1516-1518
IN the beginning of the sixteenth century, Spain occupied perhaps the most prominent position on the theatre of Europe. The numerous states into which she had been so long divided were consolidated1 into one monarchy3. The Moslem4 crescent, after reigning5 there for eight centuries, was no longer seen on her borders. The authority of the crown did not, as in later times, overshadow the inferior orders of the state. The people enjoyed the inestimable privilege of political representation, and exercised it with manly7 independence. The nation at large could boast as great a degree of constitutional freedom as any other, at that time, in Christendom. Under a system of salutary laws and an equitable8 administration, domestic tranquillity9 was secured, public credit established,{278} trade, manufactures, and even the more elegant arts, began to flourish; while a higher education called forth10 the first blossoms of that literature which was to ripen11 into so rich a harvest before the close of the century. Arms abroad kept pace with arts at home. Spain found her empire suddenly enlarged by important acquisitions both in Europe and Africa, while a New World beyond the waters poured into her lap treasures of countless12 wealth and opened an unbounded field for honorable enterprise.
Such was the condition of the kingdom at the close of the long and glorious reign6 of Ferdinand and Isabella, when, on the 23d of January, 1516, the sceptre passed into the hands of their daughter Joanna, or rather their grandson,[459] Charles the{279} Fifth, who alone ruled the monarchy during the long and imbecile existence of his unfortunate mother. During the two years following Ferdinand’s death, the regency, in the absence of Charles, was held by Cardinal13 Ximenes, a man whose intrepidity14, extraordinary talents, and capacity for great enterprises were accompanied by a haughty15 spirit, which made him too indifferent as to the means of their execution. His administration, therefore, notwithstanding the uprightness of his intentions, was, from his total disregard of forms, unfavorable to constitutional liberty; for respect for forms is an essential element of freedom. With all his faults, however, Ximenes was a Spaniard; and the object he had at heart was the good of his country.
It was otherwise on the arrival of Charles, who, after a long absence, came as a foreigner into the land of his fathers. (November, 1517.) His manners, sympathies, even his language, were foreign, for he spoke16 the Castilian with difficulty. He knew little of his native country, of the character of the people or their institutions. He seemed to care still less for them; while his natural reserve precluded17 that freedom of communication which might have counteracted18, to some extent, at least, the errors of education. In everything, in short,{280} he was a foreigner, and resigned himself to the direction of his Flemish counsellors with a docility19 that gave little augury20 of his future greatness.
On his entrance into Castile, the young monarch2 was accompanied by a swarm21 of courtly sycophants22, who settled, like locusts23, on every place of profit and honor throughout the kingdom. A Fleming was made grand chancellor24 of Castile; another Fleming was placed in the archiepiscopal see of Toledo. They even ventured to profane26 the sanctity of the Cortes, by intruding27 themselves on its deliberations. Yet that body did not tamely submit to these usurpations, but gave vent25 to its indignation in tones becoming the representatives of a free people.[460]
The deportment of Charles, so different from that to which the Spaniards had been accustomed under the benign28 administration of Ferdinand and Isabella, closed all hearts against him; and, as his character came to be understood, instead of the spontaneous outpourings of loyalty29 which usually greet the accession of a new and youthful sovereign, he was everywhere encountered by opposi{281}tion and disgust. In Castile, and afterwards in Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, the commons hesitated to confer on him the title of King during the lifetime of his mother; and, though they eventually yielded this point, and associated his name with hers in the sovereignty, yet they reluctantly granted the supplies he demanded, and, when they did so, watched over their appropriation30 with a vigilance which left little to gratify the cupidity31 of the Flemings. The language of the legislature on these occasions, though temperate32 and respectful, breathes a spirit of resolute33 independence not to be found, probably, on the parliamentary records of any other nation at that period. No wonder that Charles should have early imbibed34 a disgust for these popular assemblies,—the only bodies whence truths so unpalatable could find their way to the ears of the sovereign![461] Unfortunately, they had no influence on his conduct; till the discontent, long allowed to fester in secret, broke out in that sad war of the comunidades, which shook the state to its foundations and ended in the subversion35 of its liberties.{282}[462]
The same pestilent foreign influence was felt, though much less sensibly, in the colonial administration. This had been placed, in the preceding reign, under the immediate36 charge of the two great tribunals, the Council of the Indies, and the Casa de Contratacion, or India House, at Seville. It was their business to further the progress of discovery, watch over the infant settlements, and adjust the disputes which grew up in them. But the licenses37 granted to private adventurers did more for the cause of discovery than the patronage39 of the crown or its officers. The long peace, enjoyed with slight interruption by Spain in the early part of the sixteenth century, was most auspicious40 for this; and the restless cavalier, who could no longer win laurels41 on the fields of Africa or Europe, turned with eagerness{283} to the brilliant career opened to him beyond the ocean.
