THE civil polity of the Aztecs is so closely blended with their religion that without understanding the latter it is impossible to form correct ideas of their government or their social institutions. I shall pass over, for the present, some remarkable2 traditions, bearing a singular resemblance to those found in the Scriptures4, and endeavor to give a brief sketch5 of their mythology and their careful provisions for maintaining a national worship.
Mythology may be regarded as the poetry of religion, or rather as the poetic6 development of the religious principle in a primitive7 age. It is the effort of untutored man to explain the mysteries of existence, and the secret agencies by which the operations of nature are conducted. Although the growth of similar conditions of society, its character must vary with that of the rude tribes in which it originates; and the ferocious8 Goth, quaffing9 mead10 from the skulls11 of his slaughtered13 enemies, must have a very different mythology from that of the effeminate native of Hispaniola, loiter{67}ing away his hours in idle pastimes, under the shadow of his bananas.
At a later and more refined period, we sometimes find these primitive legends combined into a regular system under the hands of the poet, and the rude outline moulded into forms of ideal beauty, which are the objects of adoration14 in a credulous15 age, and the delight of all succeeding ones. Such were the beautiful inventions of Hesiod and Homer, “who,” says the Father of History, “created the theogony of the Greeks;” an assertion not to be taken too literally16, since it is hardly possible that any man should create a religious system for his nation.[97] They only filled up the shadowy outlines of tradition with the bright touches of their own imaginations, until they had clothed them in beauty which kindled17 the imaginations of others. The power of the poet, indeed, may be felt in a similar way in a much riper period of society. To say nothing of the “Divina Commedia,” who is there that rises from the perusal18 of “Paradise Lost” without feeling his own conceptions of the angelic hierarchy19 quickened by those of the inspired artist, and a new and sensible form, as it were, given to images which had before floated dim and undefined before him?
The last-mentioned period is succeeded by that of philosophy; which, disclaiming20 alike the legends of the primitive age and the poetical21 embel{68}lishments of the succeeding one, seeks to shelter itself from the charge of impiety22 by giving an allegorical interpretation24 to the popular mythology, and thus to reconcile the latter with the genuine deductions25 of science.
The Mexican religion had emerged from the first of the schools we have been considering, and, although little affected26 by poetical influences, had received a peculiar27 complexion28 from the priests, who had digested as thorough and burdensome a ceremonial as ever existed in any nation. They had, moreover, thrown the veil of allegory over early tradition, and invested their deities29 with attributes savoring30 much more of the grotesque31 conceptions of the Eastern nations in the Old World, than of the lighter32 fictions of Greek mythology, in which the features of humanity, however exaggerated, were never wholly abandoned.[98]
In contemplating33 the religious system of the Aztecs, one is struck with its apparent incongruity34, as if some portion of it had emanated35 from a comparatively refined people, open to gentle influences, while the rest breathes a spirit of unmitigated ferocity. It naturally suggests the idea of two distinct sources, and authorizes36 the belief that the Aztecs had inherited from their predecessors37 a milder faith, on which was afterwards engrafted{69} their own mythology. The latter soon became dominant38, and gave its dark coloring to the creeds39 of the conquered nations,—which the Mexicans, like the ancient Romans, seem willingly to have incorporated into their own,—until the same funereal40 superstition41 settled over the farthest borders of Anahuac.
The Aztecs recognized the existence of a supreme42 Creator and Lord of the universe. They addressed him, in their prayers, as “the God by whom we live,” “omnipresent, that knoweth all thoughts, and giveth all gifts,” “without whom man is as nothing,” “invisible, incorporeal43, one God, of perfect perfection and purity,” “under whose wings we find repose44 and a sure defence.” These sublime45 attributes infer no inadequate46 conception of the true God. But the idea of unity—of a being with whom volition47 is action, who has no need of inferior ministers to execute his purposes—was too simple, or too vast, for their understandings; and they sought relief, as usual, in a plurality of deities, who presided over the elements, the changes of the seasons, and the various occupations of man.[99] Of these, there were thirteen principal deities, and more than two hundred inferior; to each of whom some special day or appropriate festival was consecrated48.{70}[100]
At the head of all stood the terrible Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican Mars; although it is doing injustice49 to the heroic war-god of antiquity50 to identify him with this sanguinary monster. This was the patron deity51 of the nation. His fantastic image was loaded with costly52 ornaments53. His temples were the most stately and august of the public edifices54; and his altars reeked55 with the blood of human hecatombs in every city of the empire. Disastrous56 indeed must have been the influence of such a superstition on the character of the people. {71} [101]
A far more interesting personage in their mythology was Quetzalcoatl, god of the air, a divinity who, during his residence on earth, instructed the{72} natives in the use of metals, in agriculture, and in the arts of government. He was one of those benefactors57 of their species, doubtless, who have been deified by the gratitude58 of posterity59. Under him, the earth teemed60 with fruits and flowers, without the pains of culture. An ear of Indian corn was as much as a single man could carry. The cotton, as it grew, took, of its own accord, the rich dyes of human art. The air was filled with intoxicating61 perfumes and the sweet melody of birds. In short, these were the halcyon62 days, which find a place in the mythic systems of so many nations in the Old World. It was the golden age of Anahuac.[102]
From some cause, not explained, Quetzalcoatl incurred64 the wrath65 of one of the principal gods, and was compelled to abandon the country. On his way he stopped at the city of Cholula, where a{73} temple was dedicated66 to his worship, the massy ruins of which still form one of the interesting relics67 of antiquity in Mexico. When he reached the shores of the Mexican Gulf68, he took leave of his followers69, promising70 that he and his descendants would revisit them hereafter, and then, entering his wizard skiff, made of serpents’ skins, embarked71 on the great ocean for the fabled72 land of Tlapallan. He was said to have been tall in stature73, with a white skin, long, dark hair, and a flowing beard. The Mexicans looked confidently to the return of the benevolent74 deity; and this remarkable tradition, deeply cherished in their hearts, prepared the way, as we shall see hereafter, for the future success of the Spaniards.[103]
We have not space for further details respecting the Mexican divinities, the attributes of many of whom were carefully defined, as they descended75,{75} in regular gradation, to the penates or household gods, whose little images were to be found in the humblest dwelling77.
