OF all that extensive empire which once acknowledged the authority of Spain in the New World, no portion, for interest and importance, can be compared with Mexico;—and this equally, whether we consider the variety of its soil and climate; the inexhaustible stores of its mineral wealth; its scenery, grand and picturesque2 beyond example; the character of its ancient inhabitants, not only far surpassing in intelligence that of the other North American races, but reminding us, by their monuments, of the primitive civilization of Egypt and Hindostan; or, lastly, the peculiar3 circumstances of its Conquest, adventurous4 and romantic as any legend devised by Norman or Italian bard5 of chivalry6. It is the purpose of the present narrative7 to exhibit the history of this Conquest, and that of the remarkable8 man by whom it was achieved.
But, in order that the reader may have a better understanding of the subject, it will be well, before entering on it, to take a general survey of the po{4}litical and social institutions of the races who occupied the land at the time of its discovery.
The country of the ancient Mexicans, or Aztecs as they were called, formed but a very small part of the extensive territories comprehended in the modern republic of Mexico.[4] Its boundaries cannot be defined with certainty. They were much enlarged in the latter days of the empire, when they may be considered as reaching from about the eighteenth degree north, to the twenty-first, on the Atlantic; and from the fourteenth to the nineteenth, including a very narrow strip, on the Pacific.[5] In its greatest breadth, it could not ex{5}ceed five degrees and a half, dwindling10, as it approached its southeastern limits, to less than two. It covered, probably, less than sixteen thousand square leagues.[6] Yet such is the remarkable formation of this country, that, though not more than twice as large as New England, it presented every variety of climate, and was capable of yielding nearly every fruit, found between the equator and the Arctic circle.
All along the Atlantic, the country is bordered by a broad tract11, called the tierra caliente, or hot region, which has the usual high temperature of equinoctial lands. Parched12 and sandy plains are intermingled with others, of exuberant14 fertility, almost impervious15 from thickets16 of aromatic17 shrubs18 and wild flowers, in the midst of which tower up{6} trees of that magnificent growth which is found only within the tropics. In this wilderness19 of sweets lurks20 the fatal malaria21, engendered22, probably, by the decomposition23 of rank vegetable substances in a hot and humid soil.[7] The season of the bilious24 fever,—vómito, as it is called,—which scourges25 these coasts, continues from the spring to the autumnal equinox, when it is checked by the cold winds that descend26 from Hudson’s Bay. These winds in the winter season frequently freshen into tempests, and sweeping27 down the Atlantic coast and the winding28 Gulf29 of Mexico, burst with the fury of a hurricane on its unprotected shores, and on the neighboring West India islands. Such are the mighty30 spells with which Nature has surrounded this land of enchantment31, as if to guard the golden treasures locked up within its bosom32. The genius and enterprise of man have proved more potent33 than her spells.
After passing some twenty leagues across this burning region, the traveller finds himself rising into a purer atmosphere. His limbs recover their elasticity34. He breathes more freely, for his senses are not now oppressed by the sultry heats and intoxicating35 perfumes of the valley. The aspect of nature, too, has changed, and his eye no longer revels36 among the gay variety of colors with which the landscape was painted there. The vanilla37, the indigo38, and the flowering cacao-groves disappear as he advances. The sugar-cane and the glossy-leaved banana still accompany him; and, when he{7} has ascended39 about four thousand feet, he sees in the unchanging verdure, and the rich foliage40 of the liquid-amber tree, that he has reached the height where clouds and mists settle, in their passage from the Mexican Gulf. This is the region of perpetual humidity; but he welcomes it with pleasure, as announcing his escape from the influence of the deadly vómito.[8] He has entered the tierra templada, or temperate41 region, whose character resembles that of the temperate zone of the globe. The features of the scenery become grand, and even terrible. His road sweeps along the base of mighty mountains, once gleaming with volcanic42 fires, and still resplendent in their mantles43 of snow, which serve as beacons44 to the mariner45, for many a league at sea. All around he beholds46 traces of their ancient combustion47, as his road passes along vast tracts48 of lava49, bristling50 in the innumerable fantastic forms into which the fiery51 torrent52 has been thrown by the obstacles in its career. Perhaps, at the same moment, as he casts his eye down some steep slope, or almost unfathomable ravine, on the margin54 of the road, he sees their depths glowing with the rich blooms and enamelled vegetation of the tropics. Such are the singular contrasts pre{8}sented, at the same time, to the senses, in this picturesque region!