It is difficult for those of our time, as familiar from childhood with the most remote places on the globe as with those in their own neighborhood, to picture to themselves the feelings of the men who lived in the sixteenth century. The dread42 mystery which had so long hung over the great deep had, indeed, been removed. It was no longer beset43 with the same undefined horrors as when Columbus launched his bold bark on its dark and unknown waters. A new and glorious world had been thrown open. But as to the precise spot where that world lay, its extent, its history, whether it were island or continent,—of all this they had very vague and confused conceptions. Many, in their ignorance, blindly adopted the erroneous conclusion into which the great Admiral had been led by his superior science,—that the new countries were a part of Asia; and, as the mariner44 wandered among the Bahamas, or steered45 his caravel across the Caribbean Seas, he fancied he was inhaling46 the rich odors of the spice-islands in the Indian Ocean. Thus every fresh discovery, interpreted by this previous delusion47, served to confirm him in his error, or, at least, to fill his mind with new perplexities.
The career thus thrown open had all the fascinations48 of a desperate hazard, on which the adventurer staked all his hopes of fortune, fame, and life itself. It was not often, indeed, that he won the rich prize which he most coveted49; but then he was sure to win the meed of glory, scarcely less{284} dear to his chivalrous50 spirit; and, if he survived to return to his home, he had wonderful stories to recount, of perilous51 chances among the strange people he had visited, and the burning climes whose rank fertility and magnificence of vegetation so far surpassed anything he had witnessed in his own. These reports added fresh fuel to imaginations already warmed by the study of those tales of chivalry52 which formed the favorite reading of the Spaniards at that period. Thus romance and reality acted on each other, and the soul of the Spaniard was exalted53 to that pitch of enthusiasm which enabled him to encounter the terrible trials that lay in the path of the discoverer. Indeed, the life of the cavalier of that day was romance put into action. The story of his adventures in the New World forms one of the most remarkable54 pages in the history of man.
Under this chivalrous spirit of enterprise, the progress of discovery had extended, by the beginning of Charles the Fifth’s reign, from the Bay of Honduras, along the winding55 shores of Darien, and the South American continent, to the Rio de la Plata. The mighty56 barrier of the Isthmus57 had been climbed, and the Pacific descried58, by Nu?ez de Balboa, second only to Columbus in this valiant59 band of “ocean chivalry.” The Bahamas and Caribbee Islands had been explored, as well as the Peninsula of Florida on the northern continent. This latter point had been reached by Sebastian Cabot in his descent along the coast from Labrador, in 1497. So that before 1518, the period when our narrative60 begins, the eastern borders of both{285} the great continents had been surveyed through nearly their whole extent. The shores of the great Mexican Gulf61, however, sweeping62 with a wide circuit far into the interior, remained still concealed63, with the rich realms that lay beyond, from the eye of the navigator. The time had now come for their discovery.
The business of colonization64 had kept pace with that of discovery. In several of the islands, and in various parts of Terra Firma, and in Darien, settlements had been established, under the control of governors who affected65 the state and authority of viceroys. Grants of land were assigned to the colonists66, on which they raised the natural products of the soil, but gave still more attention to the sugar-cane, imported from the Canaries. Sugar, indeed, together with the beautiful dye-woods of the country and the precious metals, formed almost the only articles of export in the infancy67 of the colonies, which had not yet introduced those other staples68 of the West Indian commerce which in our day constitute its principal wealth. Yet the precious metals, painfully gleaned69 from a few scanty70 sources, would have made poor returns, but for the gratuitous71 labor72 of the Indians.