The Aztecs felt the curiosity, common to man in almost every stage of civilization, to lift the veil which covers the mysterious past and the more awful future. They sought relief, like the nations of the Old Continent, from the oppressive idea of eternity78, by breaking it up into distinct cycles, or periods of time, each of several thousand years’ duration. There were four of these cycles, and at the end of each, by the agency of one of the elements, the human family was swept from the earth, and the sun blotted79 out from the heavens, to be again rekindled81.{76}[104]
They imagined three separate states of existence in the future life. The wicked, comprehending the greater part of mankind, were to expiate82 their sins in a place of everlasting83 darkness. Another class, with no other merit than that of having died of certain diseases, capriciously selected, were to enjoy a negative existence of indolent contentment. The highest place was reserved, as in most warlike nations, for the heroes who fell in battle, or in sacrifice. They passed at once into the presence of the Sun, whom they accompanied with songs and choral dances in his bright progress through the heavens; and, after some years, their spirits went to animate84 the clouds and singing-birds of beautiful plumage, and to revel85 amidst the rich blossoms and odors of the gardens of paradise.[105] Such was the heaven of the Aztecs; more refined in its character than that of the more polished pagan, whose elysium reflected only the martial86 sports or sensual gratifications of this{77} life.[106] In the destiny they assigned to the wicked, we discern similar traces of refinement87; since the absence of all physical torture forms a striking contrast to the schemes of suffering so ingeniously devised by the fancies of the most enlightened nations.[107] In all this, so contrary to the natural suggestions of the ferocious Aztec, we see the evidences of a higher civilization,[108] inherited from their predecessors in the land.
Our limits will allow only a brief allusion88 to one or two of their most interesting ceremonies. On the death of a person, his corpse89 was dressed in the peculiar habiliments of his tutelar deity. It was strewed90 with pieces of paper, which operated as{78} charms against the dangers of the dark road he was to travel. A throng91 of slaves, if he were rich, was sacrificed at his obsequies. His body was burned, and the ashes, collected in a vase, were preserved in one of the apartments of his house. Here we have successively the usages of the Roman Catholic, the Mussulman, the Tartar, and the ancient Greek and Roman; curious coincidences, which may show how cautious we should be in adopting conclusions founded on analogy.[109]
A more extraordinary coincidence may be traced with Christian92 rites93, in the ceremony of naming their children. The lips and bosom94 of the infant were sprinkled with water, and “the Lord was implored95 to permit the holy drops to wash away the sin that was given to it before the foundation of the world; so that the child might be born anew.”[110] We are reminded of Christian morals, in more than one of their prayers, in which they used regular forms. “Wilt thou blot80 us out, O Lord, forever? Is this punishment intended, not{79} for our reformation, but for our destruction?” Again, “Impart to us, out of thy great mercy, thy gifts, which we are not worthy97 to receive through our own merits.” “Keep peace with all,” says another petition; “bear injuries with humility98; God, who sees, will avenge99 you.” But the most striking parallel with Scripture3 is in the remarkable declaration that “he who looks too curiously100 on a woman commits adultery with his eyes.”[111] These pure and elevated maxims101, it is true, are mixed up with others of a puerile102, and even brutal103, character, arguing that confusion of the moral perceptions which is natural in the twilight104 of civilization. One would not expect, however, to meet, in such a state of society, with doctrines105 as sublime as any inculcated by the enlightened codes of ancient philosophy.{80}[112]
But although the Aztec mythology gathered nothing from the beautiful inventions of the poet or from the refinements106 of philosophy, it was much indebted, as I have noticed, to the priests, who endeavored to dazzle the imagination of the people by the most formal and pompous107 ceremonial. The influence of the priesthood must be greatest in an imperfect state of civilization, where it engrosses108 all the scanty109 science of the time in its own body. This is particularly the case when the science is of that spurious kind which is less occupied with the real phenomena110 of nature than with the fanciful chimeras111 of human superstition. Such are the sciences of astrology and divination112, in which the Aztec priests were well initiated113; and, while they seemed to hold the keys of the future in their own hands, they impressed the ignorant people with sentiments of superstitious114 awe115, beyond that which has probably existed in any other country,—even in ancient Egypt.
