THE reader would gather but an imperfect notion of the civilization of Anahuac, without some account of the Acolhuans, or Tezcucans, as they are usually called; a nation of the same great family with the Aztecs, whom they rivalled in power and surpassed in intellectual culture and the arts of social refinement3. Fortunately, we have ample materials for this in the records left by Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal descendant of the royal line of Tezcuco, who flourished in the century of the Conquest. With every opportunity for information he combined much industry and talent, and, if his narrative5 bears the high coloring of one who would revive the faded glories of an ancient but dilapi{177}dated house, he has been uniformly commended for his fairness and integrity, and has been followed without misgiving6 by such Spanish writers as could have access to his manuscripts.[264] I shall confine myself to the prominent features of the two reigns8 which may be said to embrace the golden age of Tezcuco, without attempting to weigh the probability of the details, which I will leave to be settled by the reader, according to the measure of his faith.
The Acolhuans came into the Valley, as we have seen, about the close of the twelfth century, and built their capital of Tezcuco on the eastern borders of the lake, opposite to Mexico. From this point they gradually spread themselves over the northern portion of Anahuac, when their career was checked by an invasion of a kindred race, the Tepanecs, who, after a desperate struggle, succeeded in taking their city, slaying11 their monarch1, and entirely12 subjugating13 his kingdom.[265] This event took place about 1418; and the young prince, Nezahualcoyotl, the heir to the crown, then fifteen years old, saw his father butchered before his eyes, while he himself lay concealed14 among the friendly branches of a tree which overshadowed the spot.[266] His subsequent history is as full of romantic daring and perilous15 escapes as that of the renowned16 Scanderbeg or of the “young Chevalier.”{178}[267]
Not long after his flight from the field of his father’s blood, the Tezcucan prince fell into the hands of his enemy, was borne off in triumph to his city, and was thrown into a dungeon17. He effected his escape, however, through the connivance18 of the governor of the fortress19, an old servant of his family, who took the place of the royal fugitive20, and paid for his loyalty21 with his life. He was at length permitted, through the intercession of the reigning22 family in Mexico, which was allied23 to him, to retire to that capital, and subsequently to his own, where he found a shelter in his ancestral palace. Here he remained unmolested for eight years, pursuing his studies under an old preceptor, who had had the care of his early youth, and who instructed him in the various duties befitting his princely station.[268]
At the end of this period the Tepanec usurper24 died, bequeathing his empire to his son, Maxtla, a man of fierce and suspicious temper. Nezahualcoyotl hastened to pay his obeisance25 to him, on his accession. But the tyrant26 refused to receive the little present of flowers which he laid at his feet, and turned his back on him in presence of his chieftains. One of his attendants, friendly to the young prince, admonished27 him to provide for his own safety, by withdrawing, as speedily as possible, from the palace, where his life was in danger. He lost no time, consequently, in retreating from the{179} inhospitable court, and returned to Tezcuco. Maxtla, however, was bent28 on his destruction. He saw with jealous eye the opening talents and popular manners of his rival, and the favor he was daily winning from his ancient subjects.[269]
He accordingly laid a plan for making away with him at an evening entertainment. It was defeated by the vigilance of the prince’s tutor, who contrived29 to mislead the assassins and to substitute another victim in the place of his pupil.[270] The baffled tyrant now threw off all disguise, and sent a strong party of soldiers to Tezcuco, with orders to enter the palace, seize the person of Nezahualcoyotl, and slay10 him on the spot. The prince, who became acquainted with the plot through the watchfulness30 of his preceptor, instead of flying, as he was counselled, resolved to await his enemies. They found him playing at ball, when they arrived, in the court of his palace. He received them courteously31, and invited them in, to take some refreshments32 after their journey. While they were occupied in this way, he passed into an adjoining saloon, which excited no suspicion, as he was still visible through the open doors by which the apartments communicated with each other. A burning censer stood in the passage, and, as it was fed by the attendants, threw up such clouds of incense33 as obscured his movements from the soldiers. Under this friendly veil he succeeded in making{180} his escape by a secret passage, which communicated with a large earthen pipe formerly34 used to bring water to the palace.[271] Here he remained till nightfall, when, taking advantage of the obscurity, he found his way into the suburbs, and sought a shelter in the cottage of one of his father’s vassals35.
The Tepanec monarch, enraged37 at this repeated disappointment, ordered instant pursuit. A price was set on the head of the royal fugitive. Whoever should take him, dead or alive, was promised, however humble39 his degree, the hand of a noble lady, and an ample domain40 along with it. Troops of armed men were ordered to scour41 the country in every direction. In the course of the search, the cottage in which the prince had taken refuge was entered. But he fortunately escaped detection by being hid under a heap of maguey fibres used for manufacturing cloth. As this was no longer a proper place of concealment42, he sought a retreat in the mountainous and woody district lying between the borders of his own state and Tlascala.[272]
Here he led a wretched, wandering life, exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather, hiding himself in deep thickets43 and caverns44, and stealing out, at night, to satisfy the cravings of appetite; while he was kept in constant alarm by the activity of his pursuers, always hovering45 on his track. On one{181} occasion he sought refuge from them among a small party of soldiers, who proved friendly to him and concealed him in a large drum around which they were dancing. At another time he was just able to turn the crest46 of a hill as his enemies were climbing it on the other side, when he fell in with a girl who was reaping chia,—a Mexican plant, the seed of which was much used in the drinks of the country. He persuaded her to cover him up with the stalks she had been cutting. When his pursuers came up, and inquired if she had seen the fugitive, the girl coolly answered that she had, and pointed47 out a path as the one he had taken. Notwithstanding the high rewards offered, Nezahualcoyotl seems to have incurred49 no danger from treachery, such was the general attachment50 felt to himself and his house. “Would you not deliver up the prince, if he came in your way?” he inquired of a young peasant who was unacquainted with his person. “Not I,” replied the other. “What, not for a fair lady’s hand, and a rich dowry beside?” rejoined the prince. At which the other only shook his head and laughed.[273] On more than one occasion his faithful people submitted to torture, and even to lose their lives, rather than disclose the place of his retreat.[274]
However gratifying such proofs of loyalty{182} might be to his feelings, the situation of the prince in these mountain solitudes51 became every day more distressing53. It gave a still keener edge to his own sufferings to witness those of the faithful followers55 who chose to accompany him in his wanderings. “Leave me,” he would say to them, “to my fate! Why should you throw away your own lives for one whom fortune is never weary of persecuting56?” Most of the great Tezcucan chiefs had consulted their interests by a timely adhesion to the usurper. But some still clung to their prince, preferring proscription57, and death itself, rather than desert him in his extremity58.[275]
In the mean time, his friends at a distance were active in measures for his relief. The oppressions of Maxtla, and his growing empire, had caused general alarm in the surrounding states, who recalled the mild rule of the Tezcucan princes. A coalition59 was formed, a plan of operations concerted, and, on the day appointed for a general rising, Nezahualcoyotl found himself at the head of a force sufficiently60 strong to face his Tepanec adversaries61. An engagement came on, in which the latter were totally discomfited62; and the victorious63 prince, receiving everywhere on his route the homage64 of his joyful65 subjects, entered his capital, not like a proscribed66 outcast, but as the rightful heir, and saw himself once more enthroned in the halls of his fathers.
Soon after, he united his forces with the Mexicans, long disgusted with the arbitrary conduct of Maxtla. The allied powers, after a series of{183} bloody67 engagements with the usurper, routed him under the walls of his own capital. He fled to the baths, whence he was dragged out, and sacrificed with the usual cruel ceremonies of the Aztecs; the royal city of Azcapozalco was razed68 to the ground, and the wasted territory was henceforth reserved as the great slave-market for the nations of Anahuac.[276]
These events were succeeded by the remarkable70 league among the three powers of Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlacopan, of which some account has been given in a previous chapter.[277] Historians are not agreed as to the precise terms of it; the writers of the two former nations each insisting on the paramount71 authority of his own in the coalition. All agree in the subordinate position of Tlacopan, a state, like the others, bordering on the lake. It is certain that in their subsequent operations, whether of peace or war, the three states shared in each other’s councils, embarked72 in each other’s enterprises, and moved in perfect concert together, till just before the coming of the Spaniards.
The first measure of Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to his dominions73, was a general amnesty. It was his maxim75 “that a monarch might punish, but revenge was unworthy of him.”[278] In the present instance he was averse77 even to punish, and not only freely pardoned his rebel nobles, but conferred on some, who had most deeply offended, posts of{184} honor and confidence. Such conduct was doubtless politic79, especially as their alienation80 was owing, probably, much more to fear of the usurper than to any disaffection towards himself. But there are some acts of policy which a magnanimous spirit only can execute.
The restored monarch next set about repairing the damages sustained under the late misrule, and reviving, or rather remodelling81, the various departments of government. He framed a concise82, but comprehensive, code of laws, so well suited, it was thought, to the exigencies83 of the times, that it was adopted as their own by the two other members of the triple alliance. It was written in blood, and entitled the author to be called the Draco rather than “the Solon of Anahuac,” as he is fondly styled by his admirers.[279] Humanity is one of the best fruits of refinement. It is only with increasing civilization that the legislator studies to economize84 human suffering, even for the guilty; to devise penalties not so much by way of punishment for the past as of reformation for the future.[280]
He divided the burden of government among a number of departments, as the council of war, the council of finance, the council of justice. This last was a court of supreme85 authority, both in civil and{185} criminal matters, receiving appeals from the lower tribunals of the provinces, which were obliged to make a full report, every four months, or eighty days, of their own proceedings86 to this higher judicature. In all these bodies, a certain number of citizens were allowed to have seats with the nobles and professional dignitaries. There was, however, another body, a council of state, for aiding the king in the despatch87 of business, and advising him in matters of importance, which was drawn88 altogether from the highest order of chiefs. It consisted of fourteen members; and they had seats provided for them at the royal table.[281]
Lastly, there was an extraordinary tribunal, called the council of music, but which, differing from the import of its name, was devoted89 to the encouragement of science and art. Works on astronomy, chronology, history, or any other science, were required to be submitted to its judgment90, before they could be made public. This censorial91 power was of some moment, at least with regard to the historical department, where the wilful92 perversion93 of truth was made a capital offence by the bloody code of Nezahualcoyotl. Yet a Tezcucan author must have been a bungler94, who could not elude95 a conviction under the cloudy veil of hieroglyphics96. This body, which was drawn from the best-instructed persons in the kingdom, with little regard to rank, had supervision97 of all the pro{186}ductions of art, and of the nicer fabrics98. It decided99 on the qualifications of the professors in the various branches of science, on the fidelity100 of their instructions to their pupils, the deficiency of which was severely101 punished, and it instituted examinations of these latter. In short, it was a general board of education for the country. On stated days, historical compositions, and poems treating of moral or traditional topics, were recited before it by their authors. Seats were provided for the three crowned heads of the empire, who deliberated with the other members on the respective merits of the pieces, and distributed prizes of value to the successful competitors.[282]
Such are the marvellous accounts transmitted to us of this institution; an institution certainly not to have been expected among the aborigines of America. It is calculated to give us a higher idea of the refinement of the people than even the noble architectural remains102 which still cover some parts of the continent. Architecture is, to a certain extent, a sensual gratification. It addresses itself to the eye, and affords the best scope for the parade of barbaric pomp and splendor103. It is the{187} form in which the revenues of a semi-civilized104 people are most likely to be lavished105. The most gaudy106 and ostentatious specimens107 of it, and sometimes the most stupendous, have been reared by such hands. It is one of the first steps in the great march of civilization. But the institution in question was evidence of still higher refinement. It was a literary luxury, and argued the existence of a taste in the nation which relied for its gratification on pleasures of a purely108 intellectual character.