The cruel system of repartimientos, or distribution of the Indians as slaves among the conquerors73, had been suppressed by Isabella. Although subsequently countenanced74 by the government, it was under the most careful limitations. But it is impossible to license38 crime by halves,—to authorize75 injustice76 at all, and hope to regulate the measure of it. The eloquent77 remonstrances78 of the Domini{286}cans,—who devoted79 themselves to the good work of conversion80 in the New World with the same zeal81 that they showed for persecution82 in the Old,—but, above all, those of Las Casas, induced the regent, Ximenes, to send out a commission with full powers to inquire into the alleged83 grievances84 and to redress85 them. It had authority, moreover, to investigate the conduct of the civil officers, and to reform any abuses in their administration. This extraordinary commission consisted of three Hieronymite friars and an eminent86 jurist, all men of learning and unblemished piety87.
They conducted the inquiry88 in a very dispassionate manner, but, after long deliberation, came to a conclusion most unfavorable to the demands of Las Casas, who insisted on the entire freedom of the natives. This conclusion they justified89 on the grounds that the Indians would not labor without compulsion, and that, unless they labored90, they could not be brought into communication with the whites, nor be converted to Christianity. Whatever we may think of this argument, it was doubtless urged with sincerity92 by its advocates, whose conduct through their whole administration places their motives93 above suspicion. They accompanied it with many careful provisions for the protection of the natives. But in vain. The simple people, accustomed all their days to a life of indolence and ease, sank under the oppressions of their masters, and the population wasted away with even more frightful94 rapidity than did the aborigines in our own country under the operation of other causes. It is not necessary to pursue these details further,{287} into which I have been led by the desire to put the reader in possession of the general policy and state of affairs in the New World at the period when the present narrative begins.[463]
Of the islands, Cuba was the second discovered; but no attempt had been made to plant a colony there during the lifetime of Columbus, who, indeed, after skirting the whole extent of its southern coast, died in the conviction that it was part of the continent.[464] At length, in 1511, Diego, the son and successor of the “Admiral,” who still maintained the seat of government in Hispaniola,[465] finding the mines much exhausted95 there, proposed to occupy the neighboring island of Cuba, or Fernandina, as it was called in compliment to the Spanish monarch.[466] He prepared a small force for the conquest, which he placed under the command of Don Diego Velasquez; a man described by a contemporary as “possessed of considerable{288} experience in military affairs, having served seventeen years in the European wars; as honest, illustrious by his lineage and reputation, covetous96 of glory, and somewhat more covetous of wealth.”[467] The portrait was sketched97 by no unfriendly hand.
Velasquez, or rather his lieutenant98, Narvaez, who took the office on himself of scouring99 the country, met with no serious opposition100 from the inhabitants, who were of the same family with the effeminate natives of Hispaniola. The conquest, through the merciful interposition of Las Casas, “the protector of the Indians,” who accompanied the army in its march, was effected without much bloodshed. One chief, indeed, named Hatuey, having fled originally from St. Domingo to escape the oppression of its invaders102, made a desperate resistance, for which he was condemned103 by Velasquez to be burned alive. It was he who made that memorable104 reply, more eloquent than a volume of invective105. When urged at the stake to embrace Christianity, that his soul might find admission into heaven, he inquired if the white men would go there. On being answered in the affirmative, he exclaimed, “Then I will not be a Christian91; for I would not go again to a place where I must find men so cruel!”[468]
After the conquest, Velasquez, now appointed{289} governor, diligently106 occupied himself with measures for promoting the prosperity of the island. He formed a number of settlements, bearing the same names with the modern towns, and made St. Jago,[469] on the southeast corner, the seat of government.[470] He invited settlers by liberal grants of land and slaves. He encouraged them to cultivate the soil, and gave particular attention to the sugar-cane, so profitable an article of commerce in later times. He was, above all, intent on working the gold-mines, which promised better returns than those in Hispaniola. The affairs of his government did not prevent him, meanwhile, from casting many a wistful glance at the discoveries going forward on the continent, and he longed for an opportunity to embark107 in these golden adventures himself. Fortune gave him the occasion he desired.