The sacerdotal order was very numerous; as may be inferred from the statement that five thousand priests were, in some way or other, attached to the{81} principal temple in the capital. The various ranks and functions of this multitudinous body were discriminated116 with great exactness. Those best instructed in music took the management of the choirs117. Others arranged the festivals conformably to the calendar. Some superintended the education of youth, and others had charge of the hieroglyphical118 paintings and oral traditions; while the dismal120 rites of sacrifice were reserved for the chief dignitaries of the order. At the head of the whole establishment were two high-priests, elected from the order, as it would seem, by the king and principal nobles, without reference to birth, but solely121 for their qualifications, as shown by their previous conduct in a subordinate station. They were equal in dignity, and inferior only to the sovereign, who rarely acted without their advice in weighty matters of public concern.[113]
The priests were each devoted122 to the service of some particular deity, and had quarters provided within the spacious123 precincts of their temple; at least, while engaged in immediate124 attendance there,—for they were allowed to marry, and have families of their own. In this monastic residence{82} they lived in all the stern severity of conventual discipline. Thrice during the day, and once at night, they were called to prayers. They were frequent in their ablutions and vigils, and mortified125 the flesh by fasting and cruel penance,—drawing blood from their bodies by flagellation, or by piercing them with the thorns of the aloe; in short, by practising all those austerities to which fanaticism126 (to borrow the strong language of the poet) has resorted, in every age of the world,
“In hopes to merit heaven by making earth a hell.”[114]
The great cities were divided into districts, placed under the charge of a sort of parochial clergy127, who regulated every act of religion within their precincts. It is remarkable that they administered the rites of confession128 and absolution. The secrets of the confessional were held inviolable, and penances129 were imposed of much the same kind as those enjoined130 in the Roman Catholic Church. There were two remarkable peculiarities131 in the Aztec ceremony. The first was, that, as the repetition of an offence once atoned132 for was deemed inexpiable, confession was made but once in a man’s life, and was usually deferred133 to a late period of it, when the penitent134 unburdened his conscience and settled at once the long arrears135 of iniquity136.[115] Another peculiarity137 was, that priestly absolution{83} was received in place of the legal punishment of offences, and authorized138 an acquittal in case of arrest. Long after the Conquest, the simple natives, when they came under the arm of the law, sought to escape by producing the certificate of their confession.[116]
One of the most important duties of the priesthood was that of education, to which certain buildings were appropriated within the enclosure of the principal temple. Here the youth of both sexes, of the higher and middling orders, were placed at a very tender age. The girls were intrusted to the care of priestesses; for women were allowed to exercise sacerdotal functions, except those of sacrifice.[117] In these institutions the boys were drilled{84} in the routine of monastic discipline; they decorated the shrines140 of the gods with flowers, fed the sacred fires, and took part in the religious chants and festivals. Those in the higher school—the Calmecac, as it was called—were initiated in their traditionary lore96, the mysteries of hieroglyphics141, the principles of government, and such branches of astronomical142 and natural science as were within the compass of the priesthood. The girls learned various feminine employments, especially to weave and embroider143 rich coverings for the altars of the gods. Great attention was paid to the moral discipline of both sexes. The most perfect decorum prevailed; and offences were punished with extreme rigor144, in some instances with death itself. Terror, not love, was the spring of education with the Aztecs.[118]
At a suitable age for marrying, or for entering into the world, the pupils were dismissed, with much ceremony, from the convent, and the recommendation of the principal often introduced those most competent to responsible situations in public life. Such was the crafty145 policy{85} of the Mexican priests, who, by reserving to themselves the business of instruction, were enabled to mould the young and plastic mind according to their own wills, and to train it early to implicit146 reverence147 for religion and its ministers; a reverence which still maintained its hold on the iron nature of the warrior148, long after every other vestige149 of education had been effaced150 by the rough trade to which he was devoted.