The influence of this academy must have been most propitious109 to the capital, which became the nursery not only of such sciences as could be compassed by the scholarship of the period, but of various useful and ornamental110 arts. Its historians, orators112, and poets were celebrated113 throughout the country.[283] Its archives, for which accommodations were provided in the royal palace, were stored with the records of primitive114 ages.[284] Its idiom, more polished than the Mexican, was, indeed, the purest of all the Nahuatlac dialects, and continued, long after the Conquest, to be that in which the best productions of the native races were composed.{188} Tezcuco claimed the glory of being the Athens of the Western world.[285]
Among the most illustrious of her bards115 was the emperor himself,—for the Tezcucan writers claim this title for their chief, as head of the imperial alliance. He doubtless appeared as a competitor before that very academy where he so often sat as a critic. Many of his odes descended117 to a late generation, and are still preserved, perhaps, in some of the dusty repositories of Mexico or Spain.[286] The historian Ixtlilxochitl has left a translation, in Castilian, of one of the poems of his royal ancestor. It is not easy to render his version into corresponding English rhyme, without the perfume of the original escaping in this double filtration.[287] They remind one of the rich breathings of Spanish-Arab poetry, in which an ardent118 imagination is tempered by a not unpleasing and moral melancholy119.[288] But, though sufficiently florid{189} in diction, they are generally free from the meretricious120 ornaments121 and hyperbole with which the minstrelsy of the East is usually tainted122. They turn on the vanities and mutability of human life,—a topic very natural for a monarch who had himself experienced the strangest mutations of fortune. There is mingled124 in the lament125 of the Tezcucan bard116, however, an Epicurean philosophy, which seeks relief from the fears of the future in the joys of the present. “Banish care,” he says: “if there are bounds to pleasure, the saddest life must also have an end. Then weave the chaplet of flowers, and sing thy songs in praise of the all-powerful God, for the glory of this world soon fadeth away. Rejoice in the green freshness of thy spring; for the day will come when thou shalt sigh for these joys in vain; when the sceptre shall pass from thy hands, thy servants shall wander desolate126 in thy courts, thy sons, and the sons of thy nobles, shall drink the dregs of distress54, and all the pomp of thy victories and triumphs shall live only in their recollection. Yet the remembrance of the just shall not pass away from the nations, and the good thou hast done shall ever be held in honor. The goods of this life, its glories and its riches, are but lent to us, its substance is but an illusory shadow, and the things of to-day shall change on the coming of the morrow. Then gather the fairest flowers from thy gardens, to bind127 round{190} thy brow, and seize the joys of the present ere they perish.”[289]
But the hours of the Tezcucan monarch were not all passed in idle dalliance with the Muse128, nor in the sober contemplations of philosophy, as at a later period. In the freshness of youth and early manhood he led the allied armies in their annual expeditions, which were certain to result in a wider extent of territory to the empire.[290] In the intervals129 of peace he fostered those productive arts which are the surest sources of public prosperity. He encouraged agriculture above all; and there was{191} scarcely a spot so rude, or a steep so inaccessible130, as not to confess the power of cultivation131. The land was covered with a busy population, and towns and cities sprang up in places since deserted132 or dwindled133 into miserable134 villages.[291]
From resources thus enlarged by conquest and domestic industry, the monarch drew the means for the large consumption of his own numerous household,[292] and for the costly136 works which he executed for the convenience and embellishment of the capital. He filled it with stately edifices137 for his nobles, whose constant attendance he was anxious to secure at his court.[293] He erected139 a magnificent pile of buildings which might serve both for a royal{192} residence and for the public offices. It extended, from east to west, twelve hundred and thirty-four yards, and from north to south, nine hundred and seventy-eight.[294] It was encompassed140 by a wall of unburnt bricks and cement, six feet wide and nine high for one half of the circumference141, and fifteen feet high for the other half. Within this enclosure were two courts. The outer one was used as the great market-place of the city, and continued to be so until long after the Conquest,—if, indeed, it is not now. The interior court was surrounded by the council-chambers and halls of justice. There were also accommodations there for the foreign ambassadors; and a spacious142 saloon, with apartments opening into it, for men of science and poets, who pursued their studies in this retreat or met together to hold converse143 under its marble porticoes144. In this quarter, also, were kept the public archives, which fared better under the Indian dynasty than they have since under their European successors.[295]
Adjoining this court were the apartments of the king, including those for the royal harem, as liberally supplied with beauties as that of an Eastern sultan. Their walls were incrusted with alabasters{193} and richly-tinted stucco, or hung with gorgeous tapestries145 of variegated146 feather-work.[296] They led through long arcades147, and through intricate labyrinths148 of shrubbery, into gardens where baths and sparkling fountains were overshadowed by tall groves149 of cedar150 and cypress151. The basins of water were well stocked with fish of various kinds, and the aviaries152 with birds glowing in all the gaudy plumage of the tropics. Many birds and animals which could not be obtained alive were represented in gold and silver so skilfully153 as to have furnished the great naturalist155 Hernandez with models for his work.[297]
Accommodations on a princely scale were provided for the sovereigns of Mexico and Tlacopan{194} when they visited the court. The whole of this lordly pile contained three hundred apartments, some of them fifty yards square.[298] The height of the building is not mentioned. It was probably not great, but supplied the requisite156 room by the immense extent of ground which it covered. The interior was doubtless constructed of light materials, especially of the rich woods which, in that country, are remarkable, when polished, for the brilliancy and variety of their colors. That the more solid materials of stone and stucco were also liberally employed is proved by the remains at the present day; remains which have furnished an inexhaustible quarry157 for the churches and other edifices since erected by the Spaniards on the site of the ancient city.[299]
We are not informed of the time occupied in building this palace. But two hundred thousand workmen, it is said, were employed on it.[300] However this may be, it is certain that the Tezcucan monarchs158, like those of Asia and ancient Egypt, had the control of immense masses of men, and would sometimes turn the whole population of a{195} conquered city, including the women, into the public works.[301] The most gigantic monuments of architecture which the world has witnessed would never have been reared by the hands of freemen.
Adjoining the palace were buildings for the king’s children, who, by his various wives, amounted to no less than sixty sons and fifty daughters.[302] Here they were instructed in all the exercises and accomplishments159 suited to their station; comprehending, what would scarcely find a place in a royal education on the other side of the Atlantic, the arts of working in metals, jewelry160, and feather-mosaic. Once in every four months, the whole household, not excepting the youngest, and including all the officers and attendants on the king’s person, assembled in a grand saloon of the palace, to listen to a discourse161 from an orator111, probably one of the priesthood. The princes, on this occasion, were all dressed in nequen, the coarsest manufacture of the country. The preacher began by enlarging on the obligations of morality and of respect for the gods, especially important in persons whose rank gave such additional weight to example. He occasionally seasoned his homily with a pertinent162 application to his audience, if any member of it had been guilty of a notorious delinquency. From this{196} wholesome163 admonition the monarch himself was not exempted164, and the orator boldly reminded him of his paramount duty to show respect for his own laws. The king, so far from taking umbrage165, received the lesson with humility166; and the audience, we are assured, were often melted into tears by the eloquence167 of the preacher.[303] This curious scene may remind one of similar usages in the Asiatic and Egyptian despotisms, where the sovereign occasionally condescended168 to stoop from his pride of place and allow his memory to be refreshed with the conviction of his own mortality.[304] It soothed169 the feelings of the subject to find himself thus placed, though but for a moment, on a level with his king; while it cost little to the latter, who was removed too far from his people to suffer anything by this short-lived familiarity. It is probable that such an act of public humiliation170 would have found less favor with a prince less absolute.
Nezahualcoyotl’s fondness for magnificence was shown in his numerous villas171, which were embellished172 with all that could make a rural retreat delightful173. His favorite residence was at Tezcotzinco, a conical hill about two leagues from the capital.[305] It was laid out in terraces, or hanging gardens, having a flight of steps five hundred and{197} twenty in number, many of them hewn in the natural porphyry.[306] In the garden on the summit was a reservoir of water, fed by an aqueduct that was carried over hill and valley, for several miles, on huge buttresses174 of masonry175. A large rock stood in the midst of this basin, sculptured with the hieroglyphics representing the years of Nezahualcoyotl’s reign9 and his principal achievements in each.[307] On a lower level were three other reservoirs, in each of which stood a marble statue of a woman, emblematic177 of the three states of the empire.[308] Another tank contained a winged lion, (?) cut out of the solid rock, bearing in its mouth the portrait of the emperor.[309] His likeness178 had been executed in gold, wood, feather-work, and stone; but this was the only one which pleased him.
From these copious179 basins the water was distributed in numerous channels through the gar{198}dens, or was made to tumble over the rocks in cascades181, shedding refreshing182 dews on the flowers and odoriferous shrubs183 below. In the depths of this fragrant184 wilderness185, marble porticoes and pavilions were erected, and baths excavated186 in the solid porphyry, which are still shown by the ignorant natives as the “Baths of Montezuma”![310] The visitor descended by steps cut in the living stone and polished so bright as to reflect like mirrors.[311] Towards the base of the hill, in the midst of cedar groves, whose gigantic branches threw a refreshing coolness over the verdure in the sultriest seasons of the year,[312] rose the royal villa135, with its{199} light arcades and airy halls, drinking in the sweet perfumes of the gardens. Here the monarch often retired187, to throw off the burden of state and refresh his wearied spirits in the society of his favorite wives, reposing188 during the noontide heats in the embowering shades of his paradise, or mingling189, in the cool of the evening, in their festive190 sports and dances. Here he entertained his imperial brothers of Mexico and Tlacopan, and followed the hardier191 pleasures of the chase in the noble woods that stretched for miles around his villa, flourishing in all their primeval majesty192. Here, too, he often repaired in the latter days of his life, when age had tempered ambition and cooled the ardor193 of his blood, to pursue in solitude52 the studies of philosophy and gather wisdom from meditation194.
The extraordinary accounts of the Tezcucan architecture are confirmed, in the main, by the relics195 which still cover the hill of Tezcotzinco or are half buried beneath its surface. They attract little attention, indeed, in the country, where their true history has long since passed into oblivion;[313] while the traveller whose curiosity leads him to the spot speculates on their probable origin, and, as he stumbles over the huge fragments of sculptured{200} porphyry and granite196, refers them to the primitive races who spread their colossal197 architecture over the country long before the coming of the Acolhuans and the Aztecs.[314]
The Tezcucan princes were used to entertain a great number of concubines. They had but one lawful198 wife, to whose issue the crown descended.[315] Nezahualcoyotl remained unmarried to a late period. He was disappointed in an early attachment, as the princess who had been educated in privacy to be the partner of his throne gave her hand to another. The injured monarch submitted the affair to the proper tribunal. The parties, however, were proved to have been ignorant of the destination of the lady, and the court, with an independence which reflects equal honor on the judges who could give and the monarch who could receive the sentence, acquitted199 the young couple. This story is sadly contrasted by the following.[316]
The king devoured200 his chagrin201 in the solitude of his beautiful villa of Tezcotzinco, or sought to divert it by travelling. On one of his journeys he{201} was hospitably202 entertained by a potent203 vassal36, the old lord of Tepechpan, who, to do his sovereign more honor, caused him to be attended at the banquet by a noble maiden204, betrothed205 to himself, and who, after the fashion of the country, had been educated under his own roof. She was of the blood royal of Mexico, and nearly related, moreover, to the Tezcucan monarch. The latter, who had all the amorous206 temperament207 of the South, was captivated by the grace and personal charms of the youthful Hebe, and conceived a violent passion for her. He did not disclose it to any one, however, but, on his return home, resolved to gratify it, though at the expense of his own honor, by sweeping208 away the only obstacle which stood in his path.
He accordingly sent an order to the chief of Tepechpan to take command of an expedition set on foot against the Tlascalans. At the same time he instructed two Tezcucan chiefs to keep near the person of the old lord, and bring him into the thickest of the fight, where he might lose his life. He assured them this had been forfeited209 by a great crime, but that, from regard for his vassal’s past services, he was willing to cover up his disgrace by an honorable death.
The veteran, who had long lived in retirement210 on his estates, saw himself with astonishment211 called so suddenly and needlessly into action, for which so many younger men were better fitted. He suspected the cause, and, in the farewell entertainment to his friends, uttered a presentiment212 of his sad destiny. His predictions were too soon verified;{202} and a few weeks placed the hand of his virgin213 bride at her own disposal.
Nezahualcoyotl did not think it prudent214 to break his passion publicly to the princess so soon after the death of his victim. He opened a correspondence with her through a female relative, and expressed his deep sympathy for her loss. At the same time, he tendered the best consolation215 in his power, by an offer of his heart and hand. Her former lover had been too well stricken in years for the maiden to remain long inconsolable. She was not aware of the perfidious216 plot against his life; and, after a decent time, she was ready to comply with her duty, by placing herself at the disposal of her royal kinsman217.
It was arranged by the king, in order to give a more natural aspect to the affair and prevent all suspicion of the unworthy part he had acted, that the princess should present herself in his grounds at Tezcotzinco, to witness some public ceremony there. Nezahualcoyotl was standing48 in a balcony of the palace when she appeared, and inquired, as if struck with her beauty for the first time, “who the lovely young creature was, in his gardens.” When his courtiers had acquainted him with her name and rank, he ordered her to be conducted to the palace, that she might receive the attentions due to her station. The interview was soon followed by a public declaration of his passion; and the marriage was celebrated not long after, with great pomp, in the presence of his court, and of his brother monarchs of Mexico and Tlacopan.{203}[317]
This story, which furnishes so obvious a counterpart to that of David and Uriah, is told with great circumstantiality, both by the king’s son and grandson, from whose narratives218 Ixtlilxochitl derived219 it.[318] They stigmatize221 the action as the basest in their great ancestor’s life. It is indeed too base not to leave an indelible stain on any character, however pure in other respects, and exalted222.
The king was strict in the execution of his laws, though his natural disposition223 led him to temper justice with mercy. Many anecdotes225 are told of the benevolent226 interest he took in the concerns of his subjects, and of his anxiety to detect and reward merit, even in the most humble. It was common for him to ramble227 among them in disguise, like the celebrated caliph in the “Arabian Nights,” mingling freely in conversation, and ascertaining228 their actual condition with his own eyes.[319]
On one such occasion, when attended only by a single lord, he met with a boy who was gathering230 sticks in a field for fuel. He inquired of him “why he did not go into the neighboring forest, where he would find a plenty of them.” To which the lad answered, “It was the king’s wood, and he would punish him with death if he trespassed231 there.” The royal forests were very extensive in Tezcuco, and were guarded by laws full as severe as those of the Norman tyrants232 in England. “What kind of man is your king?” asked the{204} monarch, willing to learn the effect of these prohibitions233 on his own popularity. “A very hard man,” answered the boy, “who denies his people what God has given them.”[320] Nezahualcoyotl urged him not to mind such arbitrary laws, but to glean234 his sticks in the forest, as there was no one present who would betray him. But the boy sturdily refused, bluntly accusing the disguised king, at the same time, of being a traitor235, and of wishing to bring him into trouble.
Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to the palace, ordered the child and his parents to be summoned before him. They received the orders with astonishment, but, on entering the presence, the boy at once recognized the person with whom he had discoursed236 so unceremoniously, and he was filled with consternation237. The good-natured monarch, however, relieved his apprehensions238, by thanking him for the lesson he had given him, and, at the same time, commended his respect for the laws, and praised his parents for the manner in which they had trained their son. He then dismissed the parties with a liberal largess, and afterwards mitigated239 the severity of the forest laws, so as to allow persons to gather any wood they might find on the ground, if they did not meddle240 with the standing timber.[321]
Another adventure is told of him, with a poor woodman and his wife, who had brought their little load of billets for sale to the market-place of Tezcuco. The man was bitterly lamenting242 his hard{205} lot, and the difficulty with which he earned a wretched subsistence, while the master of the palace before which they were standing lived an idle life, without toil243, and with all the luxuries in the world at his command.
