgment and preferences he would make a good Cabinet not much different from that I have above mentioned. What he will ultimately do after reaching Washington no one, not even himself, can tell. He wants to please and satisfy all his friends.
As this letter indicates, the Evening Post office was one of the chief Eastern centers from which the “Democratic Republicans” in these dark months tried to make their influence felt upon the incoming Administration.
Lincoln’s inaugural136 address was warmly applauded by the Evening Post. Bryant had seen the President-elect at the Astor House as he passed through New York, and taken new faith in him. “Admirable as the inaugural address is in all its parts—convincing in argument, concise137 and pithy138 in manner and simple in style—the generous and conciliatory tone is the most admirable,” the poet wrote. “Mr. Lincoln thoroughly139 refutes the theory of secession. He points out its follies140 and warns the disaffected141 districts279 against its consequences, but he does so in the kindly142, pitying manner of a father who reasons with an erring child.” On inauguration day the Evening Post had again predicted war with the rebels, and again declared that “the unionists of our States will arise and deal them the destruction they deserve.” The Tribune regarded the message in the same way. It especially praised “the tone of almost tenderness,” below which Lincoln’s iron determination was evident. The message would carry to twenty millions the tidings that the Federal Government still lived, “with a Man at the head of it.” The World and Times spoke65 in similar terms.
But the secessionist press abused this noble state paper roundly. The Herald, which had been praising Buchanan as a wise and just statesman, and attacking Lincoln as an incompetent143, said that the new President might almost as well have told his audience a funny story and let it go. His speech was a body of vague generalities artfully designed to allow its readers to make whatever interpretations144 they pleased. “It is neither candid145 nor statesmanlike; nor does it possess any essential of dignity or patriotism. It would have caused a Washington to mourn, and would have inspired Jefferson, Madison, or Jackson with contempt.” Gerard Hallock in the Journal of Commerce involved himself in a neat contradiction, writing: “The President puts forth earnest professions of love for the union, and places justly and properly much stress upon his duty to preserve it and execute the laws. But he commits the practical error of setting up the theory of an unbroken union, against the stubborn fact of a divided and dissevered one.” Why, asked Bryant, was it “just” for the President to dwell upon his duty to preserve the union, and yet “a practical error” to do so?
Thus the nation moved rapidly toward civil war. While the Herald, Journal of Commerce, Express, and Daily News still talked of compromise, actually they had given up hope of it and spent their chief energies in decrying146 coercion; the first-named having admitted as much in an editorial of Feb. 3 headed “No Compromise Now280 Except That of a Peaceable Separation.” In fact, all these journals found in the idea of a division much to commend. At the end of January, Bennett’s writers began preaching imperialistic147 doctrines148. “North America is too large for one government,” the Herald reflected on the 24th, “but establish two and they in good time will cover the continent.” The next day, under the title, “Manifest Destiny of the North and South,” it drew an alluring149 picture of the American conquests that would follow the dissolution of the union. Inevitably150, the Confederacy would subdue151 Mexico, Cuba, and other Caribbean lands. The United States would conquer Canada. The two great nations would be the most friendly of allies. “Northern troops may yet have to repel152 invaders153 of the possessions of slave-holders in Mexico and Venezuela, and our fleet will joyfully154 aid in dispersing155 new Spanish armadas on the coast of Cuba. Nor do we doubt that ... under the walls of Quebec, and on the banks of the St. Lawrence, legions from Louisiana, Alabama, and South Carolina will aid us.” This glorious vision of unlimited156 booty was repeatedly dwelt upon.