To each of the principal temples, lands were annexed151 for the maintenance of the priests. These estates were augmented152 by the policy or devotion of successive princes, until, under the last Montezuma, they had swollen153 to an enormous extent, and covered every district of the empire. The priests took the management of their property into their own hands; and they seem to have treated their tenants154 with the liberality and indulgence characteristic of monastic corporations. Besides the large supplies drawn155 from this source, the religious order was enriched with the first-fruits, and such other offerings as piety23 or superstition dictated156. The surplus beyond what was required for the support of the national worship was distributed in alms among the poor; a duty strenuously157 prescribed by their moral code. Thus we find the same religion inculcating lessons of pure philanthropy, on the one hand, and of merciless extermination158, as we shall soon see, on the other. The inconsistency will not appear incredible to those who are familiar with the history of the Roman{86} Catholic Church, in the early ages of the Inquisition.[119]
The Mexican temples—teocallis, “houses of God,” as they were called[120]—were very numerous. There were several hundreds in each of the principal cities, many of them, doubtless, very humble76 edifices. They were solid masses of earth, cased with brick or stone, and in their form somewhat resembled the pyramidal structures of ancient Egypt. The bases of many of them were more than a hundred feet square, and they towered to a still greater height. They were distributed into four or five stories, each of smaller dimensions than that below. The ascent159 was by a flight of steps, at an angle of the pyramid, on the outside. This led to a sort of terrace, or gallery, at the base of the second story, which passed quite round the building to another flight of stairs, commencing also at the same angle as the preceding and directly over it, and leading to a similar terrace; so{87} that one had to make the circuit of the temple several times, before reaching the summit. In some instances the stairway led directly up the centre of the western face of the building. The top was a broad area, on which were erected160 one or two towers, forty or fifty feet high, the sanctuaries161 in which stood the sacred images of the presiding deities. Before these towers stood the dreadful stone of sacrifice, and two lofty altars, on which fires were kept, as inextinguishable as those in the temple of Vesta. There were said to be six hundred of these altars, on smaller buildings within the enclosure of the great temple of Mexico, which, with those on the sacred edifices in other parts of the city, shed a brilliant illumination over its streets, through the darkest night.[121][122]
From the construction of their temples, all religious services were public. The long processions of priests, winding163 round their massive sides, as they rose higher and higher towards the summit, and the dismal rites of sacrifice performed there, were all visible from the remotest corners of the capital, impressing on the spectator’s mind a su{88}perstitious veneration164 for the mysteries of his religion, and for the dread162 ministers by whom they were interpreted.
This impression was kept in full force by their numerous festivals. Every month was consecrated to some protecting deity; and every week, nay165, almost every day, was set down in their calendar for some appropriate celebration; so that it is difficult to understand how the ordinary business of life could have been compatible with the exactions of religion. Many of their ceremonies were of a light and cheerful complexion, consisting of the national songs and dances, in which both sexes joined. Processions were made of women and children crowned with garlands and bearing offerings of fruits, the ripened166 maize167, or the sweet incense168 of copal and other odoriferous gums, while the altars of the deity were stained with no blood save that of animals.[123] These were the peaceful rites derived169 from their Toltec predecessors, on which the fierce Aztecs engrafted a superstition too loathsome170 to be exhibited in all its nakedness, and one over which I would gladly draw a veil altogether, but that it would leave the reader in ignorance of their most striking institution, and one that had the greatest influence in forming the national character.
Human sacrifices were adopted by the Aztecs early in the fourteenth century, about two hundred{89} years before the Conquest.[124] Rare at first, they became more frequent with the wider extent of their empire; till, at length, almost every festival was closed with this cruel abomination. These religious ceremonials were generally arranged in such a manner as to afford a type of the most prominent circumstances in the character or history of the deity who was the object of them. A single example will suffice.
One of their most important festivals was that in honor of the god Tezcatlipoca,[125] whose rank was inferior only to that of the Supreme Being. He was called “the soul of the world,” and supposed to have been its creator. He was depicted171 as a handsome man, endowed with perpetual youth. A year before the intended sacrifice, a captive, distinguished172 for his personal beauty, and without a blemish173 on his body, was selected to represent this deity. Certain tutors took charge of him, and in{90}structed him how to perform his new part with becoming grace and dignity. He was arrayed in a splendid dress, regaled with incense and with a profusion174 of sweet-scented flowers, of which the ancient Mexicans were as fond as their descendants at the present day. When he went abroad, he was attended by a train of the royal pages, and, as he halted in the streets to play some favorite melody, the crowd prostrated175 themselves before him, and did him homage176 as the representative of their good deity. In this way he led an easy, luxurious177 life, till within a month of his sacrifice. Four beautiful girls, bearing the names of the principal goddesses, were then selected to share the honors of his bed; and with them he continued to live in idle dalliance, feasted at the banquets of the principal nobles, who paid him all the honors of a divinity.
