There is another reason why we will not accept the destructive alternative demanded by the South. It is because we believe that by dismembering the union and establishing two or more separate governments upon its ruins, there can be no such thing as permanent peace. We believe that if you cut the Mississippi in two by the border[15] line of an alien nation, and deny the boundless15 wealth of the Mississippi Valley all access to the ocean, except under the frowning fortresses16 of a foreign power you cannot expect to have peace. We believe that to keep our rival systems of tariff17 and revenue from clashing, along a line extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, without natural defences, through vast regions of wild and thinly populated territory, is an impossibility.
And then there must be settled all the preliminaries of a dissolution—questions of boundary, questions of ownership of forts and public property—questions of division of the national debt, and of individual obligation—questions of river and harbor navigation; and then would arise, under forms vastly more difficult of adjustment all the old political questions that have alienated19 the sections; and then would come treaties and intrigues20 with foreign powers, and alliances entangling21 us with all the petty quarrels of Europe, and keeping us ever implacable enemies, thus rendering22 us impotent and without influence among nations. And this is the future to which we are invited. Now we have one cause of war; attempt to negotiate a dissolution of the union, and we shall have fifty. And the number would be all the more, by reason of the parties with whom we should have to negotiate. For, I maintain that a set of men, who, like the leaders of this rebellion, would destroy a government like ours, upon pretexts23 such as theirs, could not be negotiated with, without war. And until their pride is humbled24, their power broken, until they have been made to endure somewhat of the bitterness of that suffering they pour out so overwhelmingly upon others, until their arrogance25 and haughtiness26 are utterly27 abased28 in exile or on the scaffold, there can be no peace upon this continent.
There is still another reason why we will not consent to the disruption of the union. Because the probability is too great that it would end here, and in all the world, and for a thousand years the experiment of popular government. Already the South disdains29 the rule of the people. In a[16] population of ten millions, they have but three hundred thousand slaveholders. Yet, almost every man in power is a slaveholder. Hence, government with them is already in the hands of a class. And then, the tone of their press, and the speeches of their statesmen have aimed for years to degrade labour, have betrayed a growing dislike for the equality of rights demanded by our institutions, and have been coloured with all the assumption and the arrogance of an aristocracy.
And then, the doctrine30 of Secession, which, thirty years ago, we had supposed was crushed forever under the gigantic tread of Webster’s logic31 and the strokes of Jackson’s iron will—this principle of disintegration32 upon which they would base their government, would sooner or later drive them into despotism. And this principle would not be without effect upon the North, for it has many advocates here already. Men are as apt in learning lessons of evil as of good. One successful rebellion would become the parent of others. The theory of our government presupposes the existence of various and diverse local interests, to be controlled by local governments. It is impossible for these interests not to be sometimes subordinated to the general welfare. Establish two confederacies, and the constant temptation would be held out to States with similar local interests, fretting33 under imaginary grievances34, or maddened by party spirit, to strike off from the parent State on the one hand, and form alliances with similarly disaffected35 portions on the other. The interests of the Western and Southwestern States are quite as closely connected by the waters of the Ohio, the Mississippi, and the Missouri, as the interests of either are with the States upon the Atlantic seaboard, and would be quite as likely to be formed, ultimately, into a third and independent government as to remain united with the old. Oregon and California, washed by the waves of another ocean, and thousands of miles from the central government, would be especially difficult to hold by the North. And the worst future of any such subdivisions would be the necessity that[17] must arise for large and ever-increasing military establishments, both of the army and navy. A frequently recurring36 or a prolonged state of war not only eats up the substance and palsies the industry of a people, but it is incompatible37 with the enlarged liberties we claim for the citizen. The qualities of mind and heart which make the greatest generals are not commonly those which inculcate the highest regard for individual rights. The glare and glitter of military reputation cannot outshine, in all the avenues to power, the less ostentatious merits of the statesman and scholar without imperilling free institutions. We risk little from these causes now. No American general now, were he to manifest within a year more than the genius of the first Napoleon, could undertake to establish a dictatorship over the American people, without immediately falling from the pedestal of power. For we have not forgotten our earliest teachings. We have not forgotten that the name of Washington belongs to our history. We have been educated in the meaning of his great and glorious life, and no man now can command any large influence in American affairs, who is not as ready to lay down power as to take it up. But, let this people learn to lean, for half a century, upon the military arm; place them in a position in which questions must frequently arise to be settled only by the sword; agitate38 the peaceful current of their lives with ever-recurring waves of war; allow their individuality, their liberty of thought and speech, to become absorbed, year after year, in that oneness of purpose, that subordination to another’s will, which military law requires, and they will become as ready, as others have before them, to seek rest, stability and peace at the expense of liberty and equality, under the rigour of despotic rule.