Still pressing upwards55, the traveller mounts into other climates, favorable to other kinds of cultivation57. The yellow maize58, or Indian corn, as we usually call it, has continued to follow him up from the lowest level; but he now first sees fields of wheat, and the other European grains brought into the country by the Conquerors59. Mingled13 with them, he views the plantations60 of the aloe or maguey (agave Americana), applied61 to such various and important uses by the Aztecs. The oaks now acquire a sturdier growth, and the dark forests of pine announce that he has entered the tierra fria, or cold region,—the third and last of the great natural terraces into which the country is divided. When he has climbed to the height of between seven and eight thousand feet, the weary traveller sets his foot on the summit of the Cordillera of the Andes,—the colossal62 range that, after traversing South America and the Isthmus63 of Darien, spreads out, as it enters Mexico, into that vast sheet of table-land which maintains an elevation64 of more than six thousand feet, for the distance of nearly two hundred leagues, until it gradually declines in the higher latitudes65 of the north.[9]
Across this mountain rampart a chain of vol{9}canic hills stretches, in a westerly direction, of still more stupendous dimensions, forming, indeed, some of the highest land on the globe. Their peaks, entering the limits of perpetual snow, diffuse66 a grateful coolness over the elevated plateaus below; for these last, though termed “cold,” enjoy a climate the mean temperature of which is not lower than that of the central parts of Italy.[10] The air is exceedingly dry; the soil, though naturally good, is rarely clothed with the luxuriant vegetation of the lower regions. It frequently, indeed, has a parched and barren aspect, owing partly to the greater evaporation67 which takes place on these lofty plains, through the diminished pressure of the atmosphere, and partly, no doubt, to the want of trees to shelter the soil from the fierce influence of the summer sun. In the time of the Aztecs, the table-land was thickly covered with larch68, oak, cypress69, and other forest trees, the extraordinary dimensions of some of which, remaining to the present day, show that the curse of barrenness in later times is chargeable more on man than on nature.{10} Indeed, the early Spaniards made as indiscriminate war on the forest as did our Puritan ancestors, though with much less reason. After once conquering the country, they had no lurking70 ambush71 to fear from the submissive, semi-civilized72 Indian, and were not, like our forefathers73, obliged to keep watch and ward56 for a century. This spoliation of the ground, however, is said to have been pleasing to their imaginations, as it reminded them of the plains of their own Castile,—the table-land of Europe;[11] where the nakedness of the landscape forms the burden of every traveller’s lament74 who visits that country.
Midway across the continent, somewhat nearer the Pacific than the Atlantic Ocean, at an elevation of nearly seven thousand five hundred feet, is the celebrated75 Valley of Mexico. It is of an oval form, about sixty-seven leagues in circumference,[12] and is encompassed76 by a towering rampart of porphyritic rock, which nature seems to have provided, though ineffectually, to protect it from invasion.
The soil, once carpeted with a beautiful verdure{11} and thickly sprinkled with stately trees, is often bare, and, in many places, white with the incrustation of salts caused by the draining of the waters. Five lakes are spread over the Valley, occupying one-tenth of its surface.[13] On the opposite borders of the largest of these basins, much shrunk in its dimensions[14] since the days of the Aztecs, stood the cities of Mexico and Tezcuco, the capitals of the two most potent and flourishing states of Anahuac, whose history, with that of the mysterious races that preceded them in the country,[15] exhibits some{12} of the nearest approaches to civilization to be met with anciently on the North American continent.
