1519
ORDERS were given for the vessels3 to keep as near together as possible, and to take the direction of the capitanía, or admiral’s ship, which carried a beacon-light in the stern during the night. But the weather, which had been favorable, changed soon after their departure, and one of those tempests set in which at this season are often found in the latitudes5 of the West Indies. It fell with terrible force on the little navy, scattering6 it far asunder7, dismantling8 some of the ships, and driving them all considerably9 south of their proposed destination.
Cortés, who had lingered behind to convoy10 a disabled vessel4, reached the island of Cozumel last. On landing, he learned that one of his captains, Pedro de Alvarado, had availed himself of the short time he had been there, to enter the temples, rifle them of their few ornaments11, and, by his violent conduct, so far to terrify the simple natives{333} that they had fled for refuge into the interior of the island. Cortés, highly incensed12 at these rash proceedings13, so contrary to the policy he had proposed, could not refrain from severely14 reprimanding his officer in the presence of the army. He commanded two Indian captives, taken by Alvarado, to be brought before him, and explained to them the pacific purpose of his visit. This he did through the assistance of his interpreter, Melchorejo, a native of Yucatan, who had been brought back by Grijalva, and who during his residence in Cuba had picked up some acquaintance with the Castilian. He then dismissed them loaded with presents, and with an invitation to their countrymen to return to their homes without fear of further annoyance15. This humane16 policy succeeded. The fugitives17, reassured18, were not slow in coming back; and an amicable19 intercourse20 was established, in which Spanish cutlery and trinkets were exchanged for the gold ornaments of the natives; a traffic in which each party congratulated itself—a philosopher might think with equal reason—on outwitting the other.
The first object of Cortés was to gather tidings of the unfortunate Christians21 who were reported to be still lingering in captivity22 on the neighboring continent. From some traders in the island he obtained such a confirmation23 of the report that he sent Diego de Ordaz with two brigantines to the opposite coast of Yucatan, with instructions to remain there eight days. Some Indians went as messengers in the vessels, who consented to bear a letter to the captives informing them of the arrival{334} of their countrymen in Cozumel with a liberal ransom24 for their release. Meanwhile the general proposed to make an excursion to the different parts of the island, that he might give employment to the restless spirits of the soldiers, and ascertain25 the resources of the country.
It was poor and thinly peopled. But everywhere he recognized the vestiges26 of a higher civilization than what he had before witnessed in the Indian islands. The houses were some of them large, and often built of stone and lime. He was particularly struck with the temples, in which were towers constructed of the same solid materials, and rising several stories in height. In the court of one of these he was amazed by the sight of a cross, of stone and lime, about ten palms high. It was the emblem27 of the god of rain. Its appearance suggested the wildest conjectures28, not merely to the unlettered soldiers, but subsequently to the European scholar, who speculated on the character of the races that had introduced there the sacred symbol of Christianity. But no such inference, as we shall see hereafter, could be warranted.[534] Yet it must be regarded as a curious fact that the Cross should have been venerated29 as the object of religious worship both in the New World and in regions of the Old where the light of Christianity had never risen.{335}[535]
The next object of Cortés was to reclaim30 the natives from their gross idolatry and to substitute a purer form of worship. In accomplishing this he was prepared to use force, if milder measures should be ineffectual. There was nothing which the Spanish government had more earnestly at heart than the conversion of the Indians. It forms the constant burden of their instructions, and gave to the military expeditions in this Western hemisphere somewhat of the air of a crusade. The cavalier who embarked32 in them entered fully33 into these chivalrous34 and devotional feelings. No doubt was entertained of the efficacy of conversion, however sudden might be the change or however violent the means. The sword was a good{336} argument, when the tongue failed; and the spread of Mahometanism had shown that seeds sown by the hand of violence, far from perishing in the ground, would spring up and bear fruit to aftertime. If this were so in a bad cause, how much more would it be true in a good one! The Spanish cavalier felt he had a high mission to accomplish as a soldier of the Cross. However unauthorized or