There is one other thought I would refer to, in considering these causes, which keep the North so true to the union. It is this: these same causes must operate powerfully in hastening the return of the South to her allegiance, when once her military power is broken. I speak, now, upon the supposition that her military power can be broken. This I[18] have never doubted, and never expect to. If we crush her political and military leaders, stop for a season the systematic39 lying by which she has been deluded40, give her time to cool and consider, she will cheerfully return to her allegiance. If her territory were separated from ours by great natural barriers, if she were a distinct and oppressed nationality, like Poland, or Hungary, or Italy, or Ireland; if her people were of a different race, spoke41 a different language, professed42 a different religion, and were fighting in a righteous, or at least a reasonable cause,—then we might doubt the possibility of the restoration of good feeling. There is no doubt but that the South is carrying on the war with great unanimity43, for war creates its own arguments; but there is no reason to believe that the masses of the South have ever been convinced that their leaders were right in beginning the war, or that the breaking up of the union could ever ultimate in anything but disaster to themselves and their posterity44. There is great reason to believe that the arch leaders themselves did not contemplate45, at the outset, the destruction of this government, with a view of establishing two or more independent ones as a final result. They wanted a new constitution. They could not change the old one in a constitutional way; they chose to make a new one in an unconstitutional way. They expected the Border States would immediately come under it; they expected soon to absorb the Middle States, and the lower tier of the Northwestern States, and finally all the rest, when these had become sufficiently46 humbled. They expected to avoid civil war; they thought the North quite too craven and mercenary for that, and, as a chief means of success in accomplishing these ends, they counted upon the aid of a powerful party in the North. This aid they received, backed by such journals as the New York Herald47 and scores of others, all advocating the adoption48 of the Montgomery Constitution, until the bombardment of Fort Sumter awoke the loyalty49 of the Northern masses, and the majesty50 of the United States Government.
[19]
There is every reason to believe that, if the question of disunion had been fairly submitted to the people of the South, before the breaking out of the war, they would have decided51 overwhelmingly against it. The whole region had been so long saturated52 and cursed with the political heresies53 of Calhoun, that their regard for State rights, their feeling of State pride, had diminished greatly that sentiment of nationality so characteristic of the North. But every other reason I have given to-day in favour of the value of this union, every other reason that can be given, applies with equal force to the South as to the North. They can no more afford to do without the union, than we can. Neither can do without it, and ever prosper54. And once clear away the bitterness of passion, the pride, the rancour and the unreasonableness55 that belongs to a state of actual conflict, and the masses of the South will admit the fact. And when men say the union is already dissolved, because the sections are at war, they exhibit little knowledge of human nature or of human history. Have they forgotten that almost every country on the globe has had its great rebellion—has been scourged56 with civil war? Do they believe that the animosities now existing between the North and South are any more bitter, or likely to prove any more lasting58, than those engendered59 by the civil wars of England, or of France, or of Spain? I know these animosities will live long enough—too long; this generation will not survive them. Too much anguish60, and passion, and venom61 for that. But history will reproduce itself here as elsewhere; and when we remember the past, and how soothing62 are the influences of trade and commerce—how mutually dependent are the products and the industries of the sections—how we are bound together by railroads, and telegraphs, and water-courses, and ties of consanguinity,—there is every reason to believe that, the rebellion conquered, the return of good feeling would be more speedy and more complete than has usually followed the scourge57 of civil war.