Of these races the most conspicuous77 were the Toltecs. Advancing from a northerly direction, but from what region is uncertain,[16] they entered the{13} territory of Anahuac,[17] probably before the close of the seventh century. Of course, little can be{14} gleaned78 with certainty respecting a people whose written records have perished, and who are known to us only through the traditionary legends of the nations that succeeded them.[18] By the general agreement of these, however, the Toltecs were well{15} instructed in agriculture and many of the most useful mechanic arts; were nice workers of metals; invented the complex arrangement of time adopted by the Aztecs; and, in short, were the true fountains of the civilization which distinguished79 this part of the continent in later times.[19] They established their capital at Tula, north of the Mexican Valley, and the remains80 of extensive buildings were to be discerned there at the time of the Conquest.[20] The noble ruins of religious and other edifices81, still to be seen in various parts of New Spain, are referred to this people, whose name, Toltec, has passed into a synonym82 for architect.[21] Their shadowy history reminds us of those primitive races who preceded the ancient Egyp{16}tians in the march of civilization; fragments of whose monuments, as they are seen at this day, incorporated with the buildings of the Egyptians themselves, give to these latter the appearance of almost modern constructions.[22]
After a period of four centuries, the Toltecs, who had extended their sway over the remotest borders of Anahuac,[23] having been greatly reduced, it is said, by famine, pestilence83, and unsuccessful wars, disappeared from the land as silently and mysteriously as they had entered it. A few of them still lingered behind, but much the greater number, probably, spread over the region of Central America and the neighboring isles84; and the traveller now speculates on the majestic85 ruins of Mitla and Palenque, as possibly the work of this extraordinary people.[24][25]
After the lapse86 of another hundred years, a numerous and rude tribe, called the Chichimecs, en{17}tered the deserted87 country from the regions of the far Northwest. They were speedily followed by other races, of higher civilization, perhaps of the same family with the Toltecs, whose language they appear to have spoken. The most noted88 of these were the Aztecs or Mexicans, and the Acolhuans. The latter, better known in later times by the name of Tezcucans, from their capital, Tez{18}cuco,[26] on the eastern border of the Mexican lake, were peculiarly fitted, by their comparatively mild religion and manners, for receiving the tincture of civilization which could be derived89 from the few Toltecs that still remained in the country.[27] This, in their turn, they communicated to the barbarous Chichimecs, a large portion of whom became amalgamated90 with the new settlers as one nation.[28]
Availing themselves of the strength derived, not{19} only from this increase of numbers, but from their own superior refinement91, the Acolhuans gradually stretched their empire over the ruder tribes in the north; while their capital was filled with a numerous population, busily employed in many of the more useful and even elegant arts of a civilized community. In this palmy state, they were suddenly assaulted by a warlike neighbor, the Tepanecs, their own kindred, and inhabitants of the same valley as themselves. Their provinces were overrun, their armies beaten, their king assassinated92, and the flourishing city of Tezcuco became the prize of the victor. From this abject93 condition the uncommon94 abilities of the young prince, Nezahualcoyotl, the rightful heir to the crown, backed by the efficient aid of his Mexican allies, at length redeemed95 the state, and opened to it a new career of prosperity, even more brilliant than the former.[29]
The Mexicans, with whom our history is principally concerned, came also, as we have seen, from the remote regions of the North,—the populous96 hive of nations in the New World, as it has been in{20} the Old.[30] They arrived on the borders of Anahuac towards the beginning of the thirteenth century, some time after the occupation of the land by the kindred races. For a long time they did not establish themselves in any permanent residence, but continued shifting their quarters to different parts of the Mexican Valley, enduring all the casualties and hardships of a migratory97 life. On one occasion they were enslaved by a more powerful tribe; but their ferocity soon made them formidable to their masters.[31] After a series of wanderings and adventures which need not shrink from comparison{21} with the most extravagant98 legends of the heroic ages of antiquity99, they at length halted on the southwestern borders of the principal lake, in the year 1325. They there beheld100, perched on the stem of a prickly pear, which shot out from the crevice101 of a rock that was washed by the waves, a royal eagle of extraordinary size and beauty, with a serpent in his talons102, and his broad wings opened to the rising sun. They hailed the auspicious103 omen53, announced by an oracle104 as indicating the site of their future city, and laid its foundations by sinking piles into the shallows; for the low marshes105 were half buried under water. On these they erected106 their light fabrics107 of reeds and rushes, and sought a precarious108 subsistence from fishing, and from the wild fowl109 which frequented the waters, as well as from the cultivation of such simple vegetables as they could raise on their floating gardens. The place was called Tenochtitlan, in token of its miraculous110 origin, though only known to Europeans by its other name of Mexico,[32] derived from their war-god, Mexitli.[33] The legend of its foundation is still further commemorated111 by the device of the eagle and the cactus112, which form the arms{22} of the modern Mexican republic. Such were the humble113 beginnings of the Venice of the Western World.[34][35]