The Herald had less Northern influence than its large circulation would seem to imply, and was hearkened to chiefly at the South. Many secessionists, remembering the business and social connections of the South with the metropolis157, and the large Democratic majority New York generally gave, believed that the city would assist to divide the North and aid the rebellion. “The New York Herald and New York Evening Express have done much toward disseminating158 this false theory,” said the New Orleans Picayune later. The Chicago Tribune that summer quoted a Southern visitor as saying “that we of the North can have little or no idea of the pestilent influence which the New York News and other journals of that sort have exerted upon the popular mind of that section.” Probably less harm was done the union by Bennett’s erratic159 ideas than by Greeley’s influential opinion that if the South was determined to go, go she ought. Bryant’s editorials in the Evening Post, above those of any other281 New York journal, expressed an elevated, unwavering, and steadying demand for loyalty160 to the Constitution. He had no patience with Greeley’s acquiescence161 in a popular-sovereignty doctrine of secession. He was a far abler writer than any man on the staff of the Times or World, even Raymond. His superior steadfastness162 and shrewdness of judgment was strikingly illustrated163 just before the war began.
On April 3, as if by concert, the Tribune and Times published long and emphatic editorials attacking Lincoln for his alleged164 indecision and inactivity. The Tribune headed its editorial “Come to the Point!” and demanded that a programme be laid down. Greeley apparently165 cared little what this programme should be. “If the union is to be maintained at all hazards, let the word be passed along the line that the laws are to be enforced.... If the secession of the Gulf States—and of any more that choose to follow—is to be regarded as a fixed166 fact, let that be proclaimed, and let the line of revenue collection be established and maintained this side of them.” The Times devoted167 two columns to “Wanted—A Policy.” The Administration, it said, had fallen so far short of public expectations that the union was weaker than a month before. Indeed, the Administration had exhibited “a blindness and a stolidity168 without a parallel in the history of intelligent statesmanship.” Lincoln had “spent time and strength in feeding rapacious169 and selfish politicians, which should have been bestowed170 upon saving the union”; and “we tell him ... that he must go up to a higher level than he has yet reached, before he can see and realize the high duties to which he has been called.” Such utterances171 lent too much support to the Herald’s constant statements that “the Lincoln Administration is cowardly, mean, and vicious,” its constant references to “the incompetent, ignorant, and desperate ‘Honest Abe.’”
In a crushing editorial next day, Bryant demolished172 these peevish173 outbursts. First, he pointed93 out, it was hard within thirty days to decide what course was best282 as regarded the seceding States and the wavering border States. The Cabinet was said to be divided, and the most careful reflection, investigation174, and debate was necessary for a question so big with the fate of the republic. Second, how could the facile critics know that Lincoln had not fixed upon his policy, but concluded to make it known by execution, not by a windy proclamation? “If Fort Sumter is to be reinforced, should we give the rebels previous notice?” There existed other considerations, as the fact that every day officers in the army and navy were going over to the rebels, and if Lincoln decided upon an energetic course it would be indispensable to be able to count on an energetic execution in every contingency175. This answer displayed an admirable patience—a patience of which Bryant might well have had a larger stock in the four years to come.
The first edition of the Evening Post on April 13 carried the news that the bombardment of Fort Sumter had begun, and carried also an editorial written with all Bryant’s high fervor176:
This is a day which will be ever memorable177 in our annals. To-day treason has risen from blustering words to cowardly deeds. Men made reckless by a long life of political gambling—for years cherishing treason next their hearts while swearing fealty178 to the government—have at last goaded179 themselves on to murder a small band of faithful soldiers. They have deliberately chosen the issue of battle. To-day, who hesitates in his allegiance is a traitor with them....
To-day the nation looks to the government to put down treason forever.... It will not grudge180 the men or the money which are needed. We have enjoyed for eighty years the blessings181 of liberty and constitutional government. It is a small sacrifice we are now to lay upon the altar. In the name of constitutional liberty, in the name of law and order, in the name of all that is dear to freemen, we shall put down treason and restore the supremacy of the Constitution.