Thus, fellow citizens, have I attempted to show to you[20] to-day what they fight for who fight for the union—what those forces are that nerve the arms and inspire the souls of the people: 1st, the sentiment of nationality—a love of country, not bounded by State lines, but including the whole country, with its historic names and memories; 2nd, a belief that no permanent peace could follow a dissolution of the union, and that the wars it would produce would prove vastly more desolating63 and unending than the one now waging; and, 3d, the probability, the almost certainty, that such dissolution would finally result in the entire abandonment of the democratic principle in government.
I am aware that, in enlarging upon these points, I have told you nothing new. I have, perhaps, told you little from which you would dissent64. Times like these make all men thinkers, and on all cardinal65 points all patriots66 think alike. We are crowding years into days. Instinctively67 we recognize our duties. We learn not now our lessons of highest wisdom from one another. Events, God’s teachers and inspirers, are bringing to the surface all our nobler qualities. The objects we had set before us as being worthy68 the struggle of a life, have all sunk to a lower level, and higher objects have arisen, demanding self-abandonment, self-sacrifice, and absorbing the whole soul in love of country, in care for its honour, in sorrow for its misfortunes, in joy for its triumphs, in devotion to its service even unto death. The prosecution69 of this war is not with us a matter of choice; we do not regard it as a matter about which we have any right to hesitate or consult our own wishes or interests; it comes to us in the sphere of our highest duties; it prompts us to ask, not so much what we owe ourselves, as what we owe posterity; and we know we shall deserve the just condemnation70 of history, and the eternal execration72 of our children, if we do not sacrifice every selfish aim, every social comfort, every domestic tie, every interest of property or life, rather than have this union divided. Beside this question of union, the question of slavery, deemed so important by many, sinks out of sight. Not but that the latter has important[21] bearings on the war, both in the relation of cause and cure, but the great issue before us is not one of the good or ill of four millions of blacks, but of thirty millions of whites. The majestic73 duty of the hour is to save this union, for ourselves, for our children and the children of those who would destroy it, for the unborn millions of the North and South, the East and the West. Let us, then, honour the dead who die in this cause, and the living mothers who bore them; let us honour the heroes who survive the conflict; let their children be taught to prize the names they inherit, and let it be the joy of the living and the solace74 of those who mourn the dead, that the men whose names are enrolled75 on the side of the Government, in the battles of ’61 and ’62, will live forever in the hearts of their countrymen, side by side with the soldiers of our great Washington. And, moreover, if this war be as righteous as we believe it, it becomes us to counteract76, by word and deed, those influences, so widespread, so noxious77, and withal so active in diffusing78 a contrary belief. For there are some men in all sections of the North, some even in the halls of Congress, some men and some women in every community, who stigmatise this war on our behalf as wicked and inhuman79; and it would be a shame upon our civilization, a reproach upon our courage, our intelligence and our patriotism80, and the moral tone of our communities, if we did not meet these calumnies81 with fitting rebuke82, and if we did not our utmost to prevent a shade of doubt or suspicion as to the righteous nature of this war from polluting our northern air, and from invading those northern homes made desolate83 by the news of battle and of loved ones dying amid its terrors. This is no time for half-way measures or half-way men. This is no time for the deepest convictions of the heart to falter84 upon the lips, from motives85 of mere86 worldly prudence87. Things must be called by their right names. Deeds must be approved or emphatically condemned88. Men must be what they seem. For or against the Government they must take their stand. Justice, and judgment89, and mercy, demand that there be no trifling,[22] no concealment90, no equivocation91 now. Wars have been, may be again, about which we can differ, but this is not one of them.