The forlorn condition of the new settlers was made still worse by domestic feuds114. A part of the citizens seceded115 from the main body, and formed a separate community on the neighboring marshes. Thus divided, it was long before they could aspire116 to the acquisition of territory on the main land. They gradually increased, however, in numbers, and strengthened themselves yet more by various improvements in their polity and military discipline, while they established a reputation for courage as well as cruelty in war which made their{23} name terrible throughout the Valley. In the early part of the fifteenth century, nearly a hundred years from the foundation of the city, an event took place which created an entire revolution in the circumstances and, to some extent, in the character of the Aztecs. This was the subversion117 of the Tezcucan monarchy118 by the Tepanecs, already noticed. When the oppressive conduct of the victors had at length aroused a spirit of resistance, its prince, Nezahualcoyotl, succeeded, after incredible perils119 and escapes, in mustering120 such a force as, with the aid of the Mexicans, placed him on a level with his enemies. In two successive battles, these were defeated with great slaughter121, their chief slain122, and their territory, by one of those sudden reverses which characterize the wars of petty states, passed into the hands of the conquerors. It was awarded to Mexico, in return for its important services.[36]
Then was formed that remarkable league, which, indeed, has no parallel in history. It was agreed between the states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and the neighboring little kingdom of Tlacopan, that they should mutually support each other in their wars, offensive and defensive123, and that in the distribution of the spoil one-fifth should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder be divided, in what proportions is uncertain, between the other powers. The Tezcucan writers claim an equal share for their nation with the Aztecs. But this does not seem to{24} be warranted by the immense increase of territory subsequently appropriated by the latter. And we may account for any advantage conceded to them by the treaty, on the supposition that, however inferior they may have been originally, they were, at the time of making it, in a more prosperous condition than their allies, broken and dispirited by long oppression. What is more extraordinary than the treaty itself, however, is the fidelity124 with which it was maintained. During a century of uninterrupted warfare125 that ensued, no instance occurred where the parties quarrelled over the division of the spoil, which so often makes shipwreck126 of similar confederacies among civilized states.[37]
The allies for some time found sufficient occupation for their arms in their own valley; but they soon overleaped its rocky ramparts, and by the middle of the fifteenth century, under the first Montezuma, had spread down the sides of the table-land to the borders of the Gulf of Mexico. Tenochtitlan, the Aztec capital, gave evidence of the public prosperity. Its frail127 tenements128 were{25} supplanted129 by solid structures of stone and lime. Its population rapidly increased. Its old feuds were healed. The citizens who had seceded were again brought under a common government with the main body, and the quarter they occupied was permanently130 connected with the parent city; the dimensions of which, covering the same ground, were much larger than those of the modern capital of Mexico.[38][39]
Fortunately, the throne was filled by a succession of able princes, who knew how to profit by their enlarged resources and by the martial131 enthusiasm of the nation. Year after year saw them return, loaded with the spoils of conquered cities, and with throngs132 of devoted133 captives, to their capital. No state was able long to resist the accumulated strength of the confederates. At the beginning{26} of the sixteenth century, just before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Aztec dominion134 reached across the continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and, under the bold and bloody135 Ahuitzotl, its arms had been carried far over the limits already noticed as defining its permanent territory, into the farthest corners of Guatemala and Nicaragua. This extent of empire, however limited in comparison with that of many other states, is truly wonderful, considering it as the acquisition of a people whose whole population and resources had so recently been comprised within the walls of their own petty city, and considering, moreover, that the conquered territory was thickly settled by various races, bred to arms like the Mexicans, and little inferior to them in social organization. The history of the Aztecs suggests some strong points of resemblance to that of the ancient Romans, not only in their military successes, but in the policy which led to them.[40]