An hidalgo of Cuba, named Hernandez de Cordova, sailed with three vessels109 on an expedition to one of the neighboring Bahama Islands, in quest of Indian slaves.[471] (February 8, 1517.) He{290} encountered a succession of heavy gales110 which drove him far out of his course, and at the end of three weeks he found himself on a strange and unknown coast. On landing and asking the name of the country, he was answered by the natives, “Tectetan,” meaning, “I do not understand you,”—but which the Spaniards, misinterpreting into the name of the place, easily corrupted111 into Yucatan. Some writers give a different etymology112.[472] Such mistakes, however, were not uncommon113 with the early discoverers, and have been the origin of many a name on the American continent.[473]
Cordova had landed on the northeastern end of the peninsula, at Cape101 Catoche. He was astonished at the size and solid materials of the buildings, constructed of stone and lime, so different from the frail114 tenements115 of reeds and rushes which formed the habitations of the islanders. He was struck, also, with the higher cultivation116 of the soil, and with the delicate texture117 of the cotton garments and gold ornaments118 of the natives. Everything indicated a civilization far superior to anything he had before witnessed in the New World. He saw the evidence of a different race, moreover,{291} in the warlike spirit of the people. Rumors119 of the Spaniards had, perhaps, preceded them, as they were repeatedly asked if they came from the east; and wherever they landed they were met with the most deadly hostility120. Cordova himself, in one of his skirmishes with the Indians, received more than a dozen wounds, and one only of his party escaped unhurt. At length, when he had coasted the peninsula as far as Campeachy, he returned to Cuba, which he reached after an absence of several months, having suffered all the extremities121 of ill which these pioneers of the ocean were sometimes called to endure, and which none but the most courageous122 spirit could have survived. As it was, half the original number, consisting of one hundred and ten men, perished, including their brave commander, who died soon after his return. The reports he had brought back of the country, and, still more, the specimens123 of curiously124 wrought125 gold, convinced Velasquez of the importance of this discovery, and he prepared with all despatch126 to avail himself of it.[474]
He accordingly fitted out a little squadron of four vessels for the newly-discovered lands, and placed it under the command of his nephew, Juan de Grijalva, a man on whose probity127, prudence128, and attachment129 to himself he knew he could rely. The fleet left the port of St. Jago de Cuba, May 1,{292} 1518.[475][476] It took the course pursued by Cordova, but was driven somewhat to the south, the first land that it made being the island of Cozumel. From this quarter Grijaiva soon passed over to the continent, and coasted the peninsula, touching130 at the same place as his predecessor131. Everywhere he was struck, like him, with the evidences of a higher civilization, especially in the architecture; as he well might be, since this was the region of those extraordinary remains132 which have become recently the subject of so much speculation133. He was astonished, also, at the sight of large stone crosses, evidently objects of worship, which he met with in various places. Reminded by these circumstances of his own country, he gave the peninsula the name of “New Spain,” a name since appropriated to a much wider extent of territory.[477]
Wherever Grijalva landed, he experienced the same unfriendly reception as Cordova; though he suffered less, being better prepared to meet it. In the Rio de Tabasco, or Grijalva, as it is often called, after him, he held an amicable134 conference with a chief who gave him a number of gold plates fashioned into a sort of armor. As he wound round the Mexican coast, one of his captains, Pedro de Alvarado, afterwards famous in the Con{293}quest, entered a river, to which he, also, left his own name. In a neighboring stream, called the Rio de Vanderas, or “River of Banners,” from the ensigns displayed by the natives on its borders, Grijaiva had the first communication with the Mexicans themselves.
The cacique who ruled over this province had received notice of the approach of the Europeans, and of their extraordinary appearance. He was anxious to collect all the information he could respecting them and the motives of their visit, that he might transmit them to his master, the Aztec emperor.[478] A friendly conference took place between the parties on shore, where Grijalva landed with all his force, so as to make a suitable impression on the mind of the barbaric chief. The interview lasted some hours, though, as there was no one on either side to interpret the language of the other, they could communicate only by signs. They, however, interchanged presents, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction of receiving, for a few worthless toys and trinkets, a rich treasure of jewels, gold ornaments and vessels, of the most fantastic forms and workmanship.[479]
Grijalva now thought that in this successful traffic—successful beyond his most sanguine135 ex{294}pectations—he had accomplished136 the chief object of his mission. He steadily137 refused the solicitations of his followers138 to plant a colony on the spot,—a work of no little difficulty in so populous139 and powerful a country as this appeared to be. To this, indeed, he was inclined, but deemed it contrary to his instructions, which limited him to barter140 with the natives. He therefore despatched Alvarado in one of the caravels back to Cuba, with the treasure and such intelligence as he had gleaned of the great empire in the interior, and then pursued his voyage along the coast.