At length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived. The term of his short-lived glories was at an end. He was stripped of his gaudy178 apparel, and bade adieu to the fair partners of his revelries. One of the royal barges179 transported him across the lake to a temple which rose on its margin180, about a league from the city. Hither the inhabitants of the capital flocked, to witness the consummation of the ceremony. As the sad procession wound up the sides of the pyramid, the unhappy victim threw away his gay chaplets of flowers, and broke in pieces the musical instruments with which he had solaced181 the hours of captivity182. On the summit he was received by six priests, whose long and matted locks flowed disorderly over their sable183 robes, covered with hieroglyphic119 scrolls184 of mystic import.{91} They led him to the sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its upper surface somewhat convex. On this the prisoner was stretched. Five priests secured his head and his limbs; while the sixth, clad in a scarlet185 mantle186, emblematic187 of his bloody188 office, dexterously189 opened the breast of the wretched victim with a sharp razor of itztli,—a volcanic190 substance, hard as flint,—and, inserting his hand in the wound, tore out the palpitating heart. The minister of death, first holding this up towards the sun, an object of worship throughout Anahuac, cast it at the feet of the deity to whom the temple was devoted, while the multitudes below prostrated themselves in humble adoration. The tragic191 story of this prisoner was expounded192 by the priests as the type of human destiny, which, brilliant in its commencement, too often closes in sorrow and disaster.[126]
Such was the form of human sacrifice usually practised by the Aztecs. It was the same that often met the indignant eyes of the Europeans in their progress through the country, and from the dreadful doom193 of which they themselves were not exempted194. There were, indeed, some occasions when preliminary tortures, of the most exquisite195 kind,—with which it is unnecessary to shock the{92} reader,—were inflicted196, but they always terminated with the bloody ceremony above described. It should be remarked, however, that such tortures were not the spontaneous suggestions of cruelty, as with the North American Indians, but were all rigorously prescribed in the Aztec ritual, and doubtless were often inflicted with the same compunctious visitings which a devout197 familiar of the Holy Office might at times experience in executing its stern decrees.[127] Women, as well as the other sex, were sometimes reserved for sacrifice. On some occasions, particularly in seasons of drought, at the festival of the insatiable Tlaloc, the god of rain, children, for the most part infants, were offered up. As they were borne along in open litters, dressed in their festal robes, and decked with the fresh blossoms of spring, they moved the hardest heart to pity, though their cries were drowned in the wild chant of the priests, who read in their tears a favorable augury198 for their petition. These innocent victims were generally bought by the{93} priests of parents who were poor, but who stifled199 the voice of nature, probably less at the suggestions of poverty than of a wretched superstition.[128]
The most loathsome part of the story—the manner in which the body of the sacrificed captive was disposed of—remains200 yet to be told. It was delivered to the warrior who had taken him in battle, and by him, after being dressed, was served up in an entertainment to his friends. This was not the coarse repast of famished201 cannibals, but a banquet teeming202 with delicious beverages203 and delicate viands204, prepared with art, and attended by both sexes, who, as we shall see hereafter, conducted themselves with all the decorum of civilized205 life. Surely, never were refinement and the extreme of barbarism brought so closely in contact with each other.[129]
Human sacrifices have been practised by many nations, not excepting the most polished nations of antiquity;[130] but never by any, on a scale to be com{94}pared with those in Anahuac. The amount of victims immolated206 on its accursed altars would stagger the faith of the least scrupulous207 believer. Scarcely any author pretends to estimate the yearly sacrifices throughout the empire at less than twenty thousand, and some carry the number as high as fifty thousand![131]
On great occasions, as the coronation of a king or the consecration208 of a temple, the number becomes still more appalling209. At the dedication210 of the great temple of Huitzilopochtli, in 1486, the prisoners, who for some years had been reserved for the purpose, were drawn from all quarters to the capital. They were ranged in files, forming a procession nearly two miles long. The ceremony consumed several days, and seventy thousand captives are said to have perished at the shrine139 of this terrible deity! But who can believe that so numerous a body would have suffered themselves to be led unresistingly like sheep to the slaughter12? Or how could their remains, too great for consumption in
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the ordinary way, be disposed of, without breeding a pestilence211 in the capital? Yet the event was of recent date, and is unequivocally attested212 by the best-informed historians.[132] One fact may be considered certain. It was customary to preserve the skulls of the sacrificed, in buildings appropriated to the purpose. The companions of Cortés counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand in one of these edifices![133] Without attempting a precise calculation, therefore, it is safe to conclude that thousands were yearly offered up, in the different cities of Anahuac, on the bloody altars of the Mexican divinities.[134]
Indeed, the great object of war, with the Aztecs, was quite as much to gather victims for their sac{96}rifices as to extend their empire. Hence it was that an enemy was never slain213 in battle, if there were a chance of taking him alive. To this circumstance the Spaniards repeatedly owed their preservation214. When Montezuma was asked “why he had suffered the republic of Tlascala to maintain her independence on his borders,” he replied, “that she might furnish him with victims for his gods”! As the supply began to fail, the priests, the Dominicans of the New World, bellowed215 aloud for more, and urged on their superstitious sovereign by the denunciations of celestial216 wrath. Like the militant217 churchmen of Christendom in the Middle Ages, they mingled218 themselves in the ranks, and were conspicuous219 in the thickest of the fight, by their hideous220 aspect and frantic221 gestures. Strange, that, in every country, the most fiendish passions of the human heart have been those kindled in the name of religion![135]
The influence of these practices on the Aztec character was as disastrous as might have been ex{97}pected. Familiarity with the bloody rites of sacrifice steeled the heart against human sympathy, and begat a thirst for carnage, like that excited in the Romans by the exhibitions of the circus. The perpetual recurrence222 of ceremonies, in which the people took part, associated religion with their most intimate concerns, and spread the gloom of superstition over the domestic hearth223, until the character of the nation wore a grave and even melancholy224 aspect, which belongs to their descendants at the present day. The influence of the priesthood, of course, became unbounded. The sovereign thought himself honored by being permitted to assist in the services of the temple. Far from limiting the authority of the priests to spiritual matters, he often surrendered his opinion to theirs, where they were least competent to give it. It was their opposition225 that prevented the final capitulation which would have saved the capital. The whole nation, from the peasant to the prince, bowed their necks to the worst kind of tyranny, that of a blind fanaticism.