The most important contribution, of late years, to the early history of Mexico is the Historia antigua of the Lic. Don. Mariano Veytia, published in the city of Mexico, in 1836. This scholar was born of an ancient and highly respectable family at Puebla, 1718. After finishing his academic education, he went to Spain, where he was kindly136 received at court. He afterwards visited several other countries of Europe, made himself acquainted with their languages, {27}and returned home well stored with the fruits of a discriminating137 observation and diligent138 study. The rest of his life he devoted to letters; especially to the illustration of the national history and antiquities139. As the executor of the unfortunate Boturini, with whom he had contracted an intimacy140 in Madrid, he obtained access to his valuable collection of manuscripts in Mexico, and from them, and every other source which his position in society and his eminent141 character opened to him, he composed various works, none of which, however, except the one before us, has been admitted to the honors of the press. The time of his death is not given by his editor, but it was probably not later than 1780.
Veytia’s history covers the whole period from the first occupation of Anahuac to the middle of the fifteenth century, at which point his labors142 were unfortunately terminated by his death. In the early portion he has endeavored to trace the migratory movements and historical annals of the principal races who entered the country. Every page bears testimony143 to the extent and fidelity of his researches; and, if we feel but moderate confidence in the results, the fault is not imputable144 to him, so much as to the dark and doubtful nature of the subject. As he descends145 to later ages, he is more occupied with the fortunes of the Tezcucan than with those of the Aztec dynasty, which have been amply discussed by others of his countrymen. The premature146 close of his labors prevented him, probably, from giving that attention to the domestic institutions of the people he describes, to which they are entitled as the most important subject of inquiry147 to the historian. The deficiency has been supplied by his judicious148 editor, Orteaga, from other sources. In the early part of his work, Veytia has explained the chronological149 system of the Aztecs, but, like most writers preceding the accurate Gama, with indifferent success. As a critic, he certainly ranks much higher than the annalists who preceded him, and, when his own religion is not involved, shows a discriminating judgment150. When it is, he betrays a full measure of the credulity which still maintains its hold on too many even of the well-informed of his countrymen. The editor of the work has given a very interesting letter from the Abbé Clavigero to Veytia, written when the former was a poor and humble exile, and in the tone of one addressing a person of high standing9 and literary eminence151. Both were employed on the same subject. The writings of the poor abbé, published again and again, and translated into various languages, have spread his fame throughout Europe; while the name of Veytia, whose works have been locked up in their primitive manuscript, is scarcely known beyond the boundaries of Mexico.
[The opinions set forth152 by Mr. Prescott respecting the Mexican empire were attacked with much vigor153 by Lewis H. Morgan. Mr. Morgan demonstrated conclusively154 that many of those opinions were erroneous. But, as Payne says in his History of the New World called America, vol i. p. 306, “his results cannot be regarded {28}as satisfactory, much less as final.” The Spanish chroniclers Prescott consulted were correct ordinarily in their statement of facts, but were misleading in their conclusions because of their inability to comprehend the Aztec institutions.
In his Ancient Society, p. 186, Mr. Morgan says: “The histories of Spanish America may be trusted in whatever relates to the acts of the Spaniards, and to the acts and personal characteristics of the Indians; in whatever relates to their weapons, implements157 and utensils158, fabrics, food and raiment, and things of a similar character. But in whatever relates to Indian society and government, their social relations and plan of life, they are nearly worthless, because they learned nothing and knew nothing of either. We are at full liberty to reject them in these respects and commence anew, using any facts they may contain which harmonize with what is known of Indian society.” He does not, however, always observe his own rules if those rules seem to militate against the thesis he is endeavoring to establish. Moreover, he is so dogmatic in his statements and so confident in the infallibility of his own judgment, that the reader who is seeking simply to ascertain159 the truth about the whole matter is oftentimes intensely exasperated160 with him. This is especially true with respect to the famous essay on “Montezuma’s Dinner,” where he writes almost as though he had been a guest at the banquet and had partaken of the viands161 which were there consumed. As Mr. Morgan may justly be regarded as the founder162 of a school, it is well to state his views at length.