unrighteous the war into which he had entered may seem to us, to him it was a holy war. He was in arms against the infidel. Not to care for the soul of his benighted35 enemy was to put his own in jeopardy36. The conversion of a single soul might cover a multitude of sins. It was not for morals that he was concerned, but for the faith. This, though understood in its most literal and limited sense, comprehended the whole scheme of Christian2 morality. Whoever died in the faith, however immoral37 had been his life, might be said to die in the Lord. Such was the creed38 of the Castilian knight39 of that day, as imbibed40 from the preachings of the pulpit, from cloisters41 and colleges at home, from monks42 and missionaries43 abroad,—from all save one, whose devotion, kindled44 at a purer source, was not, alas45! permitted to send forth46 its radiance far into the thick gloom by which he was encompassed47.[536]
No one partook more fully of the feelings above described than Hernan Cortés. He was, in truth, the very mirror of the time in which he lived, re{337}flecting its motley characteristics, its speculative48 devotion and practical license49, but with an intensity50 all his own. He was greatly scandalized at the exhibition of the idolatrous practices of the people of Cozumel, though untainted, as it would seem, with human sacrifices. He endeavored to persuade them to embrace a better faith, through the agency of two ecclesiastics52 who attended the expedition,—the licentiate Juan Diaz and Father Bartolomé de Olmedo. The latter of these godly men afforded the rare example—rare in any age—of the union of fervent53 zeal54 with charity, while he beautifully illustrated55 in his own conduct the precepts56 which he taught. He remained with the army through the whole expedition, and by his wise and benevolent57 counsels was often enabled to mitigate58 the cruelties of the Conquerors59, and to turn aside the edge of the sword from the unfortunate natives.
These two missionaries vainly labored60 to persuade the people of Cozumel to renounce61 their abominations, and to allow the Indian idols62, in which the Christians recognized the true lineaments of Satan,[537] to be thrown down and demolished63. The simple natives, filled with horror at the proposed profanation64, exclaimed that these were the gods who sent them the sunshine and the storm, and, should any violence be offered, they would be sure to avenge65 it by sending their lightnings on the heads of its perpetrators.{338}
Cortés was probably not much of a polemic66. At all events, he preferred on the present occasion action to argument, and thought that the best way to convince the Indians of their error was to prove the falsehood of the prediction. He accordingly, without further ceremony, caused the venerated images to be rolled down the stairs of the great temple, amidst the groans67 and lamentations of the natives. An altar was hastily constructed, an image of the Virgin68 and Child placed over it, and mass was performed by Father Olmedo and his reverend companion for the first time within the walls of a temple in New Spain. The patient ministers tried once more to pour the light of the gospel into the benighted understandings of the islanders, and to expound69 the mysteries of the Catholic faith. The Indian interpreter must have afforded rather a dubious70 channel for the transmission of such abstruse71 doctrines72. But they at length found favor with their auditors73, who, whether overawed by the bold bearing of the invaders75, or convinced of the impotence of deities76 that could not shield their own shrines77 from violation78, now consented to embrace Christianity.{339}[538]
While Cortés was thus occupied with the triumphs of the Cross, he received intelligence that Ordaz had returned from Yucatan without tidings of the Spanish captives. Though much chagrined79, the general did not choose to postpone80 longer his departure from Cozumel. The fleet had been well stored with provisions by the friendly inhabitants, and, embarking81 his troops, Cortés, in the beginning of March, took leave of its hospitable82 shores. The squadron had not proceeded far, however, before a leak in one of the vessels compelled them to return to the same port. The detention83 was attended with important consequences; so much so, indeed, that a writer of the time discerns in it “a great mystery and a miracle.”[539]