In reflecting on the revolting usages recorded in the preceding pages, one finds it difficult to reconcile their existence with anything like a regular form of government, or an advance in civilization.[136] Yet the Mexicans had many claims to the{98} character of a civilized community. One may, perhaps, better understand the anomaly, by reflecting on the condition of some of the most polished countries in Europe in the sixteenth century, after the establishment of the modern Inquisition,—an institution which yearly destroyed its thousands, by a death more painful than the Aztec sacrifices; which armed the hand of brother against brother, and, setting its burning seal upon the lip, did more to stay the march of improvement than any other scheme ever devised by human cunning.
Human sacrifice, however cruel, has nothing in it degrading to its victim. It may be rather said to ennoble him by devoting him to the gods. Although so terrible with the Aztecs, it was sometimes voluntarily embraced by them, as the most glorious death and one that opened a sure passage into{99} paradise.[137] The Inquisition, on the other hand, branded its victims with infamy226 in this world, and consigned227 them to everlasting perdition in the next.
One detestable feature of the Aztec superstition, however, sunk it far below the Christian. This was its cannibalism228,[138] though, in truth, the Mexicans were not cannibals in the coarsest acceptation of the term. They did not feed on human flesh merely to gratify a brutish appetite, but in obedience229 to their religion. Their repasts were made of the victims whose blood had been poured out on the altar of sacrifice. This is a distinction worthy of notice.[139] Still, cannibalism, under any form or whatever sanction, cannot but have a fatal influence on the nation addicted230 to it. It suggests ideas so loathsome, so degrading to man, to his spiritual{100} and immortal231 nature, that it is impossible the people who practise it should make any great progress in moral or intellectual culture. The Mexicans furnish no exception to this remark. The civilization which they possessed232 descended from the Toltecs, a race who never stained their altars, still less their banquets, with the blood of man.[140] All that deserved the name of science in Mexico came from this source; and the crumbling233 ruins of edifices attributed to them, still extant in various parts of New Spain, show a decided234 superiority in their architecture over that of the later races of Anahuac. It is true, the Mexicans made great proficiency235 in many of the social and mechanic arts, in that material culture,—if I may so call it,—the natural growth of increasing opulence236, which ministers to the gratification of the senses. In purely237 intellectual progress they were behind the Tezcucans, whose wise sovereigns came into the abominable238 rites of their neighbors with reluctance239 and practised them on a much more moderate scale.{101}[141]
In this state of things, it was beneficently ordered by Providence240 that the land should be delivered over to another race, who would rescue it from the brutish superstitions241 that daily extended wider and wider with extent of empire.[142] The debasing institutions of the Aztecs furnish the best apology for their conquest. It is true, the conquerors242 brought along with them the Inquisition. But they also brought Christianity, whose benign243 radiance would still survive when the fierce flames of fanaticism should be extinguished; dispelling244 those dark forms of horror which had so long brooded over the fair region of Anahuac.
The most important authority in the preceding chapter, and, indeed, wherever the Aztec religion is concerned, is Bernardino de Sahagun, a Franciscan friar, contemporary with the Conquest. His great work, Historia universal de Nueva-Espa?a, has been recently printed for the first time. The circumstances attending its compilation245 and subsequent fate form one of the most remarkable passages in literary history.
Sahagun was born in a place of the same name, in old Spain. He was educated at Salamanca, and, having taken the vows246 of St. Francis, came over as a missionary247 to Mexico in the year 1529. Here he distinguished himself by his zeal248, the purity of his life, and his unwearied exertions249 to spread the great truths of religion among the natives. He was the guardian250 of several conventual houses, successively, until he relinquished251 these cares, that he might devote himself{102} more unreservedly to the business of preaching, and of compiling various works designed to illustrate252 the antiquities253 of the Aztecs. For these literary labors254 he found some facilities in the situation which he continued to occupy, of reader, or lecturer, in the College of Santa Cruz, in the capital.
