We have all learned to revere17 the memory of the men who framed and adopted the Declaration of Independence. All men and all nations have learned to regard with admiration18 the energy, the courage, the fortitude19, the exhaustless patience with which our fathers fought the battles of freedom and inaugurated on this continent the “great experiment” of popular government. No one now dares to question the wisdom of their policy, the lofty purity of their lives and purposes, or the sublime20 quality of that heroic faith in the final triumph of their cause, which never failed them in the darkest hours of their long and bitter struggle to be free. There were tories then all around them, as there are tories now in the war we are waging, but there is no one now to vouchsafe21 a word of praise on behalf of the tories of the Revolution. They have sunk to that oblivion, or have earned that unenviable immortality22, which belongs to the lot of all who fail their country in its hour of trial, and have neither voice nor sympathy but for its enemies. Only those who aided the Colonies in their struggle with Britain and remembered now with gratitude. And having been, for eighty years and more, a great and prosperous and happy[7] people, we feel increasingly, as the years go by, that we cannot venerate24 the men too highly, through whose blood and tears, and prayers and blessings25, we were made and kept a nation. On a day like this, and in these hours of our history, facts like these have great significance.
It is one of the uses of history to teach us what are the noblest uses of life; what deeds live longest in the memories of men; what motives26 give greatest strength and nobility to character; what fruition follows godlike sacrifices for truth and duty; what ideas and principles, embodied27 in life, lift men above the common level and crown them with immortal23 honours. It is one of the uses of a day like this to turn us back to higher sources of inspiration, that we may be the more manfully fitted for the duties of our time, that we may learn the cost of liberty, and the worth of patriotism28, and the sacredness of principle, and the holiness of duty. It is one of the uses of a day like this to teach us that our selfish aims and interests and motives, our lives of luxury and frivolity29, of leisure-loving and wealth-seeking, all sink to a level of lowest significance, when contrasted with great heroic virtues30 such as bore our fathers through the storm and struggle of the Revolution. And when these lessons have been learned by a people, and when in the Providence of God the darkest hours of their history have come; when they are compelled themselves to strike for liberty or see it perish; when they have risen to that height of patriotism that they exclaim with old John Adams in ’76, that all that they have, and all that they are, and all that they hope for in this life, they are ready to stake upon the altar of their country; when, filled with such inspiration, they go forth31 from homes of happiness and peace to fields of carnage and of death, then, above all, does it belong to the uses of a day like this to teach the mourning women of the land, and the children that are fatherless, that these dying and dead soldiers are one with the heroes of the Revolution; that our country’s history will embalm32 their names with equal honour and a common[8] love, and that a grateful people throughout all the long and coming years will “keep their memory green.”
And this shall be my theme to-day; to consider whither the nation our fathers left us is drifting; to consider what we are fighting for; and to enquire33 whether the heroes of the struggle of to-day do not deserve equal honor with their illustrious sires. Nor have I any doubt of the fitness of this theme for the time and the occasion. For our fathers fought to create a nation. We fight to have that nation live, to keep it one and indivisible, and vain were the struggles of the Revolution, and vain the consecration34 of days like this to Revolutionary memories, if they failed to bring out into highest prominence35 such deeds as those of the past and passing year. Our fathers fought to create a nation. And for eighty years there was no sublimer36 sight beneath the stars than the nation they created. During these eighty years, this people grew from three to thirty millions, from thirteen to thirty-four States. They developed energies such as the world had seldom witnessed. With marvellous rapidity they levelled forests and builded cities; they tunnelled mountains, and cultivated valleys vast as empires; they made their mountain streams turn mills and factories and bear on their bosoms37 to the sea, and to all the world, the fruits of this industry and the products of the land. They dug out from the bosom38 of the rocky hills and from dark subterranean39 recesses40 a wealth greater than the Indies, and made the wilderness41 above them to “bud and blossom as the rose.” They grew to be a thinking, toiling42, tireless people, and turning from their material successes, they began to manifest progress and proficiency43 in literature, in science and in art. And all along they conducted a system of government which had no parallel in history, the success of which was distrusted by many of our early statesmen and by all the world beside. And high above all the evidences of their wealth and power, above all the beauties and beneficence of their soil and clime, rose the crowning fact that these teeming44, toiling millions were the freest people upon[9] earth; that they enjoyed, in larger measure than the world had ever known, the privileges and prerogatives45 that belong to manhood, and that they held inviolably sacred, as their fathers before them, their right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” I know to what criticism these remarks are open. I know somewhat of the faults and follies46 of this age and nation. I know how prone47 we are upon days like this to forget our mistakes, our follies and our crimes, and to indulge in strains of national eulogy48, and, I confess, these strains I have rarely relished49. I know, too, how common is the autocratic talk that the equal rights, the enlarged liberties, which our institutions secure to the citizen, tend only to license50 in thought and speech, to fanaticism51, to lawlessness, to disrespect of authority, to no-government. And yet I know that it has not been the bestowment of privileges upon the many, but the despotic domination of the irresponsible few that has always cursed humanity. And when I remember how seldom in all the world the fundamental rights of man have been ever recognized; how throughout all time the millions have been toiling, suffering, dying, to keep a few priests in power, or a few tyrants52 on their thrones; how the few, whom the accidents of birth or fortune have clothed with titles and dignities and powers, fill all the spaces of history, while the patient masses figure only as their suppliants53 and tools, then I am glad to turn to our eighty years of history, and through all its mistakes and blemishes54 and inconsistencies, to recognize the great central fact that has struggled upon this continent into endless life, that the rights of men are equal, that men have higher uses than to become appendages55 of nobility or parasites56 of royalty57, that birth and blood are nothing, that names and titles are nothing, that all the outward emblems58 of wealth and greatness are nothing, compared with the rights which all men possess in common, compared with the qualities with which God may, and often does, endow the humblest born of earth.