He was going on in his complaints, when the good woman stopped him, by reminding him he might be overheard. He was so, by Nezahualcoyotl himself who, standing screened from observation at a latticed window which overlooked the market, was amusing himself, as he was wont244, with observing the common people chaffering in the square. He immediately ordered the querulous couple into his presence. They appeared trembling and conscience-struck before him. The king gravely inquired what they had said. As they answered him truly, he told them they should reflect that, if he had great treasures at his command, he had still greater calls for them; that, far from leading an easy life, he was oppressed with the whole burden of government; and concluded by admonishing245 them “to be more cautious in future, as walls had ears.”[322] He then ordered his officers to bring a quantity of cloth and a generous supply of cacao (the coin of the country), and dismissed them. “Go,” said he; “with the little you now have, you will be rich; while, with all my riches, I shall still be poor.”[323]
It was not his passion to hoard246. He dispensed{206} his revenues munificently247, seeking out poor but meritorious248 objects on whom to bestow249 them. He was particularly mindful of disabled soldiers, and those who had in any way sustained loss in the public service, and, in case of their death, extended assistance to their surviving families. Open mendicity was a thing he would never tolerate, but chastised250 it with exemplary rigor251.[324]
It would be incredible that a man of the enlarged mind and endowments of Nezahualcoyotl should acquiesce252 in the sordid253 superstitions254 of his countrymen, and still more in the sanguinary rites256 borrowed by them from the Aztecs. In truth, his humane257 temper shrunk from these cruel ceremonies, and he strenuously258 endeavored to recall his people to the more pure and simple worship of the ancient Toltecs. A circumstance produced a temporary change in his conduct.
He had been married some years to the wife he had so unrighteously obtained, but was not blessed with issue. The priests represented that it was owing to his neglect of the gods of his country, and that his only remedy was to propitiate259 them by human sacrifice. The king reluctantly consented, and the altars once more smoked with the blood of slaughtered260 captives. But it was all in vain; and he indignantly exclaimed, “These idols261 of wood and stone can neither hear nor feel; much less could they make the heavens, and the earth, and man, the lord of it. These must be the work of the all-{207}powerful, unknown God, Creator of the universe, on whom alone I must rely for consolation and support.”[325]
He then withdrew to his rural palace of Tezcotzinco, where he remained forty days, fasting and praying at stated hours, and offering up no other sacrifice than the sweet incense of copal, and aromatic262 herbs and gums. At the expiration263 of this time, he is said to have been comforted by a vision assuring him of the success of his petition. At all events, such proved to be the fact; and this was followed by the cheering intelligence of the triumph of his arms in a quarter where he had lately experienced some humiliating reverses.[326]
Greatly strengthened in his former religious convictions, he now openly professed264 his faith, and was more earnest to wean his subjects from their degrading superstitions and to substitute nobler and more spiritual conceptions of the Deity265. He built a temple in the usual pyramidal form, and on the summit a tower nine stories high, to represent the nine heavens; a tenth was surmounted266 by a roof painted black, and profusely267 gilded269 with stars, on{208} the outside, and incrusted with metals and precious stones within. He dedicated270 this to “the unknown God, the Cause of causes”[327] It seems probable, from the emblem176 on the tower, as well as from the complexion271 of his verses, as we shall see, that he mingled with his reverence272 for the Supreme the astral worship which existed among the Toltecs.[328] Various musical instruments were placed on the top of the tower, and the sound of them, accompanied by the ringing of a sonorous273 metal struck by a mallet274, summoned the worshippers to prayers, at regular seasons.[329] No image was allowed in the edifice138, as unsuited to the “invisible God;” and the people were expressly prohibited from profaning275 the altars with blood, or any other sacrifices than that of the perfume of flowers and sweet-scented gums.
The remainder of his days was chiefly spent in his delicious solitudes of Tezcotzinco, where he devoted himself to astronomical276 and, probably, astrological studies, and to meditation on his immortal277 destiny,—giving utterance278 to his feelings in songs, or rather hymns279, of much solemnity and pathos280. An extract from one of these will convey{209} some idea of his religious speculations281. The pensive283 tenderness of the verses quoted in a preceding page is deepened here into a mournful, and even gloomy, coloring; while the wounded spirit, instead of seeking relief in the convivial284 sallies of a young and buoyant temperament, turns for consolation to the world beyond the grave:
“All things on earth have their term, and, in the most joyous285 career of their vanity and splendor, their strength fails, and they sink into the dust. All the round world is but a sepulchre; and there is nothing which lives on its surface that shall not be hidden and entombed beneath it. Rivers, torrents286, and streams move onward287 to their destination. Not one flows back to its pleasant source. They rush onward, hastening to bury themselves in the deep bosom288 of the ocean. The things of yesterday are no more to-day; and the things of to-day shall cease, perhaps, on the morrow.[330] The cemetery289 is full of the loathsome290 dust of bodies, once quickened by living souls, who occupied thrones, presided over assemblies, marshalled armies, subdued291 provinces, arrogated292 to themselves worship, were puffed293 up with vainglorious294 pomp, and power, and empire.
“But these glories have all passed away, like the fearful smoke that issues from the throat of Popo{210}catepetl, with no other memorial of their existence than the record on the page of the chronicler.
“The great, the wise, the valiant295, the beautiful,—alas! where are they now? They are all mingled with the clod; and that which has befallen them shall happen to us, and to those that come after us. Yet let us take courage, illustrious nobles and chieftains, true friends and loyal subjects,—let us aspire296 to that heaven where all is eternal and corruption297 cannot come.[331] The horrors of the tomb are but the cradle of the Sun, and the dark shadows of death are brilliant lights for the stars.”[332] The mystic import of the last sentence seems to point to that superstition255 respecting the mansions298 of the Sun, which forms so beautiful a contrast to the dark features of the Aztec mythology299.
At length, about the year 1470,[333] Nezahualco{211}yotl, full of years and honors, felt himself drawing near his end. Almost half a century had elapsed since he mounted the throne of Tezcuco. He had found his kingdom dismembered by faction301 and bowed to the dust beneath the yoke302 of a foreign tyrant. He had broken that yoke; had breathed new life into the nation, renewed its ancient institutions, extended wide its domain; had seen it flourishing in all the activity of trade and agriculture, gathering strength from its enlarged resources, and daily advancing higher and higher in the great march of civilization. All this he had seen, and might fairly attribute no small portion of it to his own wise and beneficent rule. His long and glorious day was now drawing to its close; and he contemplated303 the event with the same serenity305 which he had shown under the clouds of its morning and in its meridian306 splendor.
A short time before his death, he gathered around him those of his children in whom he most confided307, his chief counsellors, the ambassadors of Mexico and Tlacopan, and his little son, the heir to the crown, his only offspring by the queen. He was then not eight years old, but had already given, as far as so tender a blossom might, the rich promise of future excellence308.[334]
After tenderly embracing the child, the dying monarch threw over him the robes of sovereignty. He then gave audience to the ambassadors, and,{212} when they had retired, made the boy repeat the substance of the conversation. He followed this by such counsels as were suited to his comprehension, and which, when remembered through the long vista309 of after-years, would serve as lights to guide him in his government of the kingdom. He besought310 him not to neglect the worship of “the unknown God,” regretting that he himself had been unworthy to know him, and intimating his conviction that the time would come when he should be known and worshipped throughout the land.[335]
He next addressed himself to that one of his sons in whom he placed the greatest trust, and whom he had selected as the guardian311 of the realm. “From this hour,” said he to him, “you will fill the place that I have filled, of father to this child; you will teach him to live as he ought; and by your counsels he will rule over the empire. Stand in his place, and be his guide, till he shall be of age to govern for himself.” Then, turning to his other children, he admonished them to live united with one another, and to show all loyalty to their prince, who, though a child, already manifested a discretion312 far above his years. “Be true to him,” he added, “and he will maintain you in your rights and dignities.”{213}[336]
Feeling his end approaching, he exclaimed, “Do not bewail me with idle lamentations. But sing the song of gladness, and show a courageous313 spirit, that the nations I have subdued may not believe you disheartened, but may feel that each one of you is strong enough to keep them in obedience314!” The undaunted spirit of the monarch shone forth69 even in the agonies of death. That stout315 heart, however, melted, as he took leave of his children and friends, weeping tenderly over them, while he bade each a last adieu. When they had withdrawn316, he ordered the officers of the palace to allow no one to enter it again. Soon after, he expired, in the seventy-second year of his age, and the forty-third of his reign.[337]
Thus died the greatest monarch, and, if one foul317 blot318 could be effaced319, perhaps the best, who ever sat upon an Indian throne. His character is delineated with tolerable impartiality320 by his kinsman, the Tezcucan chronicler: “He was wise, valiant, liberal; and, when we consider the magnanimity of his soul, the grandeur321 and success of his enterprises, his deep policy, as well as daring, we must admit him to have far surpassed every other prince and captain of this New World. He had few failings himself, and rigorously punished those of others. He preferred the public to his private interest; was most charitable in his nature, often buying articles, at double their worth, of poor and honest persons, and giving them away again to the sick and infirm. In seasons of scarcity322 he was particularly bountiful, remitting323 the taxes of his{214} vassals, and supplying their wants from the royal granaries. He put no faith in the idolatrous worship of the country. He was well instructed in moral science, and sought, above all things, to obtain light for knowing the true God. He believed in one God only, the Creator of heaven and earth, by whom we have our being, who never revealed himself to us in human form, nor in any other; with whom the souls of the virtuous324 are to dwell after death, while the wicked will suffer pains unspeakable. He invoked325 the Most High, as ‘He by whom we live,’ and ‘Who has all things in himself.’ He recognized the Sun for his father, and the Earth for his mother. He taught his children not to confide78 in idols, and only to conform to the outward worship of them from deference326 to public opinion.[338] If he could not entirely abolish human sacrifices, derived from the Aztecs, he at least restricted them to slaves and captives.”[339]
I have occupied so much space with this illustrious prince that but little remains for his son and successor, Nezahualpilli. I have thought it better, in our narrow limits, to present a complete view of a single epoch327, the most interesting in the Tezcucan annals, than to spread the inquiries328 over a broader but comparatively barren field. Yet Nezahualpilli, the heir to the crown, was a remarkable person, and his reign contains many inci{215}dents which I regret to be obliged to pass over in silence.[340]
He had, in many respects, a taste similar to his father’s, and, like him, displayed a profuse268 magnificence in his way of living and in his public edifices. He was more severe in his morals, and, in the execution of justice, stern even to the sacrifice of natural affection. Several remarkable instances of this are told; one, among others, in relation to his eldest329 son, the heir to the crown, a prince of great promise. The young man entered into a poetical330 correspondence with one of his father’s concubines, the lady of Tula, as she was called, a woman of humble origin, but of uncommon331 endowments. She wrote verses with ease, and could discuss graver matters with the king and his ministers. She maintained a separate establishment, where she lived in state, and acquired, by her beauty and accomplishments, great ascendency over her royal lover.[341] With this favorite the prince carried on a{216} correspondence in verse,—whether of an amorous nature does not appear. At all events, the offence was capital. It was submitted to the regular tribunal, who pronounced sentence of death on the unfortunate youth; and the king, steeling his heart against all entreaties332 and the voice of nature, suffered the cruel judgment to be carried into execution. We might, in this case, suspect the influence of baser passions on his mind, but it was not a solitary333 instance of his inexorable justice towards those most near to him. He had the stern virtue334 of an ancient Roman, destitute335 of the softer graces which make virtue attractive. When the sentence was carried into effect, he shut himself up in his palace for many weeks, and commanded the doors and windows of his son’s residence to be walled up, that it might never again be occupied.[342]
Nezahualpilli resembled his father in his passion for astronomical studies, and is said to have had an observatory336 on one of his palaces.[343] He was devoted to war in his youth, but, as he advanced in years, resigned himself to a more indolent way of{217} life, and sought his chief amusement in the pursuit of his favorite science, or in the soft pleasures of the sequestered337 gardens of Tezcotzinco. This quiet life was ill suited to the turbulent temper of the times, and of his Mexican rival, Montezuma. The distant provinces fell off from their allegiance; the army relaxed its discipline; disaffection crept into its ranks; and the wily Montezuma, partly by violence, and partly by stratagems338 unworthy of a king, succeeded in plundering339 his brother monarch of some of his most valuable domains340. Then it was that he arrogated to himself the title and supremacy341 of emperor, hitherto borne by the Tezcucan princes as head of the alliance. Such is the account given by the historians of that nation, who in this way explain the acknowledged superiority of the Aztec sovereign, both in territory and consideration, on the landing of the Spaniards.[344]
These misfortunes pressed heavily on the spirits of Nezahualpilli. Their effect was increased by certain gloomy prognostics of a near calamity342 which was to overwhelm the country.[345] He withdrew to his retreat, to brood in secret over his sorrows. His health rapidly declined; and in the year 1515, at the age of fifty-two, he sank into the{218} grave;[346] happy, at least, that by this timely death he escaped witnessing the fulfilment of his own predictions, in the ruin of his country, and the extinction343 of the Indian dynasties forever.[347]
In reviewing the brief sketch344 here presented of the Tezcucan monarchy, we are strongly impressed with the conviction of its superiority, in all the great features of civilization, over the rest of Anahuac. The Mexicans showed a similar proficiency345, no doubt, in the mechanic arts, and even in mathematical science. But in the science of government, in legislation, in speculative346 doctrines347 of a religious nature, in the more elegant pursuits of poetry, eloquence, and whatever depended on refinement of taste and a polished idiom, they confessed themselves inferior, by resorting to their rivals for instruction and citing their works as the masterpieces of their tongue. The best histories, the best poems, the best code of laws, the purest dialect, were all allowed to be Tezcucan. The Aztecs rivalled their neighbors in splendor of living, and even in the magnificence of their structures. They displayed a pomp and ostentatious pageantry truly Asiatic. But this was the development of the material rather than the intellectual principle. They{219} wanted the refinement of manners essential to a continued advance in civilization. An insurmountable limit was put to theirs by that bloody mythology which threw its withering348 taint123 over the very air that they breathed.