Soon after landing, a canoe with several Indians was seen making its way from the neighboring shores of Yucatan. On reaching the island, one of the men inquired, in broken Castilian, “if he were among Christians,” and, being answered in the affirmative, threw himself on his knees and returned thanks to Heaven for his delivery. He was one of the unfortunate captives for whose fate so much interest had been felt. His name was Gerónimo de Aguilar,[540] a native of écija, in Old{340} Spain, where he had been regularly educated for the Church. He had been established with the colony at Darien, and on a voyage from that place to Hispaniola, eight years previous, was wrecked84 near the coast of Yucatan. He escaped with several of his companions in the ship’s boat, where some perished from hunger and exposure, while others were sacrificed, on their reaching land, by the cannibal natives of the peninsula. Aguilar was preserved from the same dismal86 fate by escaping into the interior, where he fell into the hands of a powerful cacique, who, though he spared his life, treated him at first with great rigor87. The patience of the captive, however, and his singular humility88, touched the better feelings of the chieftain, who would have persuaded Aguilar to take a wife among his people, but the ecclesiastic51 steadily89 refused, in obedience90 to his vows91. This admirable constancy excited the distrust of the cacique, who put his virtue92 to a severe test by various temptations, and much of the same sort as those with which the devil is said to have assailed93 St. Anthony.[541] From all these fiery94 trials, however, like{341} his ghostly predecessor95, he came out unscorched. Continence is too rare and difficult a virtue with barbarians96, not to challenge their veneration97, and the practice of it has made the reputation of more than one saint in the Old as well as the New World. Aguilar was now intrusted with the care of his master’s household and his numerous wives. He was a man of discretion98, as well as virtue; and his counsels were found so salutary that he was consulted on all important matters. In short, Aguilar became a great man among the Indians.
It was with much regret, therefore, that his master received the proposals for his return to his countrymen, to which nothing but the rich treasure of glass beads99, hawk-bells, and other jewels of like value, sent for his ransom, would have induced him to consent. When Aguilar reached the coast, there had been so much delay that the brigantines had sailed; and it was owing to the fortunate return of the fleet to Cozumel that he was enabled to join it.
On appearing before Cortés, the poor man saluted100 him in the Indian style, by touching101 the earth with his hand and carrying it to his head. The commander, raising him up, affectionately embraced him, covering him at the same time with his own cloak, as Aguilar was simply clad in the habiliments of the country, somewhat too scanty102 for a European eye. It was long, indeed, before{342} the tastes which he had acquired in the freedom of the forest could be reconciled to the constraints103 either of dress or manners imposed by the artificial forms of civilization. Aguilar’s long residence in the country had familiarized him with the Mayan dialects of Yucatan, and, as he gradually revived his Castilian, he became of essential importance as an interpreter. Cortés saw the advantage of this from the first, but he could not fully estimate all the consequences that were to flow from it.[542]
The repairs of the vessels being at length completed, the Spanish commander once more took leave of the friendly natives of Cozumel, and set sail on the fourth of March. Keeping as near as possible to the coast of Yucatan, he doubled Cape85 Catoche, and with flowing sheets swept down the broad bay of Campeachy, fringed with the rich dye-woods which have since furnished so important an article of commerce to Europe. He passed Potonchan, where Cordova had experienced a rough reception from the natives; and soon after reached the mouth of the Rio de Tabasco, or Grijalva, in which that navigator had carried on so lucrative104 a traffic. Though mindful of the great object of his voyage,—the visit to the Aztec territories,—he was desirous of acquainting himself with the resources of this country, and determined105 to ascend106 the river and visit the great town on its borders.
The water was so shallow, from the accumula{343}tion of sand at the mouth of the stream, that the general was obliged to leave the ships at anchor and to embark31 in the boats with a part only of his forces. The banks were thickly studded with mangrove-trees, that, with their roots shooting up and interlacing one another, formed a kind of impervious108 screen or net-work, behind which the dark forms of the natives were seen glancing to and fro with the most menacing looks and gestures. Cortés, much surprised at these unfriendly demonstrations109, so unlike what he had had reason to expect, moved cautiously up the stream. When he had reached an open place, where a large number of Indians were assembled, he asked, through his interpreter, leave to land, explaining at the same time his amicable intentions. But the Indians, brandishing110 their weapons, answered only with gestures of angry defiance111. Though much chagrined, Cortés thought it best not to urge the matter further that evening, but withdrew to a neighboring island, where he disembarked his troops, resolved to effect a landing on the following morning.