According to him, then, there was no kingdom or empire of Mexico. There was simply a confederacy of three tribes, and this confederacy was a military democracy. The governmental powers were vested in a council of chiefs with a general commander. The council exercised all civil power, the military power being left in the hands of the war chief. There were no feudal163 castles inhabited by lawless lords. There were only great communal164 houses tenanted by clans166.
In his brilliant work on Ancient Society, Mr. Morgan places below civilization two stages of development—savagery and barbarism. The invention of pottery168 marks the difference between these two stages. The savage167 makes no pottery. When the women of the savage tribes used vessels169 of fire-hardened clay for boiling their food they had passed into the first stage of barbarism. Elsewhere there were pastoral stages of development. In North America there were none. The only domesticated170 animal its inhabitants possessed171 when the Europeans landed on the continent was the dog. The first stage of barbarism in North America was marked by the cultivation of maize or Indian corn. This grain can be cultivated more easily than any other cereal. No other yields such enormous returns. In virgin172 soil it is only necessary to drop the {29}seed into the earth. Nature cares for its complete development. But virgin soil becomes exhausted173 in a few years. As population becomes denser174 and migrations175 cease to be practicable, the land must be more carefully tilled, and, where rains are comparatively infrequent, must be irrigated176. Irrigation and the use of adobe177 (sun-dried brick) and stone in building mark the beginning of the second period of barbarism. In this period also tools of stone give place to those of metal, the metal used in America being copper178. The Aztecs, the Mayas, and, in South America, the Peruvians were in the second period. But to the third period, when the smelting179 of iron ore was invented, these people never passed.
The invention of a phonetic181 alphabet and the use of written records, Mr. Morgan thinks, mark the beginning of civilization. But, as John Fiske points out, it will not do to insist too narrowly upon the phonetic alphabet. Hieroglyphics182 have perpetuated183 much historic record in Egypt and China. Although the Mexicans and Central Americans did not smelt180 iron ore, they yet possessed historic records in their hieroglyphics (hieroglyphics which may still be read). They were then enjoying civilization of an extremely rude type, combined with a marvellously developed barbarism. For though their barbarism was marked by human sacrifices and by cannibalism184, yet, according to testimony which Mr. Morgan says may be taken at its face value, these barbarians185 had pleasure-gardens and fountains, baths, menageries, feather-work that was marvellously beautiful, pottery that showed admirable taste, vessels of gold and silver, and many other accessories of an advanced civilization.
Mr. Morgan was adopted into the Seneca tribe of North American Indians, and he was able to study Indian institutions from an inside point of view. Unquestionably he had a more profound knowledge of those institutions than any other scholar of his time. But he went too far when he confined the Aztecs to the narrow limits in development to which the Senecas had attained186. Moreover, he does not make due allowance for the changes in development which the more favorable climate of the Mexican table-lands brought about. The “long house” of the Iroquois may have been constructed on the same general plan, but it could hardly have been mistaken for the building in which Montezuma quartered Cortés and his allies. The one meal, freshly cooked and eaten about midday, bore but little resemblance to the banquets in Mexico described with such watery187 appreciation188 by the Spanish chroniclers. (Morgan admits that these same chroniclers may be trusted when they write of food and other such palpable matters.)
But Mr. Morgan is unquestionably right in saying that Montezuma’s so-called “empire” was really a confederacy of tribes—living in pueblos189, governed by a council of chiefs, and levying190 tribute upon other pueblos. The Aztec confederacy dominated the Mexican land as the Iroquois confederacy dominated the region between the Connecticut and the Mississippi. To assert that otherwise the{30} two nations were alike both in their institutions and in their development is as unwarranted as to say that the governmental institutions and the political development of the United States and Venezuela are identical.