The day was one of intense excitement. The Evening Post of Monday, April 15, reported that thousands of eager inquirers had thronged182 the streets in the neighborhood283 of the office and packed the counting-room downstairs until there was no room for a single additional person. The successive editions were seized upon madly. At five the first rumor183 of Sumter’s surrender came over the wires, and at five-thirty it was confirmed. Within a space of seconds rather than minutes the fourth edition, containing the complete news, was being cried on the streets. The Herald next morning sold 135,000 copies, a world’s record. That Monday Bryant’s leading editorial, “The union, Now and Forever,” took its text in the President’s call for volunteers. “If he calls for only 75,000,” said the Evening Post, “it is because he knows that he can have a million if he needs them.” George Cary Eggleston has said that he and Bryant’s other associates were often amazed to see how calmly he would write an editorial that proved full of intense eloquence184, every line blazing. This was such an editorial, ending in a ringing peroration185: “‘God speed the President!’ is the voice of millions of determined freemen to-day.”
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preservation
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possessed
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patriotism
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ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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subscriber
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| n.用户，订户；（慈善机关等的）定期捐款者；预约者；签署者 | |
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12
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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13
journalism
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| n.新闻工作，报业 | |
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14
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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16
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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17
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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18
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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19
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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22
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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23
bluster
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| v.猛刮；怒冲冲的说；n.吓唬，怒号；狂风声 | |
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24
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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25
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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26
incompatibility
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| n.不兼容 | |
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27
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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28
insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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29
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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30
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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31
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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32
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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33
secede
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| v.退出，脱离 | |
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34
secedes
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的第三人称单数 ) | |
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35
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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36
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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37
recreant
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| n.懦夫；adj.胆怯的 | |
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38
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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39
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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40
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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41
seceding
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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42
coerced
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| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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43
enquirer
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| 寻问者，追究者 | |
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44
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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45
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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46
whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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47
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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48
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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49
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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50
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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51
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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52
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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53
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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54
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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55
sneeringly
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| 嘲笑地，轻蔑地 | |
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56
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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57
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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58
levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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59
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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60
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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61
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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62
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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63
sleek
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| adj.光滑的，井然有序的；v.使光滑，梳拢 | |
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64
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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65
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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66
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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67
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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68
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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69
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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70
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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71
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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72
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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73
arsenals
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| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
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74
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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75
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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76
delusive
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| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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77
deluding
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的现在分词 ) | |
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78
plunging
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|
| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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79
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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80
mince
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| n.切碎物；v.切碎，矫揉做作地说 | |
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81
rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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82
divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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83
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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84
pandering
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的现在分词 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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85
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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86
repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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87
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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88
amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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89
embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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90
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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91
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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92
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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93
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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94
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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95
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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96
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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97
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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98
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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99
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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101
appropriations
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| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
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102
interdiction
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| n.禁止；封锁 | |
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103
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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104
imperturbably
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| adv.泰然地，镇静地，平静地 | |
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105
amicably
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| adv.友善地 | |
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106
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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107
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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108
avalanche
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| n.雪崩，大量涌来 | |
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109
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
knave
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| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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111
egregious
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| adj.非常的，过分的 | |
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112
sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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114
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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115
dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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116
seceded
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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119
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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120
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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121
ponderous
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| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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122
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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123
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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124
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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125
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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126
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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127
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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128
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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130
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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131
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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132
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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133
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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134
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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135
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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136
inaugural
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| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
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137
concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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138
pithy
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| adj.(讲话或文章)简练的 | |
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139
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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140
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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141
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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142
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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143
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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144
interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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145
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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146
decrying
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| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的现在分词 ) | |
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147
imperialistic
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| 帝国主义的，帝制的 | |
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148
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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149
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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150
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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151
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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152
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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153
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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154
joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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155
dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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156
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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157
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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158
disseminating
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的现在分词 ) | |
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159
erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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160
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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161
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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162
steadfastness
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| n.坚定，稳当 | |
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163
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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164
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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166
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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167
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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168
stolidity
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| n.迟钝，感觉麻木 | |
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169
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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170
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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172
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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173
peevish
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| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
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174
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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175
contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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176
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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177
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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178
fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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179
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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180
grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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181
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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182
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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184
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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185
peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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