When day broke, the Spaniards saw the opposite banks lined with a much more numerous array than on the preceding evening, while the canoes along the shore were filled with bands of armed warriors112. Cortés now made his preparations for the attack. He first landed a detachment of a hundred men under Alonso de Avila, at a point somewhat lower down the stream, sheltered by a thick grove107 of palms, from which a road, as he knew, led to the town of Tabasco, giving orders to{344} his officer to march at once on the place, while he himself advanced to assault it in front.[543]
Then, embarking the remainder of his troops, Cortés crossed the river in face of the enemy; but, before commencing hostilities113, that he might “act with entire regard to justice, and in obedience to the instructions of the Royal Council,”[544] he first caused proclamation to be made, through the interpreter, that he desired only a free passage for his men, and that he proposed to revive the friendly relations which had formerly114 subsisted115 between his countrymen and the natives. He assured them that if blood were spilt the sin would lie on their heads, and that resistance would be useless, since he was resolved at all hazards to take up his quarters that night in the town of Tabasco. This proclamation, delivered in lofty tone, and duly recorded by the notary116, was answered by the Indians—who might possibly have comprehended one word in ten of it—with shouts of defiance and a shower of arrows.{345}[545]
Cortés, having now complied with all the requisitions of a loyal cavalier, and shifted the responsibility from his own shoulders to those of the Royal Council, brought his boats alongside of the Indian canoes. They grappled fiercely together, and both parties were soon in the water, which rose above the girdle. The struggle was not long, though desperate. The superior strength of the Europeans prevailed, and they forced the enemy back to land. Here, however, they were supported by their countrymen, who showered down darts117, arrows, and blazing billets of wood on the heads of the invaders. The banks were soft and slippery, and it was with difficulty the soldiers made good their footing. Cortés lost a sandal in the mud, but continued to fight barefoot, with great exposure of his person, as the Indians, who soon singled out the leader, called to one another, “Strike at the chief!”
At length the Spaniards gained the bank, and were able to come into something like order, when they opened a brisk fire from their arquebuses and cross-bows. The enemy, astounded118 by the roar and flash of the fire-arms, of which they had had no experience, fell back, and retreated behind a breast-work of timber thrown across the way. The Spaniards, hot in the pursuit, soon carried these rude defences, and drove the Tabascans before{346} them towards the town, where they again took shelter behind their palisades.
Meanwhile Avila had arrived from the opposite quarter, and the natives, taken by surprise, made no further attempt at resistance, but abandoned the place to the Christians. They had previously119 removed their families and effects. Some provisions fell into the hands of the victors, but little gold, “a circumstance,” says Las Casas, “which gave them no particular satisfaction.”[546] It was a very populous120 place. The houses were mostly of mud; the better sort of stone and lime; affording proofs in the inhabitants of a superior refinement121 to that found in the Islands, as their stout122 resistance had given evidence of superior valor123.[547]
Cortés, having thus made himself master of the town, took formal possession of it for the crown of Castile. He gave three cuts with his sword on a large ceiba-tree which grew in the place, and proclaimed aloud that he took possession of the city in the name and behalf of the Catholic sovereigns,{347} and would maintain and defend the same with sword and buckler against all who should gainsay125 it. The same vaunting declaration was also made by the soldiers, and the whole was duly recorded and attested126 by the notary. This was the usual simple but chivalric127 form with which the Spanish cavaliers asserted the royal title to the conquered territories in the New World. It was a good title, doubtless, against the claims of any other European potentate128.
The general took up his quarters that night in the court-yard of the principal temple. He posted his sentinels, and took all the precautions practised in wars with a civilized130 foe131. Indeed, there was reason for them. A suspicious silence seemed to reign124 through the place and its neighborhood; and tidings were brought that the interpreter, Melchorejo, had fled, leaving his Spanish dress hanging on a tree. Cortés was disquieted132 by the desertion of this man, who would not only inform his countrymen of the small number of the Spaniards, but dissipate any illusions that might be entertained of their superior natures.