The superiority of the Tezcucans was owing, doubtless, in a great measure to that of the two sovereigns whose reigns we have been depicting349. There is no position which affords such scope for ameliorating the condition of man as that occupied by an absolute ruler over a nation imperfectly civilized. From his elevated place, commanding all the resources of his age, it is in his power to diffuse351 them far and wide among his people. He may be the copious reservoir on the mountain-top, drinking in the dews of heaven, to send them in fertilizing352 streams along the lower slopes and valleys, clothing even the wilderness in beauty. Such were Nezahualcoyotl and his illustrious successor, whose enlightened policy, extending through nearly a century, wrought353 a most salutary revolution in the condition of their country. It is remarkable that we, the inhabitants of the same continent, should be more familiar with the history of many a barbarian354 chief, both in the Old and New World, than with that of these truly great men, whose names are identified with the most glorious period in the annals of the Indian races.
What was the actual amount of the Tezcucan civilization it is not easy to determine, with the imperfect light afforded us. It was certainly far below anything which the word conveys, measured by a European standard. In some of the arts, and{220} in any walk of science, they could only have made, as it were, a beginning. But they had begun in the right way, and already showed a refinement in sentiment and manners, a capacity for receiving instruction, which, under good auspices355, might have led them on to indefinite improvement. Unhappily, they were fast falling under the dominion74 of the warlike Aztecs. And that people repaid the benefits received from their more polished neighbors by imparting to them their own ferocious356 superstition, which, falling like a mildew357 on the land, would soon have blighted358 its rich blossoms of promise and turned even its fruits to dust and ashes.
Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, who flourished in the beginning of the sixteenth century,[348] was a native of Tezcuco, and descended in a direct line from the sovereigns of that kingdom. The royal posterity359 became so numerous in a few generations that it was common to see them reduced to great poverty and earning a painful subsistence by the most humble occupations. Ixtlilxochitl, who was descended from the principal wife or queen of Nezahualpilli, maintained a very respectable position. He filled the office of interpreter to the viceroy, to which he was recommended by his acquaintance with the ancient hieroglyphics and his knowledge of the Mexican and Spanish languages. His birth gave him access to persons of the highest rank in his own nation, some of whom occupied important civil posts under the new government, and were thus enabled to make large collections of Indian manuscripts, which were liberally opened to him. He had an extensive library of his own, also, and with these means diligently360 pursued the study of the Tezcucan antiquities361. He deciphered the hieroglyphics, made himself master of the songs and traditions, and fortified362 his narrative by the oral testimony363 of some very aged38 persons, who had themselves been acquainted with the Conquerors364. From such authentic365 sources he composed various works in the Castilian, on the primitive history of the Toltec and the{221} Tezcucan races, continuing it down to the subversion366 of the empire by Cortés. These various accounts, compiled under the title of Relaciones, are, more or less, repetitions and abridgments of each other; nor is it easy to understand why they were thus composed. The Historia Chichimeca is the best digested and most complete of the whole series, and as such has been the most frequently consulted for the preceding pages.
Ixtlilxochitl’s writings have many of the defects belonging to his age. He often crowds the page with incidents of a trivial, and sometimes improbable, character. The improbability increases with the distance of the period; for distance, which diminishes objects to the natural eye, exaggerates them to the mental. His chronology, as I have more than once noticed, is inextricably entangled367. He has often lent a too willing ear to traditions and reports which would startle the more skeptical368 criticism of the present time. Yet there is an appearance of good faith and simplicity369 in his writings, which may convince the reader that when he errs370 it is from no worse cause than national partiality. And surely such partiality is excusable in the descendant of a proud line, shorn of its ancient splendors371, which it was soothing372 to his own feelings to revive again—though with something more than their legitimate373 lustre—on the canvas of history. It should also be considered that, if his narrative is sometimes startling, his researches penetrate374 into the mysterious depths of antiquity375, where light and darkness meet and melt into each other, and where everything is still further liable to distortion, as seen through the misty376 medium of hieroglyphics.[349]
With these allowances, it will be found that the Tezcucan historian has just claims to our admiration377 for the compass of his inquiries and the sagacity with which they have been conducted. He has introduced us to the knowledge of the most polished people of Anahuac, whose records, if preserved, could not, at a much later period, have been comprehended; and he has thus afforded a standard of comparison which much raises our ideas of American civilization. His language is simple, and, occasionally, eloquent378 and touching379. His descriptions are highly picturesque380. He abounds381 in familiar anecdote224; and the natural graces of his manner, in detailing the more striking events of history and the personal adventures of his heroes, entitle him to the name of the Livy of Anahuac.
I shall be obliged to enter hereafter into his literary merits, in connection with the narrative of the Conquest; for which he is a prominent authority. His earlier annals—though no one of his manuscripts has been printed—have been diligently studied by the Spanish{222} writers in Mexico, and liberally transferred to their pages; and his reputation, like Sahagun’s, has doubtless suffered by the process. His Historia Chichimeca is now turned into French by M. Ternaux-Compans, forming part of that inestimable series of translations from unpublished documents which have so much enlarged our acquaintance with the early American history. I have had ample opportunity of proving the merits of his version of Ixtlilxochitl, and am happy to bear my testimony to the fidelity and elegance382 with which it is executed.
Note.—In a note which has heretofore appeared at the end of this first book Mr. Prescott states that it had been his intention to conclude the introductory portion of the work with an inquiry383 into the origin of the Mexican civilization. But because he agreed with Humboldt, that “the general question of the origin of the inhabitants of a continent is beyond the limits prescribed to history,” and with Livy, that “for the majority of readers the origin and remote antiquities of a nation can have comparatively little interest,” he had decided, on further consideration, to throw his observations on this topic into the Appendix. A man of extraordinary modesty384, he feared lest the reader should become so wearied with his presentation of the story of the earlier civilization, in the first book, that he would not have energy enough left for the proper consideration of the tale of the Conquest, set forth with such conscientious385 care in the succeeding chapters. The essay has now been taken from the Appendix and placed in its proper position.—M.
THE ORIGIN OF THE MEXICAN CIVILIZATION
PRELIMINARY NOTICE
THE following Essay was originally designed to close the Introductory Book, to which it properly belongs. It was written three years since, at the same time with that part of the work. I know of no work of importance, having reference to the general subject of discussion, which has appeared since that period, except Mr. Bradford’s valuable treatise386 on American Antiquities. But in respect to that part of the discussion which treats of American Architecture a most important contribution has been made by Mr. Stephens’s two works, containing the account of his visits to Central America and Yucatan, and especially by the last of these publications. Indeed, the ground, before so imperfectly known, has now been so diligently explored that we have all the light which we can reasonably expect to aid us in making up our opinion in regard to the mysterious monuments of Yucatan. It only remains that the exquisite387 illustrations of Mr. Catherwood should be published on a larger scale, like the great works on the subject in France and England, in order to exhibit{224} to the eye a more adequate representation of these magnificent ruins than can be given in the limited compass of an octavo page.
But, notwithstanding the importance of Mr. Stephens’s researches, I have not availed myself of them to make any additions to the original draft of this Essay, nor have I rested my conclusions in any instance on his authority. These conclusions had been formed from a careful study of the narratives of Dupaix and Waldeck, together with that of their splendid illustrations of the remains of Palenque and Uxmal, two of the principal places explored by Mr. Stephens; and the additional facts collected by him from the vast field which he has surveyed, so far from shaking my previous deductions388, have only served to confirm them. The only object of my own speculations on these remains was to ascertain229 their probable origin, or rather to see what light, if any, they could throw on the origin of Aztec Civilization. The reader, on comparing my reflections with those of Mr. Stephens in the closing chapters of his two works, will see that I have arrived at inferences, as to the origin and probable antiquity of these structures, precisely389 the same as his. Conclusions formed under such different circumstances serve to corroborate390 each other; and, although the reader will find here some things which would have been different had I been guided by the light now thrown on the path, yet I prefer not to disturb the foundations on which the argument stands, nor to impair391 its value—if it has any—as a distinct and independent testimony.{225}
ORIGIN OF THE MEXICAN CIVILIZATION—ANALOGIES WITH THE OLD WORLD
When the Europeans first touched the shores of America, it was as if they had alighted on another planet,—every thing there was so different from what they had before seen. They were introduced to new varieties of plants, and to unknown races of animals; while man, the lord of all, was equally strange, in complexion, language, and institutions.[350] It was what they emphatically styled it,—a New World. Taught by their faith to derive220 all created beings from one source, they felt a natural perplexity as to the manner in which these distant and insulated regions could have obtained their inhabitants. The same curiosity was felt by their countrymen at home, and the European scholars bewildered their brains with speculations on the best way of solving this interesting problem.
In accounting392 for the presence of animals there, some imagined that the two hemispheres might once have been joined in the extreme north, so as to have afforded an easy communication.[351] Others, embarrassed by the difficulty of transporting inhabitants of the tropics across the Arctic regions,{226} revived the old story of Plato’s Atlantis, that huge island, now submerged, which might have stretched from the shores of Africa to the eastern borders of the new continent;[352] while they saw vestiges393 of a similar convulsion of nature in the green islands{227} sprinkled over the Pacific, once the mountain summits of a vast continent, now buried beneath the waters.[353] Some, distrusting the existence of revolutions of which no record was preserved, supposed that animals might have found their way across the ocean by various means; the birds of stronger wing by flight over the narrowest spaces; while the tamer kinds of quadrupeds might easily have been transported by men in boats, and even the more ferocious, as tigers, bears, and the like, have been brought over, in the same manner, when young, “for amusement and the pleasure of the chase”![354] Others, again, maintained the equally probable opinion that angels, who had, doubtless, taken charge of them in the ark, had also superintended their distribution afterwards over the different parts of the globe.[355] Such were the extremities394 to which even thinking minds were reduced, in their eagerness to reconcile the literal interpretation395 of Scripture396 with the phenomena397 of nature! The philosophy of a later day conceives that it is no departure from this sacred authority to follow the suggestions of science, by referring the new tribes of animals to a creation, since the deluge398, in those places for which they were clearly intended by constitution and habits.{228}[356]
Man would not seem to present the same embarrassments399, in the discussion, as the inferior orders. He is fitted by nature for every climate, the burning sun of the tropics and the icy atmosphere of the North. He wanders indifferently over the sands of the desert, the waste of polar snows, and the pathless ocean. Neither mountains nor seas intimidate401 him, and, by the aid of mechanical contrivances, he accomplishes journeys which birds of boldest wing would perish in attempting. Without ascending402 to the high northern latitudes403, where the continents of Asia and America approach within fifty miles of each other, it would be easy for the inhabitant of Eastern Tartary or Japan to steer404 his canoe from islet to islet, quite across to the American shore, without ever being on the ocean more than two days at a time.[357] The communication is somewhat more difficult on the Atlantic side. But even there, Iceland was occupied by colonies of Europeans many hundred years before the discovery by Columbus; and the transit405 from Iceland to America is comparatively easy.[358] Independently of these channels, others were opened in the Southern hemisphere, by means of{229} the numerous islands in the Pacific. The population of America is not nearly so difficult a problem as that of these little spots. But experience shows how practicable the communication may have been, even with such sequestered places.[359] The savage406 has been picked up in his canoe, after drifting hundreds of leagues on the open ocean, and sustaining life, for months, by the rain from heaven, and such fish as he could catch.[360] The instances are not very rare; and it would be strange if these wandering barks should not sometimes have been intercepted407 by the great continent which stretches across the globe, in unbroken continuity, almost from pole to pole. No doubt, history could reveal to us more than one example of men who, thus driven upon the American shores, have mingled their blood with that of the primitive races who occupied them.{230}
The real difficulty is not, as with the animals, to explain how man could have reached America, but from what quarter he actually has reached it. In surveying the whole extent of the New World, it was found to contain two great families, one in the lowest stage of civilization, composed of hunters, and another nearly as far advanced in refinement as the semi-civilized empires of Asia. The more polished races were probably unacquainted with the existence of each other on the different continents of America, and had as little intercourse408 with the barbarian tribes by whom they were surrounded. Yet they had some things in common both with these last and with one another, which remarkably409 distinguished410 them from the inhabitants of the Old World. They had a common complexion and physical organization,—at least, bearing a more uniform character than is found among the nations of any other quarter of the globe. They had some usages and institutions in common, and spoke411 languages of similar construction, curiously412 distinguished from those in the Eastern hemisphere.
Whence did the refinement of these more polished races come? Was it only a higher development of the same Indian character which we see, in the more northern latitudes, defying every attempt at permanent civilization? Was it engrafted on a race of higher order in the scale originally, but self-instructed, working its way upward by its own powers? Was it, in short, an indigenous413 civilization? or was it borrowed in some degree from the nations in the Eastern World?{231} If indigenous, how are we to explain the singular coincidence with the East in institutions and opinions? If Oriental, how shall we account for the great dissimilarity in language, and for the ignorance of some of the most simple and useful arts, which, once known, it would seem scarcely possible should have been forgotten? This is the riddle414 of the Sphinx, which no ?dipus has yet had the ingenuity415 to solve. It is, however, a question of deep interest to every curious and intelligent observer of his species. And it has accordingly occupied the thoughts of men, from the first discovery of the country to the present time; when the extraordinary monuments brought to light in Central America have given a new impulse to inquiry, by suggesting the probability—the possibility, rather—that surer evidences than any hitherto known might be afforded for establishing the fact of a positive communication with the other hemisphere.
It is not my intention to add many pages to the volumes already written on this inexhaustible topic. The subject—as remarked by a writer of a philosophical416 mind himself, and who has done more than any other for the solution of the mystery—is of too speculative a nature for history, almost for philosophy.[361] But this work would be incomplete without affording the reader the means of judging for himself as to the true sources of the peculiar417 civili{232}zation already described, by exhibiting to him the alleged418 points of resemblance with the ancient continent. In doing this, I shall confine myself to my proper subject, the Mexicans, or to what, in some way or other, may have a bearing on this subject; proposing to state only real points of resemblance, as they are supported by evidence, and stripped, as far as possible, of the illusions with which they have been invested by the pious180 credulity of one party, and the visionary system-building of another.