How did this confederacy come to be formed?
The earliest family group was the clan165. As Sir Henry Maine points out in his Ancient Law, the individual was nothing in ancient society, the state was nothing, the family was everything. This statement holds good everywhere, for America as well as for India. A group of clans made up a phratry or brotherhood191; a group of phratries made a tribe. This threefold grouping was universal. The Greek phratry, the Roman curia, the Teutonic hundred were analogous192 institutions. In the clans kinship was always derived through the female line. The Mutterrecht everywhere prevailed.{*}
{*} [This subject Mr. Morgan treats with a master’s hand in his Houses and House Life of the American Aborigines.]
μ?τηρ με? τ? ?μ? ψησι Του ?μμεναι ?υτ?ρ ?γωγε
ο?κ ?ιδ, ?υ γαρ π? τι? ?ον γ?νον ?υτ?? ?ν?γνω
In that middle stage of barbarism when men began to acquire property, when warriors194 of valor195 converted to their uses what had once been common property,—herds of cattle, wives, etc.,—when polygamy became a custom, kinship came to be reckoned through the male line. In this way relationship was mightily196 changed. But in aboriginal America where domesticated animals were unknown this change did not take place as early as it did elsewhere. In Mexico the change did not probably come much before the century of the Conquest. Kinship was through females only. The exogamous clan (the system which required that the spouse197 should be taken from another clan) was the unit of the social structure, not the family.
House life found expression in architecture. One underlying198 principle was everywhere apparent—namely, adaptation to communal living. Gradations in culture were evident from the buildings.{*} Thus, the “long house” of the Iroquois, from fifty to one hundred feet long, divided into compartments199 every six or eight feet, and roughly constructed from timber and bark, betokened200 very different conditions from those which prevailed among the pueblos of the Zu?i Indians, with their immense structures of adobe and of stone.
{*} [This subject Mr. Morgan treats with a master’s hand in his Houses and House Life of the American Aborigines.]
In the communal house woman ruled. To her belonged the personal property. Because it was derived through her, this property remained always with the exogamous clan. Thus, marriage made very little difference to woman’s maintenance. If the husband who had come into the house proved to be lazy and otherwise worthless, divorce was easy, and he was sent back to his own.{31}
From its own members the clan elected a sachem to attend to civil matters, and a chief to direct its military affairs.
The son could not succeed his father in these offices, but a brother might succeed a brother. (This was true of the Indian tribe to which Powhatan belonged. Had James I of England been aware of this fact, he would not have looked with such jealous eyes upon his subject Rolfe who had married the Indian princess Pocahontas.) The clan was always known by some distinctive201 name, usually that of some animal—beaver, fox, wolf, etc.
When the clan became so large as to be unwieldy, it split up into phratries. The “phratry” was at first a religious and social organization; and one of its chief duties was the prosecution202 of criminals. (The Teutonic hundred was ever ready to exact “wehrgeld.”) “The tribe” was usually the highest attainment203 in organization of which the aborigines of America were capable. The Mexican confederacy was the most interesting and important of their permanent organizations. The Spaniards did not understand the principles on which this confederacy was founded, because it was entirely204 unlike anything with which they were familiar.—M.]