On the following morning, as no traces of the enemy were visible, Cortés ordered out a detachment under Alvarado, and another under Francisco de Lujo, to reconnoitre. The latter officer had not advanced a league, before he learned the position of the Indians, by their attacking him in such force that he was fain to take shelter in a large stone building, where he was closely besieged133. Fortunately, the loud yells of the assailants, like most barbarous nations seeking to strike terror by their{348} ferocious134 cries, reached the ears of Alvarado and his men, who, speedily advancing to the relief of their comrades, enabled them to force a passage through the enemy. Both parties retreated, closely pursued, on the town, when Cortés, marching out to their support, compelled the Tabascans to retire.
A few prisoners were taken in this skirmish. By them Cortés found his worst apprehensions135 verified. The country was everywhere in arms. A force consisting of many thousands had assembled from the neighboring provinces, and a general assault was resolved on for the next day. To the general’s inquiries136 why he had been received in so different a manner from his predecessor, Grijalva, they answered that “the conduct of the Tabascans then had given great offence to the other Indian tribes, who taxed them with treachery and cowardice137; so that they had promised, on any return of the white men, to resist them in the same manner as their neighbors had done.”[548]
Cortés might now well regret that he had allowed himself to deviate138 from the direct object of his enterprise, and to become entangled139 in a doubtful war which could lead to no profitable result. But it was too late to repent140. He had taken the step, and had no alternative but to go forward. To retreat would dishearten his own men at the outset, impair141 their confidence in him as their leader, and confirm the arrogance142 of his foes143, the tidings of whose success might precede him on his{349} voyage and prepare the way for greater mortifications and defeats. He did not hesitate as to the course he was to pursue, but, calling his officers together, announced his intention to give battle the following morning.[549]
He sent back to the vessels such as were disabled by their wounds, and ordered the remainder of the forces to join the camp. Six of the heavy guns were also taken from the ships, together with all the horses. The animals were stiff and torpid144 from long confinement145 on board; but a few hours’ exercise restored them to their strength and usual spirit. He gave the command of the artillery146—if it may be dignified147 with the name—to a soldier named Mesa, who had acquired some experience as an engineer in the Italian wars. The infantry148 he put under the orders of Diego de Ordaz, and took charge of the cavalry149 himself. It consisted of some of the most valiant150 gentlemen of his little band, among whom may be mentioned Alvarado, Velasquez de Leon, Avila, Puertocarrero, Olid, Montejo. Having thus made all the necessary arrangements, and settled his plan of battle, he retired151 to rest,—but not to slumber152. His feverish153 mind, as may well be imagined, was filled with anxiety for the morrow, which might decide the fate of his expedition; and, as was his wont154 on such occasions, he was frequently observed, during the night, going the rounds, and visiting the sentinels, to see that no one slept upon his post.{350}
At the first glimmering155 of light he mustered156 his army, and declared his purpose not to abide157, cooped up in the town, the assault of the enemy, but to march at once against him. For he well knew that the spirits rise with action, and that the attacking party gathers a confidence from the very movement, which is not felt by the one who is passively, perhaps anxiously, awaiting the assault. The Indians were understood to be encamped on a level ground a few miles distant from the city, called the plain of Ceutla. The general commanded that Ordaz should march with the foot, including the artillery, directly across the country, and attack them in front, while he himself would fetch a circuit with the horse, and turn their flank when thus engaged, or fall upon their rear.
These dispositions158 being completed, the little army heard mass and then sallied forth from the wooden walls of Tabasco. It was Lady-day, the twenty-fifth of March,—long memorable160 in the annals of New Spain. The district around the town was checkered161 with patches of maize162, and, on the lower level, with plantations163 of cacao,—supplying the beverage164, and perhaps the coin, of the country, as in Mexico. These plantations, requiring constant irrigation, were fed by numerous canals and reservoirs of water, so that the country could not be traversed without great toil165 and difficulty. It was, however, intersected by a narrow path or causeway over which the cannon166 could be dragged.