The “Universal History” was concocted255 in a singular manner. In order to secure to it the greatest possible authority, he passed some years in a Tezcucan town, where he conferred daily with a number of respectable natives unacquainted with Castilian. He propounded256 to them queries257, which they, after deliberation, answered in their usual method of writing, by hieroglyphical paintings. These he submitted to other natives, who had been educated under his own eye in the College of Santa Cruz; and the latter, after a consultation258 among themselves, gave a written version, in the Mexican tongue, of the hieroglyphics. This process he repeated in another place, in some part of Mexico, and subjected the whole to a still further revision by a third body in another quarter. He finally arranged the combined results into a regular history, in the form it now bears; composing it in the Mexican language, which he could both write and speak with great accuracy and elegance,—greater, indeed, than any Spaniard of the time.
The work presented a mass of curious information, that attracted much attention among his brethren. But they feared its influence in keeping alive in the natives a too vivid reminiscence of the very superstitions which it was the great object of the Christian clergy to eradicate259. Sahagun had views more liberal than those of his order, whose blind zeal would willingly have annihilated260 every monument of art and human ingenuity261 which had not been produced under the influence of Christianity. They refused to allow him the necessary aid to transcribe262 his papers, which he had been so many years in preparing, under the pretext263 that the expense was too great for their order to incur63. This occasioned a further delay of several years. What was worse, his provincial264 got possession of his manuscripts, which were soon scattered265 among the different religious houses in the country.
In this forlorn state of his affairs, Sahagun drew up a brief statement of the nature and contents of his work, and forwarded it to Madrid. It fell into the hands of Don Juan de Ovando, president of the Council for the Indies, who was so much interested in it that he ordered the manuscripts to be restored to their author, with the request that he would at once set about translating them into Castilian. This was accordingly done. His papers were recovered, though not without the menace of ecclesiastical censures266; and the octogenarian author began the work of translation from the Mexican, in which they had been originally written by him thirty years before. He had the satisfaction to complete the task, arranging the Spanish version in a parallel column with the original, and adding a vocabulary, explaining the difficult Aztec terms and phrases; while the text was supported by the numerous paintings on which it was founded. In{103} this form, making two bulky volumes in folio, it was sent to Madrid. There seemed now to be no further reason for postponing267 its publication, the importance of which could not be doubted. But from this moment it disappears; and we hear nothing further of it, for more than two centuries, except only as a valuable work, which had once existed and was probably buried in some one of the numerous cemeteries268 of learning in which Spain abounds269.
At length, towards the close of the last century, the indefatigable270 Mu?oz succeeded in disinterring the long-lost manuscript from the place tradition had assigned to it,—the library of a convent at Tolosa, in Navarre, the northern extremity271 of Spain. With his usual ardor272, he transcribed273 the whole work with his own hands, and added it to the inestimable collection, of which, alas274! he was destined275 not to reap the full benefit himself. From this transcript276 Lord Kingsborough was enabled to procure277 the copy which was published in 1830, in the sixth volume of his magnificent compilation. In it he expresses an honest satisfaction at being the first to give Sahagun’s works to the world. But in this supposition he was mistaken. The very year preceding, an edition of it, with annotations278, appeared in Mexico, in three volumes octavo. It was prepared by Bustamante,—a scholar to whose editorial activity his country is largely indebted,—from a copy of the Mu?oz manuscript which came into his possession. Thus this remarkable work, which was denied the honors of the press during the author’s lifetime, after passing into oblivion, reappeared, at the distance of nearly three centuries, not in his own country, but in foreign lands widely remote from each other, and that almost simultaneously279. The story is extraordinary, though unhappily not so extraordinary in Spain as it would be elsewhere.
Sahagun divided his history into twelve books. The first eleven are occupied with the social institutions of Mexico, and the last with the Conquest. On the religion of the country he is particularly full. His great object evidently was, to give a clear view of its mythology, and of the burdensome ritual which belonged to it. Religion entered so intimately into the most private concerns and usages of the Aztecs, that Sahagun’s work must be a text-book for every student of their antiquities. Torquemada availed himself of a manuscript copy, which fell into his hands before it was sent to Spain, to enrich his own pages,—a circumstance more fortunate for his readers than for Sahagun’s reputation, whose work, now that it is published, loses much of the originality280 and interest which would otherwise attach to it. In one respect it is invaluable281; as presenting a complete collection of the various forms of prayer, accommodated to every possible emergency, in use by the Mexicans. They are often clothed in dignified282 and beautiful language, showing that sublime speculative283 tenets are quite compatible with the most degrading practices of superstition. It is much to be regretted that we have not the eighteen hymns284 inserted by the author in his book, which would have particular interest, as the only specimen285 of devotional poetry pre{104}served of the Aztecs. The hieroglyphical paintings, which accompanied the text, are also missing. If they have escaped the hands of fanaticism, both may reappear at some future day.
Sahagun produced several other works, of a religious or philological286 character. Some of these were voluminous, but none have been printed. He lived to a very advanced age, closing a life of activity and usefulness, in 1590, in the capital of Mexico. His remains were followed to the tomb by a numerous concourse of his own countrymen, and of the natives, who lamented287 in him the loss of unaffected piety, benevolence288, and learning.