An obvious analogy is found in cosmogonal traditions and religious usages. The reader has already been made acquainted with the Aztec system of four great cycles, at the end of each of which the world was destroyed, to be again regenerated420.[362] The belief in these periodical convulsions of nature, through the agency of some one or other of the elements, was familiar to many countries in the Eastern hemisphere; and, though varying in detail, the general resemblance of outline furnishes an argument in favor of a common origin.[363]
No tradition has been more widely spread among nations than that of a Deluge. Independently of tradition, indeed, it would seem to be naturally suggested by the interior structure of the earth,{233} and by the elevated places on which marine421 substances are found to be deposited. It was the received notion, under some form or other, of the most civilized people in the Old World, and of the barbarians422 of the New.[364] The Aztecs combined with this some particular circumstances of a more arbitrary character, resembling the accounts of the East. They believed that two persons survived the Deluge,—a man, named Coxcox, and his wife. Their heads are represented in ancient paintings, together with a boat floating on the waters, at the foot of a mountain. A dove is also depicted423, with the hieroglyphical424 emblem of languages in his mouth, which he is distributing to the children of Coxcox, who were born dumb.[365] The neighboring people of Michoacán, inhabiting the same high plains of the Andes, had a still further tradition, that the boat in which Tezpi, their Noah, escaped,{234} was filled with various kinds of animals and birds. After some time, a vulture was sent out from it, but remained feeding on the dead bodies of the giants, which had been left on the earth, as the waters subsided425. The little humming-bird, huitzitzilin, was then sent forth, and returned with a twig426 in its mouth. The coincidence of both these accounts with the Hebrew and Chaldean narratives is obvious. It were to be wished that the authority for the Michoacán version were more satisfactory.[366]
On the way between Vera Cruz and the capital, not far from the modern city of Puebla, stands the venerable relic—with which the reader will become familiar in the course of the narrative—called the temple of Cholula. It is a pyramidal mound427, built, or rather cased, with unburnt brick, rising to the height of nearly one hundred and eighty feet. The popular tradition of the natives is that it was erected by a family of giants, who had escaped the great inundation428 and designed{235} to raise the building to the clouds; but the gods, offended with their presumption429, sent fires from heaven on the pyramid, and compelled them to abandon the attempt.[367] The partial coincidence of this legend with the Hebrew account of the tower of Babel, received also by other nations of the East, cannot be denied.[368] But one who has not examined the subject will scarcely credit what bold hypotheses have been reared on this slender basis.
Another point of coincidence is found in the{236} goddess Cioacoatl, “our lady and mother;” “the first goddess who brought forth;” “who bequeathed the sufferings of childbirth to women, as the tribute of death;” “by whom sin came into the world.” Such was the remarkable language applied430 by the Aztecs to this venerated431 deity. She was usually represented with a serpent near her; and her name signified the “serpent-woman.” In all this we see much to remind us of the mother of the human family, the Eve of the Hebrew and Syrian nations.[369]
But none of the deities432 of the country suggested such astonishing analogies with Scripture as Quetzalcoatl, with whom the reader has already been made acquainted.[370] He was the white man, wearing a long beard, who came from the East, and who, after presiding over the golden age of Anahuac, disappeared as mysteriously as he had come, on the great Atlantic Ocean. As he promised to return at some future day, his reappearance was looked for with confidence by each succeeding gen{237}eration. There is little in these circumstances to remind one of Christianity. But the curious antiquaries of Mexico found out that to this god were to be referred the institution of ecclesiastical communities, reminding one of the monastic societies of the Old World; that of the rites of confession434 and penance435; and the knowledge even of the great doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation![371] One party, with pious industry, accumulated proofs to establish his identity with the Apostle St. Thomas;[372][373] while another, with less scrupulous436 faith, saw, in his anticipated advent241 to regenerate419 the nation, the type, dimly veiled, of the Messiah![374]
Yet we should have charity for the missionaries437 who first landed in this world of wonders, where,{238} while man and nature wore so strange an aspect, they were astonished by occasional glimpses of rites and ceremonies which reminded them of a purer faith. In their amazement438, they did not reflect whether these things were not the natural expression of the religious feeling common to all nations who have reached even a moderate civilization. They did not inquire whether the same things were not practised by other idolatrous people. They could not suppress their wonder, as they beheld439 the Cross,[375] the sacred emblem of their own faith, raised as an object of worship in the temples of Anahuac. They met with it in various places; and the image of a cross may be seen at this day, sculptured in bas-relief, on the walls of{239} one of the buildings of Palenque, while a figure bearing some resemblance to that of a child is held up to it, as if in adoration440.[376]
Their surprise was heightened when they witnessed a religious rite7 which reminded them of the Christian433 communion. On these occasions an image of the tutelary441 deity of the Aztecs was made of the flour of maize442, mixed with blood, and, after consecration443 by the priests, was distributed among the people, who, as they ate it, “showed signs of humiliation and sorrow, declaring it was the flesh of the deity!”[377] How could the Roman Catholic fail to recognize the awful ceremony of the Eucharist?{240}
With the same feelings they witnessed another ceremony, that of the Aztec baptism; in which, after a solemn invocation, the head and lips of the infant were touched with water, and a name was given to it; while the goddess Cioacoatl, who presided over childbirth, was implored444 “that the sin which was given to us before the beginning of the world might not visit the child, but that, cleansed445 by these waters, it might live and be born anew!”[378]
It is true, these several rites were attended with many peculiarities446, very unlike those in any Chris{241}tian church. But the fathers fastened their eyes exclusively on the points of resemblance. They were not aware that the Cross was a symbol of worship, of the highest antiquity, in Egypt and Syria,[379] and that rites resembling those of communion[380] and baptism were practised by pagan nations on whom the light of Christianity had never shone.[381] In their amazement, they not only magnified what they saw, but were perpetually cheated by the illusions of their own heated imaginations. In this they were admirably assisted by their Mexican converts, proud to establish—and{242} half believing it themselves—a correspondence between their own faith and that of their conquerors.[382]
The ingenuity of the chronicler was taxed to find out analogies between the Aztec and Scripture histories, both old and new. The migration447 from Aztlan to Anahuac was typical of the Jewish exodus448.[383] The places where the Mexicans halted on the march were identified with those in the journey of the Israelites;[384] and the name of Mexico itself was found to be nearly identical with the Hebrew name for the Messiah.[385] The Mexican hieroglyphics afforded a boundless449 field for the display of this critical acuteness. The most remarkable passages in the Old and New Testaments450 were read in their mysterious characters; and the eye of faith could trace there the whole story of the Passion, the Saviour451 suspended from the cross,{243} and the Virgin Mary with her attendant angels![386]
The Jewish and Christian schemes were strangely mingled together, and the brains of the good fathers were still further bewildered by the mixture of heathenish abominations which were so closely intertwined with the most orthodox observances. In their perplexity, they looked on the whole as the delusion452 of the devil, who counterfeited453 the rites of Christianity and the traditions of the chosen people, that he might allure454 his wretched victims to their own destruction.[387]
But, although it is not necessary to resort to this startling supposition, nor even to call up an apostle from the dead, or any later missionary455, to explain the coincidences with Christianity, yet these coincidences must be allowed to furnish an argument in favor of some primitive communication with that great brotherhood456 of nations on the old continent, among whom similar ideas have been so widely diffused457.[388] The probability of such a com{244}munication, especially with Eastern Asia, is much strengthened by the resemblance of sacerdotal institutions, and of some religious rites, as those of marriage,[389] and the burial of the dead;[390] by the practice of human sacrifices, and even of cannibalism458, traces of which are discernible in the Mongol races;[391] and, lastly, by a conformity459 of social usages and manners, so striking that the description of Montezuma’s court may well pass for that of the Grand Khan’s, as depicted by Maundeville and Marco Polo.[392] It would occupy too much room to go into details in this matter, without which, however, the strength of the argument cannot be felt, nor fully154 established. It has been done by others; and an occasional coincidence has been adverted460 to in the preceding chapters.{245}
It is true, we should be very slow to infer identity, or even correspondence, between nations, from a partial resemblance of habits and institutions. Where this relates to manners, and is founded on caprice, it is not more conclusive461 than when it flows from the spontaneous suggestions of nature, common to all. The resemblance, in the one case, may be referred to accident; in the other, to the constitution of man. But there are certain arbitrary peculiarities, which, when found in different nations, reasonably suggest the idea of some previous communication between them. Who can doubt the existence of an affinity462, or, at least, intercourse, between tribes who had the same strange habit of burying the dead in a sitting posture463, as was practised to some extent by most, if not all, of the aborigines, from Canada to Patagonia?[393] The habit of burning the dead, familiar to both Mongols and Aztecs, is in itself but slender proof of a common origin. The body must be disposed of in some way; and this, perhaps, is as natural as any other. But when to this is added the circumstance of collecting the ashes in a vase and depositing the single article of a precious stone along with them, the coincidence is remarkable.[394] Such minute coincidences are not unfrequent; while the accumulation of those of a more general character, though individually of little account, greatly strengthens the probability of a communication with the East.{246}
A proof of a higher kind is found in the analogies of science. We have seen the peculiar chronological464 system of the Aztecs; their method of distributing the years into cycles, and of reckoning by means of periodical series, instead of numbers. A similar process was used by the various Asiatic nations of the Mongol family, from India to Japan. Their cycles, indeed, consisted of sixty, instead of fifty-two years; and for the terms of their periodical series they employed the names of the elements and the signs of the zodiac, of which latter the Mexicans, probably, had no knowledge. But the principle was precisely the same.[395]
A correspondence quite as extraordinary is found between the hieroglyphics used by the Aztecs for the signs of the days, and those zodiacal signs which the Eastern Asiatics employed as one of the terms of their series. The symbols in the Mongolian calendar are borrowed from animals. Four of the twelve are the same as the Aztec. Three others are as nearly the same as the differ{247}ent species of animals in the two hemispheres would allow. The remaining five refer to no creature then found in Anahuac.[396] The resemblance went as far as it could.[397] The similarity of these conventional symbols among the several nations of the East can hardly fail to carry conviction of a common origin for the system as regards them. Why should not a similar conclusion be applied to the Aztec calendar, which, although relating to days instead of years, was, like the Asiatic, equally{248} appropriated to chronological uses and to those of divination465?[398]
I shall pass over the further resemblance to the Persians, shown in the adjustment of time by a similar system of intercalation;[399] and to the Egyptians, in the celebration of the remarkable festival of the winter solstice;[400] since, although sufficiently curious, the coincidences might be accidental, and add little to the weight of evidence offered by an agreement in combinations of so complex and artificial a character as those before stated.
Amid these intellectual analogies, one would expect to meet with that of language,[401] the vehicle of intellectual communication, which usually exhibits traces of its origin even when the science and literature that are embodied466 in it have widely diverged467. No inquiry, however, has led to satisfactory results. The languages spread over the Western continent far exceed in number those found in any equal population in the Eastern.[402] They exhibit the remarkable anomaly of differing as widely in etymology468 as they agree in organization; and, on the other hand, while they bear some slight affinity to the languages of the Old World in the former particular, they have no resemblance to them whatever in the latter.[403] The Mexican was spoken for an extent of three hundred leagues. But within the boundaries of New Spain more than twenty languages were found; not simply dialects, but, in many instances, radically469 different.[404] All these idioms, however, with one exception, conformed to that peculiar synthetic470 structure by which every Indian dialect appears to have been fashioned, from the land of the Esquimaux to Terra del Fuego;[405] a system which, bringing the{250} greatest number of ideas within the smallest possible compass, condenses whole sentences into a single word,[406] displaying a curious mechanism471, in which some discern the hand of the philosopher, and others only the spontaneous efforts of the savage.[407]
The etymological472 affinities473 detected with the ancient continent are not very numerous, and they are drawn indiscriminately from all the tribes scattered474 over America. On the whole, more analogies have been found with the idioms of Asia than of any other quarter. But their amount is too inconsiderable to balance the opposite conclusion inferred by a total dissimilarity of structure.[408] A remarkable exception is found in the Othomi or Otomi language, which covers a wider territory than any other but the Mexican in New Spain,[409] and which,{251} both in its monosyllabic composition, so different from those around it, and in its vocabulary, shows a very singular affinity to the Chinese.[410] The existence of this insulated idiom in the heart of this vast continent offers a curious theme for speculation282, entirely beyond the province of history.
The American languages, so numerous and widely diversified475, present an immense field of inquiry, which, notwithstanding the labors476 of several distinguished philologists477, remains yet to be explored. It is only after a wide comparison of examples that conclusions founded on analogy can be trusted. The difficulty of making such comparisons increases with time, from the facility which the peculiar structure of the Indian languages affords for new combinations; while the insensible influence of contact with civilized man, in producing these, must lead to a still further distrust of our conclusions.
The theory of an Asiatic origin for Aztec civilization derives478 stronger confirmation479 from the light of tradition, which, shining steadily480 from the far Northwest, pierces through the dark shadows that history and mythology have alike thrown around the traditions of the country. Traditions of a Western or Northwestern origin were found{252} among the more barbarous tribes,[411] and by the Mexicans were preserved both orally and in their hieroglyphical maps, where the different stages of their migration are carefully noted481. But who, at this day, shall read them?[412] They are admitted to agree, however, in representing the populous482 North as the prolific483 hive of the American races.[413] In this quarter were placed their Aztlan and their Huehuetlapallan,—the bright abodes484 of their ancestors, whose warlike exploits rivalled those which the Teutonic nations have recorded of Odin{253} and the mythic heroes of Scandinavia. From this quarter the Toltecs, the Chichimecs, and the kindred races of the Nahuatlacs came successively up the great plateau of the Andes, spreading over its hills and valleys, down to the Gulf485 of Mexico.[414]
Antiquaries have industriously486 sought to detect some still surviving traces of these migrations487. In the northwestern districts of New Spain, at the distance of a thousand miles from the capital, dialects have been discovered showing intimate affinity with the Mexican.[415] Along the Rio Gila, remains of populous towns are to be seen, quite worthy76 of the Aztecs in their style of architecture.[416] The country north of the great Rio Colorado has been imperfectly explored; but in the higher latitudes, in the neighborhood of Nootka, tribes still exist{254} whose dialects, both in the termination and general sound of the words, bear considerable resemblance to the Mexican.[417] Such are the vestiges, few, indeed, and feeble, that still exist to attest488 the truth of traditions which themselves have remained steady and consistent through the lapse300 of centuries and the migrations of successive races.