And this Nation which our Fathers founded, and which[10] thus expanded into eighty years of such vigorous life; how fares it now? It is racked and rent with civil war. In little more than a year, a hundred new battle-fields have been added to its history. Whole States are given up to desolation. The land is filled with mourners. Hearts are broken to-day, that a year ago beat high with hope, and love, and happiness. Childhood, and womanhood, and tottering60 age, its props61 all gone, are mingling62 their tears and prayers to-day, in the bitterness of a sorrow that will never end on earth.
I believe that the war now waged by our Northern armies is eminently63 just and righteous, or the world has never seen one. I believe that there never has been a time when the Government could have avoided the conflict without unutterable dishonour64, and that it will inherit and deserve the contempt of humanity if it fail to continue the struggle with the utmost vigor59, until every atom of this rebellion is crushed into annihilation. Whether this be the proper view to take of the war, or not, is a question of momentous65 import. For, if not, how can we find comfort for the mourners, who have sent forth the idols66 of their households to die in its cause; or how can we fitly rebuke67 those who would deepen these sorrows and dampen all patriotic68 ardor69, by their open sympathy with our enemies in arms? Therefore, does it become us to ask and answer the question, “What are we fighting for?” What we are not fighting for is apparent enough. We are not fighting for the abolition70 of slavery. We are not fighting, as Lord John Russell says, for empire. We are not fighting from love of power—from vindictiveness71 or hate. We are fighting simply for our own. We are fighting to establish, on foundations eternal as our mountains, one grand, stupendous, geographical72 fact, that the country and people lying between “the St. John’s and the Rio Grande, between the Tortugas Islands and Vancouver’s Land,” compose one Nation, and are called “The United States of America.”
In a public address I delivered in this city, some years[11] ago, occurred these words, viz.: “All over the land, the politicians are echoing the cry of disunion, but the people do not hear it, or do not heed73 it; they are busy at their workshops, on their farms, doing daily duty, earning daily bread, and they do not hear it; but when they do—when the talk of politicians begins to shape itself to deeds—they will smother74 the life out of this disunion cry.” I believed then, as I believe now, and as events have proved, if rightly interpreted, that the common sense of the common people—of the American masses—had long ago settled the true value of the American union. The intuitions of a people are better than their logic75. Their profoundest convictions make the least noise. Not by argument—not by the talk of politicians, nor the expositions of statesmen—but by the benefits and blessings that flow in upon them through the passing years, do men learn to measure best the value of their institutions. The greatest truths sink into the heart silently, like the dews of Heaven. As the influences of home and of Christian76 example mould and fix the character, so do the influences of good government and beneficent institutions settle the convictions of a people, unconsciously, noiselessly, but most profoundly. And it is often true, that nothing but some great world upheaval77 can arouse men to a consciousness of their slumbering78 powers, their sublime beliefs, and duties, and perils79. So still, and strong, and deep was the faith of the American people in the perpetuity and inestimable worth of the American union, that they could not believe it was in danger. But when they saw the danger, when they knew that rebel cannon were bombarding Sumter, and that the United States flag had been shot from the walls of a United States fort, then they rose. And when Banks was retreating, a month ago, they rose again; and all that they have done, all the treasure they have poured out, all the men they have sent to battle, all the sacrifices they have made, all the evidences they have given of an undying love of country, are nothing, nothing, compared[12] with what they yet will do, before they will let this union perish.