He touched at San Juan de Ulua, and at the Isla de los Sacrificios, so called by him from the bloody141 remains of human victims found in one of the temples. He then held on his course as far as the province of Panuco, where, finding some difficulty in doubling a boisterous142 headland, he returned on his track, and, after an absence of nearly six months, reached Cuba in safety. Grijalva has the glory of being the first navigator who set foot on the Mexican soil and opened an intercourse143 with the Aztecs.[480]
On reaching the island, he was surprised to learn that another and more formidable armament had been fitted out to follow up his own discoveries, and to find orders, at the same time, from the governor, couched in no very courteous144 language, to repair at once to St. Jago. He was received by that personage not merely with coldness, but with reproaches for having neglected so fair an opportunity of establishing a colony in the country he{295} had visited. Velasquez was one of those captious145 spirits who, when things do not go exactly to their minds, are sure to shift the responsibility of the failure from their own shoulders, where it should lie, to those of others. He had an ungenerous nature, says an old writer, credulous146, and easily moved to suspicion.[481] In the present instance it was most unmerited. Grijalva, naturally a modest, unassuming person, had acted in obedience147 to the instructions of his commander, given before sailing, and had done this in opposition to his own judgment148 and the importunities of his followers. His conduct merited anything but censure149 from his employer.[482]
When Alvarado had returned to Cuba with his golden freight, and the accounts of the rich empire of Mexico which he had gathered from the natives, the heart of the governor swelled150 with rapture151 as he saw his dreams of avarice152 and ambition so likely to be realized. Impatient of the long absence of Grijalva, he despatched a vessel108 in search of him under the command of Olid, a cavalier who took an important part afterwards in the Conquest. Finally he resolved to fit out another armament on a sufficient scale to insure the subjugation153 of the country.
He previously154 solicited155 authority for this from{296} the Hieronymite commission in St. Domingo. He then despatched his chaplain to Spain with the royal share of the gold brought from Mexico, and a full account of the intelligence gleaned there. He set forth his own manifold services, and solicited from the court full powers to go on with the conquest and colonization of the newly-discovered regions.[483] Before receiving an answer, he began his preparations for the armament, and, first of all, endeavored to find a suitable person to share the expense of it and to take the command. Such a person he found, after some difficulty and delay, in Hernando Cortés; the man of all others best calculated to achieve this great enterprise,—the last man to whom Velasquez, could he have foreseen the results, would have confided156 it.
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1
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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ripen
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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augury
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| n.预言，征兆，占卦 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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sycophants
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| n.谄媚者，拍马屁者( sycophant的名词复数 ) | |
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locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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vent
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profane
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intruding
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benign
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loyalty
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appropriation
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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imbibed
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subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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licenses
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| n.执照( license的名词复数 )v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的第三人称单数 ) | |
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license
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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46
inhaling
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| v.吸入( inhale的现在分词 ) | |
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47
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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48
fascinations
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| n.魅力( fascination的名词复数 )；有魅力的东西；迷恋；陶醉 | |
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49
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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50
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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51
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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52
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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53
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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54
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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55
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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56
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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57
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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58
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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59
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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60
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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61
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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62
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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63
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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64
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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65
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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66
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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67
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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68
staples
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| n.（某国的）主要产品( staple的名词复数 )；钉书钉；U 形钉；主要部份v.用钉书钉钉住( staple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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69
gleaned
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| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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70
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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71
gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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72
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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73
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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74
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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75
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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76
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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77
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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78
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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79
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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80
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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81
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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82
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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83
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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84
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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85
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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86
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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87
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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88
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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89
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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90
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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91
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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92
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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93
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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94
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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95
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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96
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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97
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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98
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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99
scouring
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| 擦[洗]净，冲刷，洗涤 | |
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100
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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101
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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102
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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103
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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104
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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105
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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106
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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107
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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108
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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109
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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110
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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111
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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112
etymology
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| n.语源；字源学 | |
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113
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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114
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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115
tenements
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| n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
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116
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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117
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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118
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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119
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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120
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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121
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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122
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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123
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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124
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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125
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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126
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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127
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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128
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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129
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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130
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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131
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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132
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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133
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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134
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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135
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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136
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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137
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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138
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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139
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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140
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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141
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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142
boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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143
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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144
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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145
captious
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| adj.难讨好的，吹毛求疵的 | |
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146
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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147
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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148
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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149
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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150
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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151
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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152
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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153
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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154
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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155
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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156
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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