The troops advanced more than a league on their laborious167 march, without descrying168 the en{351}emy. The weather was sultry, but few of them were embarrassed by the heavy mail worn by the European cavaliers at that period. Their cotton jackets, thickly quilted, afforded a tolerable protection against the arrows of the Indians, and allowed room for the freedom and activity of movement essential to a life of rambling169 adventure in the wilderness170.
At length they came in sight of the broad plains of Ceutla, and beheld171 the dusky lines of the enemy stretching, as far as the eye could reach, along the edge of the horizon. The Indians had shown some sagacity in the choice of their position; and, as the weary Spaniards came slowly on, floundering through the morass172, the Tabascans set up their hideous173 battle-cries, and discharged volleys of arrows, stones, and other missiles, which rattled174 like hail on the shields and helmets of the assailants. Many were severely wounded before they could gain the firm ground, where they soon cleared a space for themselves, and opened a heavy fire of artillery and musketry on the dense175 columns of the enemy, which presented a fatal mark for the balls. Numbers were swept down at every discharge; but the bold barbarians, far from being dismayed, threw up dust and leaves to hide their losses, and, sounding their war-instruments, shot off fresh flights of arrows in return.
They even pressed closer on the Spaniards, and, when driven off by a vigorous charge, soon turned again, and, rolling back like the waves of the ocean, seemed ready to overwhelm the little band by weight of numbers. Thus cramped176, the latter{352} had scarcely room to perform their necessary evolutions, or even to work their guns with effect.[550]
The engagement had now lasted more than an hour, and the Spaniards, sorely pressed, looked with great anxiety for the arrival of the horse—which some unaccountable impediments must have detained—to relieve them from their perilous177 position. At this crisis, the farthest columns of the Indian army were seen to be agitated178 and thrown into a disorder179 that rapidly spread through the whole mass. It was not long before the ears of the Christians were saluted with the cheering warcry of “San Jago and San Pedro!” and they beheld the bright helmets and swords of the Castilian chivalry180 flashing back the rays of the morning sun, as they dashed through the ranks of the enemy, striking to the right and left, and scattering dismay around them. The eye of faith, indeed, could discern the patron Saint of Spain, himself, mounted on his gray war-horse, heading the rescue and trampling181 over the bodies of the fallen infidels![551]
The approach of Cortés had been greatly retarded182 by the broken nature of the ground. When he came up, the Indians were so hotly engaged that{353} he was upon them before they observed his approach. He ordered his men to direct their lances{354} at the faces of their opponents,[552] who, terrified at the monstrous183 apparition,—for they supposed the rider and the horse, which they had never before seen, to be one and the same,[553]—were seized with a panic. Ordaz availed himself of it to command a general charge along the line, and the Indians, many of them throwing away their arms, fled without attempting further resistance.
Cortés was too content with the victory to care to follow it up by dipping his sword in the blood of the fugitives. He drew off his men to a copse of palms which skirted the place, and under their broad canopy184 the soldiers offered up thanksgivings to the Almighty185 for the victory vouchsafed186 them. The field of battle was made the site of a town, called, in honor of the day on which the action took place, Santa María de la Victoria, long afterwards the capital of the province.[554] The number of those who fought or fell in the engagement is altogether doubtful. Nothing, indeed, is more uncertain than numerical estimates of barbarians. And they gain nothing in probability when they come, as in the present instance, from the reports of their enemies. Most accounts, however, agree that the Indian force consisted of five squadrons of eight thousand men each. There is more discrepancy187 as to the number of slain,{355} varying from one to thirty thousand! In this monstrous discordance188 the common disposition159 to exaggerate may lead us to look for truth in the neighborhood of the smallest number. The loss of the Christians was inconsiderable; not exceeding—if we receive their own reports, probably, from the same causes, much diminishing the truth—two killed and less than a hundred wounded! We may readily comprehend the feelings of the Conquerors, when they declared that “Heaven must have fought on their side, since their own strength could never have prevailed against such a multitude of enemies!”[555]
Several prisoners were taken in the battle, among them two chiefs. Cortés gave them their liberty, and sent a message by them to their countrymen “that he would overlook the past, if they would come in at once and tender their submission189. Otherwise he would ride over the land, and put every living thing in it, man, woman, and child, to the sword!” With this formidable menace ringing in their ears, the envoys190 departed.