Before the bombardment of Sumter, party prejudice and strife80 were strong as ever. Men differed in opinion, and differed with great bitterness, about all the measures of Government. The cabinet of Buchanan became disintegrated81 with conflicting views of his policy. This policy was praised by many—blamed by more. Equal differences of opinion met the policy of the new President. Many thought his course too timid and temporizing82; many thought it too aggressive and bold, and feared (to use their execrable language) that “it would exasperate83 the South.” But when the bombardment came, then all men saw at a glance that a Government that could not feed its own starving garrisons—that could not command its own forts—was no government at all. They saw at once that the struggle was one of life and death. And then the Nation rose, and then the war began. The latent patriotism of the people, that had been growing and intensifying84 for three-quarters of a century, burst forth, at last, like a flame; and from that day to this, the only question before us—the question to be decided85 by cannon, and bullets, and bayonets—has been one of the existence of the American union. And whenever men now talk about conciliation86, and compromise, and peace, while five hundred thousand rebels are in arms, they are men of that doubtful patriotism, which would not shrink to see the great American union blotted87 from the list of Nations.
I have my own opinions about the deep underlying88 causes that have produced this war, and you have yours. But we will not discuss them to-day. They would revive old party issues; they would jar upon the proprieties89 of this occasion; they would detract from that unanimity90 of thought and action which should characterize all true patriots91 in the hour of a nation’s agony. The two facts that need to be remembered are, that the South aims to destroy the union, we aim only to preserve it; and it is not a question of opinion, it is not a question of party, it is simply a question[13] of patriotism, upon which side you are. There is no middle ground to stand upon. A man must be in favor of one thing or the other, either the prosecution92 of the war, on our behalf, to a triumphant93 end, or the destruction of the government. This is so clear that it were folly94 to reiterate95 it, did not some men claim to be neutral. Judge Douglas spoke96 words of truth that will live as long as his memory when he said “there can be but two classes in this contest, patriots and traitors97.” For the South is not fighting for concessions98 and compromises, and never has been; it is fighting to establish a new government and to break up the old. It wants no peace but upon this basis. And this basis is one which, by the help of God, the American people will never grant. And why? First, because they have learned to love their country as it is. Patriotism is among the grandest virtues. It belongs to the highest elements of character. It gives more lustre99 to historic names than almost any other single quality. It intensifies100 life and makes even death glorious and shadowless. But it implies objects. And a country to excite the loftiest patriotism is not made in a day, scarce in a century. It must have a history. In that history must be found the record of immortal names, immortal deeds and a career illustrating101 and exalting102 immortal principles. And such a country is ours, and it must include the whole country or patriotism, as we have learned it, is impossible.
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1
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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fragrant
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| adj.芬香的，馥郁的，愉快的 | |
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scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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natal
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| adj.出生的，先天的 | |
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wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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8
jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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10
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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flaunting
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| adj.招摇的，扬扬得意的，夸耀的v.炫耀，夸耀( flaunt的现在分词 )；有什么能耐就施展出来 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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revere
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| vt.尊崇，崇敬，敬畏 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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vouchsafe
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| v.惠予，准许 | |
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immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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embalm
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| v.保存（尸体）不腐 | |
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enquire
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| v.打听，询问；调查，查问 | |
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consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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sublimer
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| 使高尚者，纯化器 | |
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bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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41
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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42
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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43
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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44
teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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45
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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46
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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48
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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49
relished
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| v.欣赏( relish的过去式和过去分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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50
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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51
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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52
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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suppliants
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| n.恳求者，哀求者( suppliant的名词复数 ) | |
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blemishes
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| n.（身体的）瘢点( blemish的名词复数 )；伤疤；瑕疵；污点 | |
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appendages
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| n.附属物( appendage的名词复数 )；依附的人；附属器官；附属肢体（如臂、腿、尾等） | |
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56
parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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60
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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61
props
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| 小道具； 支柱( prop的名词复数 )； 支持者； 道具； （橄榄球中的）支柱前锋 | |
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62
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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64
dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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69
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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70
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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71
vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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74
smother
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| vt./vi.使窒息；抑制；闷死；n.浓烟；窒息 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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81
disintegrated
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82
temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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83
exasperate
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| v.激怒，使（疾病）加剧，使恶化 | |
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intensifying
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的现在分词 )；增辉 | |
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85
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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blotted
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| 涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 )； （用吸墨纸）吸干 | |
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underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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proprieties
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| n.礼仪，礼节；礼貌( propriety的名词复数 )；规矩；正当；合适 | |
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unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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reiterate
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| v.重申，反复地说 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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98
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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99
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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100
intensifies
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| n.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的名词复数 )v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的第三人称单数 ) | |
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101
illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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102
exalting
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| a.令人激动的，令人喜悦的 | |
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