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1
mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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quaffing
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| v.痛饮( quaff的现在分词 )；畅饮；大口大口将…喝干；一饮而尽 | |
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mead
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| n.蜂蜜酒 | |
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skulls
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| 颅骨( skull的名词复数 )； 脑袋； 脑子； 脑瓜 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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disclaiming
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| v.否认( disclaim的现在分词 ) | |
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poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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savoring
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的现在分词 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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incongruity
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| n.不协调，不一致 | |
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emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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authorizes
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的名词复数 ) | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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funereal
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| adj.悲哀的；送葬的 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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incorporeal
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| adj.非物质的，精神的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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volition
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| n.意志；决意 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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51
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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reeked
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| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的过去式和过去分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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halcyon
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| n.平静的，愉快的 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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fabled
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| adj.寓言中的，虚构的 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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blotted
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| 涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 )； （用吸墨纸）吸干 | |
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blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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rekindled
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| v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expiate
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| v.抵补，赎罪 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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animate
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| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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revel
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| vi.狂欢作乐，陶醉；n.作乐，狂欢 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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101
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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102
puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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103
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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104
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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105
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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106
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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107
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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108
engrosses
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| v.使全神贯注( engross的第三人称单数 ) | |
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109
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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110
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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111
chimeras
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| n.（由几种动物的各部分构成的）假想的怪兽( chimera的名词复数 )；不可能实现的想法；幻想；妄想 | |
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112
divination
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| n.占卜，预测 | |
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113
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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114
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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115
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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116
discriminated
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| 分别，辨别，区分( discriminate的过去式和过去分词 )； 歧视，有差别地对待 | |
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117
choirs
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| n.教堂的唱诗班( choir的名词复数 )；唱诗队；公开表演的合唱团；（教堂）唱经楼 | |
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118
hieroglyphical
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| n.象形文字，象形文字的文章 | |
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119
hieroglyphic
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| n.象形文字 | |
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120
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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121
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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122
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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123
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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124
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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125
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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126
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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127
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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128
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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129
penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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130
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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132
atoned
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的过去式和过去分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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133
deferred
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|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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134
penitent
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|
| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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135
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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136
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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137
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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138
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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139
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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140
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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141
hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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142
astronomical
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|
| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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143
embroider
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| v.刺绣于(布)上；给…添枝加叶，润饰 | |
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144
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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145
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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146
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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147
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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148
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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149
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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150
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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151
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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152
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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153
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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154
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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155
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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156
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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157
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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158
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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159
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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160
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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161
sanctuaries
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| n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 )；庇护；圣所；庇护所 | |
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162
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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163
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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164
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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165
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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166
ripened
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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167
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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168
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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169
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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170
loathsome
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|
| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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171
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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172
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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173
blemish
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| v.损害；玷污；瑕疵，缺点 | |
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174
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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175
prostrated
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|
| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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176
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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177
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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178
gaudy
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|
| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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179
barges
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| 驳船( barge的名词复数 ) | |
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180
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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181
solaced
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| v.安慰，慰藉( solace的过去分词 ) | |
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182
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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183
sable
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| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
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184
scrolls
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| n.（常用于录写正式文件的）纸卷( scroll的名词复数 )；卷轴；涡卷形（装饰）；卷形花纹v.（电脑屏幕上）从上到下移动（资料等），卷页( scroll的第三人称单数 )；（似卷轴般）卷起；（像展开卷轴般地）将文字显示于屏幕 | |
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185
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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186
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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187
emblematic
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|
| adj.象征的，可当标志的；象征性 | |
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188
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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189
dexterously
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| adv.巧妙地，敏捷地 | |
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190
volcanic
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| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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191
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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192
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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194
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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196
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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197
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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198
augury
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| n.预言，征兆，占卦 | |
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199
stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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200
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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201
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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202
teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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203
beverages
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| n.饮料( beverage的名词复数 ) | |
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204
viands
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| n.食品，食物 | |
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205
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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206
immolated
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| v.宰杀…作祭品( immolate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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207
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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208
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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209
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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210
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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211
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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212
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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213
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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214
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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215
bellowed
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| v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的过去式和过去分词 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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216
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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217
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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218
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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219
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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220
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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221
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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222
recurrence
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| n.复发，反复，重现 | |
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223
hearth
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| n.壁炉炉床，壁炉地面 | |
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224
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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226
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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dispelling
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的现在分词 ) | |
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compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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queries
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| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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transcribe
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| v.抄写，誉写；改编(乐曲)；复制，转录 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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postponing
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| v.延期，推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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cemeteries
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| n.（非教堂的）墓地，公墓( cemetery的名词复数 ) | |
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abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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273
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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274
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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275
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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transcript
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| n.抄本，誊本，副本，肄业证书 | |
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277
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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annotations
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| n.注释( annotation的名词复数 )；附注 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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280
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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281
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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282
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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283
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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284
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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285
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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286
philological
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| adj.语言学的，文献学的 | |
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287
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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288
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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