The conclusions suggested by the intellectual and moral analogies with Eastern Asia derive considerable support from those of a physical nature. The aborigines of the Western World were distinguished by certain peculiarities of organization, which have led physiologists489 to regard them as a separate race. These peculiarities are shown in their reddish complexion, approaching a cinnamon color; their straight, black, and exceedingly glossy490 hair; their beard thin, and usually eradicated;[418] their high cheek-bones, eyes obliquely491 directed towards the temples, prominent noses, and narrow foreheads falling backwards492 with a greater inclination493 than those of any other race except the African.[419] From this general standard, however, there are deviations494, in the same manner, if not to the{255} same extent, as in other quarters of the globe, though these deviations do not seem to be influenced by the same laws of local position.[420] Anatomists, also, have discerned in crania disinterred from the mounds495, and in those of the inhabitants of the high plains of the Cordilleras, an obvious difference from those of the more barbarous tribes. This is seen especially in the ampler forehead, intimating a decided intellectual superiority.[421] These characteristics are found to bear a close resemblance to those of the Mongolian family, and especially to the people of Eastern Tartary;[422] so that, notwithstanding certain differences recognized by physiologists, the skulls496 of the two races could not be readily distinguished from one another by a common observer. No inference can be surely drawn, however, without a wide range of comparison. That hitherto made has been chiefly founded{256} on specimens from the barbarous tribes.[423] Perhaps a closer comparison with the more civilized may supply still stronger evidences of affinity.[424]
In seeking for analogies with the Old World, we should not pass by in silence the architectural remains of the country, which, indeed, from their resemblance to the pyramidal structures of the East, have suggested to more than one antiquary the idea of a common origin.[425] The Spanish in{257}vaders, it is true, assailed497 the Indian buildings, especially those of a religious character, with all the fury of fanaticism498. The same spirit survived in the generations which succeeded. The war has never ceased against the monuments of the country; and the few that fanaticism has spared have been nearly all demolished499 to serve the purposes of utility. Of all the stately edifices, so much extolled500 by the Spaniards who first visited the country, there are scarcely more vestiges at the present day than are to be found in some of those regions of Europe and Asia which once swarmed501 with populous cities, the great marts of luxury and commerce.[426] Yet some of these remains, like the temple of Xochicalco,[427] the palaces of Tezcot{258}zinco,[428] the colossal calendar-stone in the capital, are of sufficient magnitude, and wrought with sufficient skill, to attest mechanical powers in the Aztecs not unworthy to be compared with those of the ancient Egyptians.
But, if the remains on the Mexican soil are so scanty502, they multiply as we descend4 the southeastern slope of the Cordilleras, traverse the rich Valley of Oaxaca, and penetrate the forests of Chiapa and Yucatan. In the midst of these lonely regions we meet with the ruins, recently discovered, of several ancient cities, Mitla, Palenque, and Itzalana or Uxmal,[429] which argue a higher civilization{259} than anything yet found on the American continent; and, although it was not the Mexicans who built these cities, yet, as they are probably the work of cognate503 races, the present inquiry would be incomplete without some attempt to ascertain what light they can throw on the origin of the Indian, and consequently of the Aztec civilization.[430]
Few works of art have been found in the neighborhood of any of the ruins.[431] Some of them, consisting of earthen or marble vases, fragments of statues, and the like, are fantastic, and even hideous504; others show much grace and beauty of design,{260} and are apparently505 well executed.[432] It may seem extraordinary that no iron in the buildings themselves, nor iron tools, should have been discovered, considering that the materials used are chiefly granite, very hard, and carefully hewn and polished. Red copper506 chisels507 and axes have been picked up in the midst of large blocks of granite imperfectly cut, with fragments of pillars and architraves, in the quarries508 near Mitla.[433] Tools of a similar kind have been discovered, also, in the quarries near Thebes; and the difficulty, nay509, impossibility, of cutting such masses from the living rock with any tools which we possess, except iron, has confirmed an ingenious writer in the supposition that this metal must have been employed by the Egyptians, but that its tendency to decomposition510, especially in a nitrous soil, has prevented any specimens of it from being preserved.[434] Yet iron has been found, after the lapse of some thousands of years, in the remains of antiquity; and it is certain that the Mexicans, down to the time of the Conquest, used only copper instruments, with an alloy511 of tin, and a silicious powder, to cut the hardest stones, some of them of enormous dimensions.[435] This fact, with the additional circumstance that{261} only similar tools have been found in Central America, strengthens the conclusion that iron was neither known there nor in ancient Egypt.
But what are the nations of the Old Continent whose style of architecture bears most resemblance to that of the remarkable monuments of Chiapa and Yucatan? The points of resemblance will probably be found neither numerous nor decisive. There is, indeed, some analogy both to the Egyptian and Asiatic style of architecture in the pyramidal, terrace-formed bases on which the buildings repose512, resembling also the Toltec and Mexican teocalli. A similar care, also, is observed in the people of both hemispheres to adjust the position of their buildings by the cardinal513 points. The walls in both are covered with figures and hieroglyphics, which, on the American as on the Egyptian, may be designed, perhaps, to record the laws and historical annals of the nation. These figures, as well as the buildings themselves, are found to have been stained with various dyes, principally vermilion;[436] a favorite color with the Egyptians also, who painted their colossal statues and temples of granite.[437] Notwithstanding these points of similarity, the Palenque architecture has little to re{262}mind us of the Egyptian or of the Oriental. It is, indeed, more conformable, in the perpendicular514 elevation515 of the walls, the moderate size of the stones, and the general arrangement of the parts, to the European. It must be admitted, however, to have a character of originality516 peculiar to itself.
More positive proofs of communication with the East might be looked for in their sculpture and in the conventional forms of their hieroglyphics. But the sculptures on the Palenque buildings are in relief, unlike the Egyptian, which are usually in intaglio517. The Egyptians were not very successful in their representations of the human figure, which are on the same invariable model, always in profile, from the greater facility of execution this presents over the front view; the full eye is placed on the side of the head, while the countenance518 is similar in all, and perfectly350 destitute of expression.[438] The Palenque artists were equally awkward in representing the various attitudes of the body, which they delineated also in profile. But the parts are executed with much correctness, and sometimes gracefully519; the costume is rich and various; and the ornamented520 head-dress, typical, perhaps, like the Aztec, of the name and condition of the person represented, conforms in its magnificence to the Oriental taste. The countenance is various, and often expressive521. The contour of the head is, in{263}deed, most extraordinary, describing almost a semi-circle from the forehead to the tip of the nose, and contracted towards the crown, whether from the artificial pressure practised by many of the aborigines, or from some preposterous522 notion of ideal beauty.[439] But, while superior in the execution of the details, the Palenque artist was far inferior to the Egyptian in the number and variety of the objects displayed by him, which on the Theban temples comprehend animals as well as men, and almost every conceivable object of use or elegant art.
The hieroglyphics are too few on the American buildings to authorize523 any decisive inference. On comparing them, however, with those of the Dresden Codex, probably from this same quarter of the country,[440] with those on the monument of Xochicalco, and with the ruder picture-writing of the Aztecs, it is not easy to discern anything which indicates a common system. Still less obvious is the resemblance to the Egyptian characters, whose refined and delicate abbreviations approach almost{264} to the simplicity of an alphabet. Yet the Palenque writing shows an advanced stage of the art, and, though somewhat clumsy, intimates, by the conventional and arbitrary forms of the hieroglyphics, that it was symbolical524, and perhaps phonetic525, in its character.[441] That its mysterious import will ever be deciphered is scarcely to be expected. The language of the race who employed it, the race itself, is unknown. And it is not likely that another Rosetta stone will be found, with its trilingual inscription526, to supply the means of comparison, and to guide the American Champollion in the path of discovery.
It is impossible to contemplate304 these mysterious monuments of a lost civilization without a strong feeling of curiosity as to who were their architects and what is their probable age. The data on which to rest our conjectures527 of their age are not very substantial; although some find in them a warrant for an antiquity of thousands of years, coeval528 with the architecture of Egypt and Hindostan.[442] But the interpretation of hieroglyphics, and the apparent duration of trees, are vague and unsatisfac{265}tory.[443] And how far can we derive an argument from the discoloration and dilapidated condition of the ruins, when we find so many structures of the Middle Ages dark and mouldering529 with decay, while the marbles of the Acropolis and the gray stone of P?stum still shine in their primitive splendor?
There are, however, undoubted proofs of considerable age to be found there. Trees have shot up in the midst of the buildings, which measure, it is said, more than nine feet in diameter.[444] A still more striking fact is the accumulation of vegetable mould in one of the courts, to the depth of nine feet above the pavement.[445] This in our latitude{266} would be decisive of a very great antiquity. But in the rich soil of Yucatan, and under the ardent sun of the tropics, vegetation bursts forth with irrepressible exuberance530, and generations of plants succeed each other without intermission, leaving an accumulation of deposits that would have perished under a northern winter. Another evidence of their age is afforded by the circumstance that in one of the courts of Uxmal the granite pavement,[446] on which the figures of tortoises were raised in relief, is worn nearly smooth by the feet of the crowds who have passed over it;[447] a curious fact, suggesting inferences both in regard to the age and population of the place. Lastly, we have authority for carrying back the date of many of these ruins to a certain period, since they were found in a deserted, and probably dilapidated, state by the first Spaniards who entered the country. Their notices, indeed, are brief and casual, for the old Conquerors had little respect for works of art;[448] and it is fortunate for these structures{267} that they had ceased to be the living temples of the gods, since no merit of architecture, probably, would have availed to save them from the general doom531 of the monuments of Mexico.
If we find it so difficult to settle the age of these buildings, what can we hope to know of their architects? Little can be gleaned532 from the rude people by whom they are surrounded. The old Tezcucan chronicler so often quoted by me, the best authority for the traditions of his country, reports that the Toltecs, on the breaking up of their empire,—which he places earlier than most authorities, in the middle of the tenth century,—migrating from Anahuac, spread themselves over Guatemala, Tehuantepec, Campeachy, and the coasts and neigh{268}boring isles533 on both sides of the Isthmus534.[449] This assertion, important, considering its source, is confirmed by the fact that several of the nations in that quarter adopted systems of astronomy and chronology, as well as sacerdotal institutions, very similar to the Aztec,[450] which, as we have seen, were also probably derived from the Toltecs, their more polished predecessors535 in the land.
If so recent a date for the construction of the American buildings be thought incompatible536 with this oblivion of their origin, it should be remembered how treacherous537 a thing is tradition, and how easily the links of the chain are severed538. The builders of the pyramids had been forgotten before the time of the earliest Greek historians.[451] The antiquary still disputes whether the frightful539 inclination of that architectural miracle, the tower of Pisa, standing, as it does, in the heart of a populous city, was the work of accident or design. And we have seen how soon the Tezcucans, dwelling540 amidst the ruins of their royal palaces, built just before the Conquest, had forgotten their history, while the{269} more inquisitive541 traveller refers their construction to some remote period before the Aztecs.[452]
The reader has now seen the principal points of coincidence insisted on between the civilization of ancient Mexico and the Eastern hemisphere. In presenting them to him, I have endeavored to confine myself to such as rest on sure historic grounds, and not so much to offer my own opinion as to enable him to form one for himself. There are some material embarrassments in the way to this, however, which must not be passed over in silence. These consist, not in explaining the fact that, while the mythic system and the science of the Aztecs afford some striking points of analogy with the Asiatic, they should differ in so many more; for the same phenomenon is found among the nations of the Old World, who seem to have borrowed from one another those ideas, only, best suited to their peculiar genius and institutions. Nor does the difficulty lie in accounting for the great dissimilarity of the American languages to those in the other hemisphere; for the difference with these is not greater than what exists among themselves; and no one will contend for a separate origin for each of the aboriginal542 tribes.[453] But it is scarcely possible to reconcile the knowledge of Oriental science with the total ignorance of some of the most serviceable and familiar arts, as the use of milk and{270} iron, for example; arts so simple, yet so important to domestic comfort, that when once acquired they could hardly be lost.
The Aztecs had no useful domesticated543 animals. And we have seen that they employed bronze, as a substitute for iron, for all mechanical purposes. The bison, or wild cow of America, however, which ranges in countless544 herds545 over the magnificent prairies of the west, yields milk like the tame animal of the same species in Asia and Europe;[454] and iron was scattered in large masses over the surface of the table-land. Yet there have been people considerably546 civilized in Eastern Asia who were almost equally strangers to the use of milk.[455] The buffalo547 range was not so much on the western coast as on the eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains;[456] and the migratory548 Aztec might well{271} doubt whether the wild, uncouth549 monsters whom he occasionally saw bounding with such fury over the distant plains were capable of domestication550, like the meek551 animals which he had left grazing in the green pastures of Asia. Iron, too, though met with on the surface of the ground, was more tenacious552, and harder to work, than copper, which he also found in much greater quantities on his route. It is possible, moreover, that his migration may have been previous to the time when iron was used by his nation; for we have seen more than one people in the Old World employing bronze and copper with entire ignorance, apparently, of any more serviceable metal.[457]—Such{272} is the explanation, unsatisfactory, indeed, but the best that suggests itself, of this curious anomaly.