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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picturesque
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peculiar
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adventurous
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bard
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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narrative
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remarkable
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standing
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dwindling
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| adj.逐渐减少的v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的现在分词 ) | |
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11
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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12
parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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13
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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14
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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15
impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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16
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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17
aromatic
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| adj.芳香的，有香味的 | |
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18
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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19
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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20
lurks
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| n.潜在，潜伏；（lurk的复数形式）vi.潜伏，埋伏（lurk的第三人称单数形式） | |
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21
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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22
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
decomposition
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| n. 分解, 腐烂, 崩溃 | |
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24
bilious
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| adj.胆汁过多的；易怒的 | |
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25
scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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26
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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27
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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28
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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29
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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30
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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31
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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32
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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33
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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34
elasticity
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| n.弹性，伸缩力 | |
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35
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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36
revels
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| n.作乐( revel的名词复数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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37
vanilla
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| n.香子兰，香草 | |
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38
indigo
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| n.靛青，靛蓝 | |
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39
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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41
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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42
volcanic
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|
| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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43
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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44
beacons
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|
| 灯塔( beacon的名词复数 )； 烽火； 指路明灯； 无线电台或发射台 | |
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45
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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46
beholds
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| v.看，注视( behold的第三人称单数 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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47
combustion
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|
| n.燃烧；氧化；骚动 | |
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48
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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49
lava
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| n.熔岩，火山岩 | |
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50
bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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51
fiery
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|
| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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52
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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53
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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54
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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55
upwards
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|
| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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56
ward
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|
| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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57
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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58
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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59
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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60
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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61
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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62
colossal
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|
| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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63
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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64
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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65
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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66
diffuse
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|
| v.扩散；传播；adj.冗长的；四散的，弥漫的 | |
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67
evaporation
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| n.蒸发，消失 | |
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68
larch
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| n.落叶松 | |
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69
cypress
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| n.柏树 | |
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70
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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71
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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72
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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73
forefathers
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|
| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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74
lament
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|
| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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75
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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76
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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77
conspicuous
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|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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78
gleaned
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|
| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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79
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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80
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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81
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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82
synonym
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|
| n.同义词，换喻词 | |
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83
pestilence
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|
| n.瘟疫 | |
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84
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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85
majestic
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|
| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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86
lapse
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|
| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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87
deserted
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|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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88
noted
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|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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89
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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90
amalgamated
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|
| v.（使）（金属）汞齐化( amalgamate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）合并；联合；结合 | |
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91
refinement
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|
| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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92
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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93
abject
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|
| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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94
uncommon
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|
| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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95
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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96
populous
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|
| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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97
migratory
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| n.候鸟，迁移 | |
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98
extravagant
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|
| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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99
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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100
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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101
crevice
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| n.(岩石、墙等)裂缝；缺口 | |
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102
talons
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| n.（尤指猛禽的）爪( talon的名词复数 )；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物；锁簧尖状突出部 | |
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103
auspicious
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|
| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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104
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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105
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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106
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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107
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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108
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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109
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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110
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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111
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
cactus
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| n.仙人掌 | |
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113
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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114
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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115
seceded
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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117
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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118
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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119
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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120
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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121
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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122
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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123
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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124
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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125
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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126
shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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127
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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128
tenements
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| n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
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129
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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131
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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132
throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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133
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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134
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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135
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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136
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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137
discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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139
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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140
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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142
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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143
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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144
imputable
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| adj.可归罪的，可归咎的，可归因的 | |
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descends
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| v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 )；下去；下降；下斜 | |
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146
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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147
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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148
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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149
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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150
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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151
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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152
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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153
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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154
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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158
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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159
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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160
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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161
viands
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| n.食品，食物 | |
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162
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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163
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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165
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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167
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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pottery
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| n.陶器，陶器场 | |
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169
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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170
domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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172
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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denser
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| adj. 不易看透的, 密集的, 浓厚的, 愚钝的 | |
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migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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176
irrigated
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| [医]冲洗的 | |
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177
adobe
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| n.泥砖，土坯，美国Adobe公司 | |
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178
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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179
smelting
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| n.熔炼v.熔炼，提炼（矿石）( smelt的现在分词 ) | |
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180
smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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181
phonetic
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| adj.语言的，语言上的，表示语音的 | |
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182
hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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183
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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184
cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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185
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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186
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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187
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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188
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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189
pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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190
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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191
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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192
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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193
odyssey
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| n.长途冒险旅行；一连串的冒险 | |
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194
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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195
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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196
mightily
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| ad.强烈地；非常地 | |
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197
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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198
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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199
compartments
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| n.间隔( compartment的名词复数 )；（列车车厢的）隔间；（家具或设备等的）分隔间；隔层 | |
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200
betokened
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| v.预示，表示( betoken的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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202
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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203
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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204
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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