The President of the United States is exerting all his powers, as it is his duty to do, to save the government from destruction. Greater responsibility never rested upon a ruler, and he has done his duty eminently92 well. He has a right to the sympathy and active aid of every citizen. In some respects he may have overstepped his constitutional powers. Men, if true and loyal, may differ from him as to his policy and prerogatives93, and their opinions be entitled to respect, but they should praise vastly more than blame. But men, who condemn71 him yet condemn not the rebellion he is trying to crush are not entitled to respect. The President, his advisers94 and agents may err18; they are but human, but their object is to save the Constitution and union; the object of the South is the destruction of both, and wherever and whenever you find men who denounce the former fiercely and the latter faintly, whose eyes are so microscopic95 that they can discover, in the records of Congress and the departments, flaws in legislation and frauds in contracts, and yet cannot see the tremendous fraud and crime of this rebellion; whenever you find men who cry peace, peace, and who mean by peace, and can’t mean otherwise, the independence of the South, the submission96 of the North, the dissolution of the union and the death of republican liberty, then you have found the deadliest foes your country has in these dark and trying hours.
We shall succeed in crushing this Rebellion. True, tidings of disaster float upon the air. God pity the dying soldier, and the desolate homes throughout the land. If we have lost a great battle the war is just begun. We may lose one battle, we may lose fifty, but we will gain more than we lose, and will conquer in the end. We have two men to their one; we have ten times their wealth; we hold the sea, we have infinite resources in reserve upon land; we have a cause that will keep us ever hopeful and defiant97, and[23] in the end we must conquer. But we have lessons of wisdom yet to learn, and we must learn some from our enemies. Every dollar of property among them, owned by us, they confiscate98 and use against us in war. Every dollar of debt owed by their citizens to ours they claim as the property of their government. They tolerate no enemies among them. Men who do not heartily99 support them they drive out of their country, or into the ranks of their armies. We have not dared to attack them with their own weapons. They never can be conquered till we do; and it may be true that we can only learn wisdom in the severe school of defeat and disaster. But learn it we must and will, and we will teach them, and teach the world, at whatever sacrifice of means and life, that republican liberty in America was not born to die. We know, and we must teach them, that our life-long enthusiasm for popular government, our life-long hope for its spread throughout the world, that all the memories that cluster around this sacred day, hallowing our past and brightening our future, are all involved in, are impossible without, the perpetuity of this union. We know that our lives are worth nothing, that all our aims and achievements are valueless, that we can claim no high standard for conduct or character, that we can find no link to bind100 us to the immortal101 men who signed that Declaration,{1} if we are to leave behind us, as a heritage for our children, a union “divided, discordant102, belligerent,” instead of “Liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable.”
{1} The Declaration of Independence which had just been read by John Rodgers, Esq.
The End
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1
mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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blotting
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| 吸墨水纸 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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savannas
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| n.（美国东南部的）无树平原( savanna的名词复数 )；（亚）热带的稀树大草原 | |
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venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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erase
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| v.擦掉；消除某事物的痕迹 | |
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ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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entangling
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| v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的现在分词 ) | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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haughtiness
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| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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abased
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| 使谦卑( abase的过去式和过去分词 )； 使感到羞耻； 使降低（地位、身份等）； 降下 | |
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disdains
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| 鄙视，轻蔑( disdain的名词复数 ) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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fretting
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| n. 微振磨损 adj. 烦躁的, 焦虑的 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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agitate
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| vi.(for,against)煽动，鼓动；vt.搅动 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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53
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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unreasonableness
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| 无理性； 横逆 | |
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56
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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62
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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noxious
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| adj.有害的，有毒的；使道德败坏的，讨厌的 | |
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diffusing
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| （使光）模糊，漫射，漫散( diffuse的现在分词 )； （使）扩散； （使）弥漫； （使）传播 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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equivocation
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| n.模棱两可的话，含糊话 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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microscopic
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| adj.微小的，细微的，极小的，显微的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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100
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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