The consideration of these and similar difficulties has led some writers to regard the antique American civilization as purely indigenous. Whichever way we turn, the subject is full of embarrassment400. It is easy, indeed, by fastening the attention on one portion of it, to come to a conclusion. In this way, while some feel little hesitation553 in pronouncing the American civilization original, others, no less certainly, discern in it a Hebrew, or an Egyptian, or a Chinese, or a Tartar origin, as their eyes are attracted by the light of analogy too exclusively to this or the other quarter. The number of contradictory554 lights, of itself, perplexes the judgment and prevents us from arriving at a precise and positive inference. Indeed, the affectation of this, in so doubtful a matter, argues a most unphilosophical mind. Yet where there is most doubt there is often the most dogmatism.
The reader of the preceding pages may perhaps acquiesce in the general conclusions,—not startling by their novelty,—
First, that the coincidences are sufficiently strong to authorize a belief that the civilization of Anahuac was in some degree influenced by that of Eastern Asia.
And, secondly555, that the discrepancies556 are such as to carry back the communication to a very remote period; so remote that this foreign influence has been too feeble to interfere557 materially with the{273} growth of what may be regarded in its essential features as a peculiar and indigenous civilization.
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1 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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2 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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3 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
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4 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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5 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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6 misgiving | |
n.疑虑,担忧,害怕 | |
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7 rite | |
n.典礼,惯例,习俗 | |
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8 reigns | |
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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9 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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10 slay | |
v.杀死,宰杀,杀戮 | |
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11 slaying | |
杀戮。 | |
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12 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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13 subjugating | |
v.征服,降伏( subjugate的现在分词 ) | |
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14 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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15 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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16 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
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17 dungeon | |
n.地牢,土牢 | |
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18 connivance | |
n.纵容;默许 | |
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19 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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20 fugitive | |
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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21 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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22 reigning | |
adj.统治的,起支配作用的 | |
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23 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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24 usurper | |
n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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25 obeisance | |
n.鞠躬,敬礼 | |
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26 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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27 admonished | |
v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 );训诫;(温和地)责备;轻责 | |
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28 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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29 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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30 watchfulness | |
警惕,留心; 警觉(性) | |
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31 courteously | |
adv.有礼貌地,亲切地 | |
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32 refreshments | |
n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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33 incense | |
v.激怒;n.香,焚香时的烟,香气 | |
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34 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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35 vassals | |
n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 );(封建时代)诸侯;从属者;下属 | |
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36 vassal | |
n.附庸的;属下;adj.奴仆的 | |
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37 enraged | |
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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38 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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39 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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40 domain | |
n.(活动等)领域,范围;领地,势力范围 | |
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41 scour | |
v.搜索;擦,洗,腹泻,冲刷 | |
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42 concealment | |
n.隐藏, 掩盖,隐瞒 | |
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43 thickets | |
n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 );丛状物 | |
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44 caverns | |
大山洞,大洞穴( cavern的名词复数 ) | |
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45 hovering | |
鸟( hover的现在分词 ); 靠近(某事物); (人)徘徊; 犹豫 | |
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46 crest | |
n.顶点;饰章;羽冠;vt.达到顶点;vi.形成浪尖 | |
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47 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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48 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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49 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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50 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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51 solitudes | |
n.独居( solitude的名词复数 );孤独;荒僻的地方;人迹罕至的地方 | |
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52 solitude | |
n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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53 distressing | |
a.使人痛苦的 | |
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54 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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55 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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56 persecuting | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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57 proscription | |
n.禁止,剥夺权利 | |
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58 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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59 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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60 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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61 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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62 discomfited | |
v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词);使狼狈;使挫折;挫败 | |
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63 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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64 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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65 joyful | |
adj.欢乐的,令人欢欣的 | |
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66 proscribed | |
v.正式宣布(某事物)有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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68 razed | |
v.彻底摧毁,将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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70 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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71 paramount | |
a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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72 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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73 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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74 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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75 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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76 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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77 averse | |
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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78 confide | |
v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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79 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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80 alienation | |
n.疏远;离间;异化 | |
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81 remodelling | |
v.改变…的结构[形状]( remodel的现在分词 ) | |
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82 concise | |
adj.简洁的,简明的 | |
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83 exigencies | |
n.急切需要 | |
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84 economize | |
v.节约,节省 | |
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85 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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86 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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87 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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88 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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89 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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90 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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91 censorial | |
监察官的,审查员的 | |
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92 wilful | |
adj.任性的,故意的 | |
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93 perversion | |
n.曲解;堕落;反常 | |
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94 Bungler | |
n.笨拙者,经验不够的人 | |
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95 elude | |
v.躲避,困惑 | |
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96 hieroglyphics | |
n.pl.象形文字 | |
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97 supervision | |
n.监督,管理 | |
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98 fabrics | |
织物( fabric的名词复数 ); 布; 构造; (建筑物的)结构(如墙、地面、屋顶):质地 | |
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99 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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100 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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101 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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102 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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103 splendor | |
n.光彩;壮丽,华丽;显赫,辉煌 | |
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104 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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105 lavished | |
v.过分给予,滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106 gaudy | |
adj.华而不实的;俗丽的 | |
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107 specimens | |
n.样品( specimen的名词复数 );范例;(化验的)抽样;某种类型的人 | |
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108 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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109 propitious | |
adj.吉利的;顺利的 | |
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110 ornamental | |
adj.装饰的;作装饰用的;n.装饰品;观赏植物 | |
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111 orator | |
n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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112 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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113 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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114 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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115 bards | |
n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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116 bard | |
n.吟游诗人 | |
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117 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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118 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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119 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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120 meretricious | |
adj.华而不实的,俗艳的 | |
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121 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122 tainted | |
adj.腐坏的;污染的;沾污的;感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 );使污染;败坏;被污染,腐坏,败坏 | |
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123 taint | |
n.污点;感染;腐坏;v.使感染;污染 | |
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124 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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125 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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126 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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127 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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128 muse | |
n.缪斯(希腊神话中的女神),创作灵感 | |
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129 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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130 inaccessible | |
adj.达不到的,难接近的 | |
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131 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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132 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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133 dwindled | |
v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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135 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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136 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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137 edifices | |
n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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138 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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139 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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140 encompassed | |
v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 );包围;包含;包括 | |
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141 circumference | |
n.圆周,周长,圆周线 | |
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142 spacious | |
adj.广阔的,宽敞的 | |
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143 converse | |
vi.谈话,谈天,闲聊;adv.相反的,相反 | |
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144 porticoes | |
n.柱廊,(有圆柱的)门廊( portico的名词复数 ) | |
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145 tapestries | |
n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 );绣帷,织锦v.用挂毯(或绣帷)装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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146 variegated | |
adj.斑驳的,杂色的 | |
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147 arcades | |
n.商场( arcade的名词复数 );拱形走道(两旁有商店或娱乐设施);连拱廊;拱形建筑物 | |
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148 labyrinths | |
迷宫( labyrinth的名词复数 ); (文字,建筑)错综复杂的 | |
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149 groves | |
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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150 cedar | |
n.雪松,香柏(木) | |
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151 cypress | |
n.柏树 | |
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152 aviaries | |
n.大鸟笼( aviary的名词复数 );鸟舍;鸟类饲养场;鸟类饲养者 | |
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153 skilfully | |
adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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154 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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155 naturalist | |
n.博物学家(尤指直接观察动植物者) | |
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156 requisite | |
adj.需要的,必不可少的;n.必需品 | |
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157 quarry | |
n.采石场;v.采石;费力地找 | |
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158 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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159 accomplishments | |
n.造诣;完成( accomplishment的名词复数 );技能;成绩;成就 | |
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160 jewelry | |
n.(jewllery)(总称)珠宝 | |
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161 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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162 pertinent | |
adj.恰当的;贴切的;中肯的;有关的;相干的 | |
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163 wholesome | |
adj.适合;卫生的;有益健康的;显示身心健康的 | |
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164 exempted | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165 umbrage | |
n.不快;树荫 | |
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166 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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167 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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168 condescended | |
屈尊,俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 ); 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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169 soothed | |
v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 );抚慰;使舒服;减轻痛苦 | |
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170 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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171 villas | |
别墅,公馆( villa的名词复数 ); (城郊)住宅 | |
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172 embellished | |
v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 );装饰;修饰;润色 | |
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173 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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174 buttresses | |
n.扶壁,扶垛( buttress的名词复数 )v.用扶壁支撑,加固( buttress的第三人称单数 ) | |
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175 masonry | |
n.砖土建筑;砖石 | |
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176 emblem | |
n.象征,标志;徽章 | |
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177 emblematic | |
adj.象征的,可当标志的;象征性 | |
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178 likeness | |
n.相像,相似(之处) | |
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179 copious | |
adj.丰富的,大量的 | |
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180 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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181 cascades | |
倾泻( cascade的名词复数 ); 小瀑布(尤指一连串瀑布中的一支); 瀑布状物; 倾泻(或涌出)的东西 | |
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182 refreshing | |
adj.使精神振作的,使人清爽的,使人喜欢的 | |
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183 shrubs | |
灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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184 fragrant | |
adj.芬香的,馥郁的,愉快的 | |
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185 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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186 excavated | |
v.挖掘( excavate的过去式和过去分词 );开凿;挖出;发掘 | |
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187 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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188 reposing | |
v.将(手臂等)靠在某人(某物)上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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189 mingling | |
adj.混合的 | |
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190 festive | |
adj.欢宴的,节日的 | |
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191 hardier | |
能吃苦耐劳的,坚强的( hardy的比较级 ); (植物等)耐寒的 | |
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192 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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193 ardor | |
n.热情,狂热 | |
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194 meditation | |
n.熟虑,(尤指宗教的)默想,沉思,(pl.)冥想录 | |
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195 relics | |
[pl.]n.遗物,遗迹,遗产;遗体,尸骸 | |
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196 granite | |
adj.花岗岩,花岗石 | |
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197 colossal | |
adj.异常的,庞大的 | |
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198 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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199 acquitted | |
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
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200 devoured | |
吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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201 chagrin | |
n.懊恼;气愤;委屈 | |
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202 hospitably | |
亲切地,招待周到地,善于款待地 | |
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203 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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204 maiden | |
n.少女,处女;adj.未婚的,纯洁的,无经验的 | |
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205 betrothed | |
n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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206 amorous | |
adj.多情的;有关爱情的 | |
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207 temperament | |
n.气质,性格,性情 | |
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208 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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209 forfeited | |
(因违反协议、犯规、受罚等)丧失,失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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210 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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211 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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212 presentiment | |
n.预感,预觉 | |
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213 virgin | |
n.处女,未婚女子;adj.未经使用的;未经开发的 | |
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214 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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215 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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216 perfidious | |
adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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217 kinsman | |
n.男亲属 | |
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218 narratives | |
记叙文( narrative的名词复数 ); 故事; 叙述; 叙述部分 | |
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219 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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220 derive | |
v.取得;导出;引申;来自;源自;出自 | |
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221 stigmatize | |
v.污蔑,玷污 | |
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222 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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223 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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224 anecdote | |
n.轶事,趣闻,短故事 | |
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225 anecdotes | |
n.掌故,趣闻,轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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226 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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227 ramble | |
v.漫步,漫谈,漫游;n.漫步,闲谈,蔓延 | |
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228 ascertaining | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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229 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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230 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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231 trespassed | |
(trespass的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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232 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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233 prohibitions | |
禁令,禁律( prohibition的名词复数 ); 禁酒; 禁例 | |
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234 glean | |
v.收集(消息、资料、情报等) | |
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235 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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236 discoursed | |
演说(discourse的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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237 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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238 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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239 mitigated | |
v.减轻,缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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240 meddle | |
v.干预,干涉,插手 | |
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241 advent | |
n.(重要事件等的)到来,来临 | |
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242 lamenting | |
adj.悲伤的,悲哀的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
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243 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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244 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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245 admonishing | |
v.劝告( admonish的现在分词 );训诫;(温和地)责备;轻责 | |
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246 hoard | |
n./v.窖藏,贮存,囤积 | |
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247 munificently | |
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248 meritorious | |
adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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249 bestow | |
v.把…赠与,把…授予;花费 | |
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250 chastised | |
v.严惩(某人)(尤指责打)( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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251 rigor | |
n.严酷,严格,严厉 | |
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252 acquiesce | |
vi.默许,顺从,同意 | |
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253 sordid | |
adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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254 superstitions | |
迷信,迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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255 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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256 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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257 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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258 strenuously | |
adv.奋发地,费力地 | |
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259 propitiate | |
v.慰解,劝解 | |
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260 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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261 idols | |
偶像( idol的名词复数 ); 受崇拜的人或物; 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物; 神像 | |
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262 aromatic | |
adj.芳香的,有香味的 | |
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263 expiration | |
n.终结,期满,呼气,呼出物 | |
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264 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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265 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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266 surmounted | |
战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 ); 克服(困难); 居于…之上; 在…顶上 | |
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267 profusely | |
ad.abundantly | |
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268 profuse | |
adj.很多的,大量的,极其丰富的 | |
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269 gilded | |
a.镀金的,富有的 | |
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270 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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271 complexion | |
n.肤色;情况,局面;气质,性格 | |
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272 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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273 sonorous | |
adj.响亮的,回响的;adv.圆润低沉地;感人地;n.感人,堂皇 | |
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274 mallet | |
n.槌棒 | |
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275 profaning | |
v.不敬( profane的现在分词 );亵渎,玷污 | |
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276 astronomical | |
adj.天文学的,(数字)极大的 | |
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277 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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278 utterance | |
n.用言语表达,话语,言语 | |
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279 hymns | |
n.赞美诗,圣歌,颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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280 pathos | |
n.哀婉,悲怆 | |
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281 speculations | |
n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
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282 speculation | |
n.思索,沉思;猜测;投机 | |
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283 pensive | |
a.沉思的,哀思的,忧沉的 | |
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284 convivial | |
adj.狂欢的,欢乐的 | |
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285 joyous | |
adj.充满快乐的;令人高兴的 | |
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286 torrents | |
n.倾注;奔流( torrent的名词复数 );急流;爆发;连续不断 | |
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287 onward | |
adj.向前的,前进的;adv.向前,前进,在先 | |
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288 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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289 cemetery | |
n.坟墓,墓地,坟场 | |
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290 loathsome | |
adj.讨厌的,令人厌恶的 | |
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291 subdued | |
adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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292 arrogated | |
v.冒称,妄取( arrogate的过去式和过去分词 );没来由地把…归属(于) | |
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293 puffed | |
adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 );喷着汽(或烟)移动;吹嘘;吹捧 | |
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294 vainglorious | |
adj.自负的;夸大的 | |
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295 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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296 aspire | |
vi.(to,after)渴望,追求,有志于 | |
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297 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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298 mansions | |
n.宅第,公馆,大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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299 mythology | |
n.神话,神话学,神话集 | |
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300 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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301 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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302 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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303 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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304 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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305 serenity | |
n.宁静,沉着,晴朗 | |
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306 meridian | |
adj.子午线的;全盛期的 | |
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307 confided | |
v.吐露(秘密,心事等)( confide的过去式和过去分词 );(向某人)吐露(隐私、秘密等) | |
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308 excellence | |
n.优秀,杰出,(pl.)优点,美德 | |
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309 vista | |
n.远景,深景,展望,回想 | |
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310 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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311 guardian | |
n.监护人;守卫者,保护者 | |
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312 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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313 courageous | |
adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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314 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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316 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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317 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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318 blot | |
vt.弄脏(用吸墨纸)吸干;n.污点,污渍 | |
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319 effaced | |
v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 );抹去;超越;使黯然失色 | |
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320 impartiality | |
n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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321 grandeur | |
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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322 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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323 remitting | |
v.免除(债务),宽恕( remit的现在分词 );使某事缓和;寄回,传送 | |
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324 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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325 invoked | |
v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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326 deference | |
n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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327 epoch | |
n.(新)时代;历元 | |
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328 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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329 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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330 poetical | |
adj.似诗人的;诗一般的;韵文的;富有诗意的 | |
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331 uncommon | |
adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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332 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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333 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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334 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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335 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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336 observatory | |
n.天文台,气象台,瞭望台,观测台 | |
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337 sequestered | |
adj.扣押的;隐退的;幽静的;偏僻的v.使隔绝,使隔离( sequester的过去式和过去分词 );扣押 | |
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338 stratagems | |
n.诡计,计谋( stratagem的名词复数 );花招 | |
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339 plundering | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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340 domains | |
n.范围( domain的名词复数 );领域;版图;地产 | |
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341 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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342 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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343 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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344 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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345 proficiency | |
n.精通,熟练,精练 | |
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346 speculative | |
adj.思索性的,暝想性的,推理的 | |
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347 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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348 withering | |
使人畏缩的,使人害羞的,使人难堪的 | |
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349 depicting | |
描绘,描画( depict的现在分词 ); 描述 | |
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350 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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351 diffuse | |
v.扩散;传播;adj.冗长的;四散的,弥漫的 | |
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352 fertilizing | |
v.施肥( fertilize的现在分词 ) | |
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353 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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354 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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355 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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356 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
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357 mildew | |
n.发霉;v.(使)发霉 | |
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358 blighted | |
adj.枯萎的,摧毁的 | |
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359 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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360 diligently | |
ad.industriously;carefully | |
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361 antiquities | |
n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 );古迹;古人们;古代的风俗习惯 | |
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362 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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363 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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364 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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365 authentic | |
a.真的,真正的;可靠的,可信的,有根据的 | |
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366 subversion | |
n.颠覆,破坏 | |
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367 entangled | |
adj.卷入的;陷入的;被缠住的;缠在一起的v.使某人(某物/自己)缠绕,纠缠于(某物中),使某人(自己)陷入(困难或复杂的环境中)( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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368 skeptical | |
adj.怀疑的,多疑的 | |
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369 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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370 errs | |
犯错误,做错事( err的第三人称单数 ) | |
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371 splendors | |
n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 );壮丽;光辉;显赫 | |
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372 soothing | |
adj.慰藉的;使人宽心的;镇静的 | |
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373 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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374 penetrate | |
v.透(渗)入;刺入,刺穿;洞察,了解 | |
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375 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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376 misty | |
adj.雾蒙蒙的,有雾的 | |
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377 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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378 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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379 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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380 picturesque | |
adj.美丽如画的,(语言)生动的,绘声绘色的 | |
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381 abounds | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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382 elegance | |
n.优雅;优美,雅致;精致,巧妙 | |
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383 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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384 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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385 conscientious | |
adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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386 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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387 exquisite | |
adj.精美的;敏锐的;剧烈的,感觉强烈的 | |
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388 deductions | |
扣除( deduction的名词复数 ); 结论; 扣除的量; 推演 | |
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389 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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390 corroborate | |
v.支持,证实,确定 | |
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391 impair | |
v.损害,损伤;削弱,减少 | |
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392 accounting | |
n.会计,会计学,借贷对照表 | |
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393 vestiges | |
残余部分( vestige的名词复数 ); 遗迹; 痕迹; 毫不 | |
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394 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
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395 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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396 scripture | |
n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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397 phenomena | |
n.现象 | |
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398 deluge | |
n./vt.洪水,暴雨,使泛滥 | |
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399 embarrassments | |
n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 );难堪;局促不安;令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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400 embarrassment | |
n.尴尬;使人为难的人(事物);障碍;窘迫 | |
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401 intimidate | |
vt.恐吓,威胁 | |
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402 ascending | |
adj.上升的,向上的 | |
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403 latitudes | |
纬度 | |
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404 steer | |
vt.驾驶,为…操舵;引导;vi.驾驶 | |
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405 transit | |
n.经过,运输;vt.穿越,旋转;vi.越过 | |
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406 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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407 intercepted | |
拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 ); 截住; 截击; 拦阻 | |
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408 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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409 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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410 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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411 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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412 curiously | |
adv.有求知欲地;好问地;奇特地 | |
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413 indigenous | |
adj.土产的,土生土长的,本地的 | |
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414 riddle | |
n.谜,谜语,粗筛;vt.解谜,给…出谜,筛,检查,鉴定,非难,充满于;vi.出谜 | |
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415 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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416 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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417 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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418 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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419 regenerate | |
vt.使恢复,使新生;vi.恢复,再生;adj.恢复的 | |
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420 regenerated | |
v.新生,再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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421 marine | |
adj.海的;海生的;航海的;海事的;n.水兵 | |
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422 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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423 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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424 hieroglyphical | |
n.象形文字,象形文字的文章 | |
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425 subsided | |
v.(土地)下陷(因在地下采矿)( subside的过去式和过去分词 );减弱;下降至较低或正常水平;一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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426 twig | |
n.小树枝,嫩枝;v.理解 | |
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427 mound | |
n.土墩,堤,小山;v.筑堤,用土堆防卫 | |
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428 inundation | |
n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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429 presumption | |
n.推测,可能性,冒昧,放肆,[法律]推定 | |
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430 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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431 venerated | |
敬重(某人或某事物),崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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432 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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433 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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434 confession | |
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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435 penance | |
n.(赎罪的)惩罪 | |
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436 scrupulous | |
adj.审慎的,小心翼翼的,完全的,纯粹的 | |
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437 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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438 amazement | |
n.惊奇,惊讶 | |
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439 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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440 adoration | |
n.爱慕,崇拜 | |
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441 tutelary | |
adj.保护的;守护的 | |
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442 maize | |
n.玉米 | |
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443 consecration | |
n.供献,奉献,献祭仪式 | |
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444 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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445 cleansed | |
弄干净,清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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446 peculiarities | |
n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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447 migration | |
n.迁移,移居,(鸟类等的)迁徙 | |
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448 exodus | |
v.大批离去,成群外出 | |
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449 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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450 testaments | |
n.遗嘱( testament的名词复数 );实际的证明 | |
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451 saviour | |
n.拯救者,救星 | |
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452 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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453 counterfeited | |
v.仿制,造假( counterfeit的过去分词 ) | |
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454 allure | |
n.诱惑力,魅力;vt.诱惑,引诱,吸引 | |
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455 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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456 brotherhood | |
n.兄弟般的关系,手中情谊 | |
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457 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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458 cannibalism | |
n.同类相食;吃人肉 | |
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459 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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460 adverted | |
引起注意(advert的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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461 conclusive | |
adj.最后的,结论的;确凿的,消除怀疑的 | |
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462 affinity | |
n.亲和力,密切关系 | |
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463 posture | |
n.姿势,姿态,心态,态度;v.作出某种姿势 | |
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464 chronological | |
adj.按年月顺序排列的,年代学的 | |
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465 divination | |
n.占卜,预测 | |
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466 embodied | |
v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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467 diverged | |
分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 ); 偏离; 分歧; 分道扬镳 | |
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468 etymology | |
n.语源;字源学 | |
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469 radically | |
ad.根本地,本质地 | |
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470 synthetic | |
adj.合成的,人工的;综合的;n.人工制品 | |
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471 mechanism | |
n.机械装置;机构,结构 | |
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472 etymological | |
adj.语源的,根据语源学的 | |
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473 affinities | |
n.密切关系( affinity的名词复数 );亲近;(生性)喜爱;类同 | |
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474 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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475 diversified | |
adj.多样化的,多种经营的v.使多样化,多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 );进入新的商业领域 | |
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476 labors | |
v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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477 philologists | |
n.语文学( philology的名词复数 ) | |
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478 derives | |
v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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479 confirmation | |
n.证实,确认,批准 | |
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480 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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481 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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482 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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483 prolific | |
adj.丰富的,大量的;多产的,富有创造力的 | |
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484 abodes | |
住所( abode的名词复数 ); 公寓; (在某地的)暂住; 逗留 | |
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485 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
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486 industriously | |
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487 migrations | |
n.迁移,移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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488 attest | |
vt.证明,证实;表明 | |
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489 physiologists | |
n.生理学者( physiologist的名词复数 );生理学( physiology的名词复数 );生理机能 | |
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490 glossy | |
adj.平滑的;有光泽的 | |
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491 obliquely | |
adv.斜; 倾斜; 间接; 不光明正大 | |
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492 backwards | |
adv.往回地,向原处,倒,相反,前后倒置地 | |
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493 inclination | |
n.倾斜;点头;弯腰;斜坡;倾度;倾向;爱好 | |
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494 deviations | |
背离,偏离( deviation的名词复数 ); 离经叛道的行为 | |
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495 mounds | |
土堆,土丘( mound的名词复数 ); 一大堆 | |
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496 skulls | |
颅骨( skull的名词复数 ); 脑袋; 脑子; 脑瓜 | |
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497 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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498 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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499 demolished | |
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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500 extolled | |
v.赞颂,赞扬,赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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501 swarmed | |
密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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502 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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503 cognate | |
adj.同类的,同源的,同族的;n.同家族的人,同源词 | |
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504 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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505 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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506 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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507 chisels | |
n.凿子,錾子( chisel的名词复数 );口凿 | |
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508 quarries | |
n.(采)石场( quarry的名词复数 );猎物(指鸟,兽等);方形石;(格窗等的)方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 );从(书本等中)努力发掘(资料等);在采石场采石 | |
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509 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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510 decomposition | |
n. 分解, 腐烂, 崩溃 | |
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511 alloy | |
n.合金,(金属的)成色 | |
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512 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
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513 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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514 perpendicular | |
adj.垂直的,直立的;n.垂直线,垂直的位置 | |
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515 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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516 originality | |
n.创造力,独创性;新颖 | |
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517 intaglio | |
n.凹版雕刻;v.凹雕 | |
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518 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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519 gracefully | |
ad.大大方方地;优美地 | |
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520 ornamented | |
adj.花式字体的v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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521 expressive | |
adj.表现的,表达…的,富于表情的 | |
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522 preposterous | |
adj.荒谬的,可笑的 | |
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523 authorize | |
v.授权,委任;批准,认可 | |
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524 symbolical | |
a.象征性的 | |
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525 phonetic | |
adj.语言的,语言上的,表示语音的 | |
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526 inscription | |
n.(尤指石块上的)刻印文字,铭文,碑文 | |
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527 conjectures | |
推测,猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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528 coeval | |
adj.同时代的;n.同时代的人或事物 | |
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529 mouldering | |
v.腐朽( moulder的现在分词 );腐烂,崩塌 | |
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530 exuberance | |
n.丰富;繁荣 | |
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531 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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532 gleaned | |
v.一点点地收集(资料、事实)( glean的过去式和过去分词 );(收割后)拾穗 | |
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533 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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534 isthmus | |
n.地峡 | |
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535 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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536 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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537 treacherous | |
adj.不可靠的,有暗藏的危险的;adj.背叛的,背信弃义的 | |
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538 severed | |
v.切断,断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 );断,裂 | |
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539 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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540 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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541 inquisitive | |
adj.求知欲强的,好奇的,好寻根究底的 | |
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542 aboriginal | |
adj.(指动植物)土生的,原产地的,土著的 | |
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543 domesticated | |
adj.喜欢家庭生活的;(指动物)被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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544 countless | |
adj.无数的,多得不计其数的 | |
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545 herds | |
兽群( herd的名词复数 ); 牧群; 人群; 群众 | |
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546 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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547 buffalo | |
n.(北美)野牛;(亚洲)水牛 | |
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548 migratory | |
n.候鸟,迁移 | |
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549 uncouth | |
adj.无教养的,粗鲁的 | |
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550 domestication | |
n.驯养,驯化 | |
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551 meek | |
adj.温顺的,逆来顺受的 | |
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552 tenacious | |
adj.顽强的,固执的,记忆力强的,粘的 | |
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553 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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554 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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555 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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556 discrepancies | |
n.差异,不符合(之处),不一致(之处)( discrepancy的名词复数 ) | |
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557 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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