But the Tabascans had no relish191 for further hostilities. A body of inferior chiefs appeared the next day, clad in dark dresses of cotton, intimating{356} their abject192 condition, and implored193 leave to bury their dead. It was granted by the general, with many assurances of his friendly disposition; but at the same time he told them he expected their principal caciques, as he would treat with none other. These soon presented themselves, attended by a numerous train of vassals194, who followed with timid curiosity to the Christian camp. Among their propitiatory195 gifts were twenty female slaves, which, from the character of one of them, proved of infinitely196 more consequence than was anticipated by either Spaniards or Tabascans. Confidence was soon restored, and was succeeded by a friendly intercourse, and the interchange of Spanish toys for the rude commodities of the country, articles of food, cotton, and a few gold ornaments of little value. When asked where the precious metal was procured197, they pointed198 to the west, and answered, “Culhua,” “Mexico.” The Spaniards saw this was no place for them to traffic, or to tarry in. Yet here, they were not many leagues distant from a potent129 and opulent city, or what once had been so, the ancient Palenque. But its glory may have even then passed away, and its name have been forgotten by the surrounding nations.
Before his departure the Spanish commander did not omit to provide for one great object of his expedition, the conversion of the Indians. He first represented to the caciques that he had been sent thither199 by a powerful monarch200 on the other side of the water, for whom he had now a right to claim their allegiance. He then caused the reverend fathers Olmedo and Diaz to enlighten their minds, as far as possible, in regard to the great{357} truths of revelation, urging them to receive these in place of their own heathenish abominations. The Tabascans, whose perceptions were no doubt materially quickened by the discipline they had undergone, made but a faint resistance to either proposal. The next day was Palm Sunday, and the general resolved to celebrate their conversion by one of those pompous201 ceremonials of the Church, which should make a lasting202 impression on their minds.
A solemn procession was formed of the whole army, with the ecclesiastics at their head, each soldier bearing a palm-branch in his hand. The concourse was swelled203 by thousands of Indians of both sexes, who followed in curious astonishment204 at the spectacle. The long files bent205 their way through the flowery savannas206 that bordered the settlement, to the principal temple, where an altar was raised, and the image of the presiding deity207 was deposed208 to make room for that of the Virgin with the infant Saviour209. Mass was celebrated210 by Father Olmedo, and the soldiers who were capable joined in the solemn chant. The natives listened in profound silence, and, if we may believe the chronicler of the event who witnessed it, were melted into tears; while their hearts were penetrated211 with reverential awe74 for the God of those terrible beings who seemed to wield212 in their own hands the thunder and the lightning.[556]
The Roman Catholic communion has, it must be admitted, some decided213 advantages over the Prot{358}estant, for the purposes of proselytism. The dazzling pomp of its service and its touching appeal to the sensibilities affect the imagination of the rude child of nature much more powerfully than the cold abstractions of Protestantism, which, addressed to the reason, demand a degree of refinement and mental culture in the audience to comprehend them. The respect, moreover, shown by the Catholic for the material representations of Divinity, greatly facilitates the same object. It is true, such representations are used by him only as incentives214, not as the objects of worship. But this distinction is lost on the savage215, who finds such forms of adoration216 too analogous217 to his own to impose any great violence on his feelings. It is only required of him to transfer his homage218 from the image of Quetzalcoatl, the benevolent deity who walked among men, to that of the Virgin or the Redeemer; from the Cross, which he has worshipped as the emblem of the god of rain, to the same Cross, the symbol of salvation219.
These solemnities concluded, Cortés prepared to return to his ships, well satisfied with the impression made on the new converts, and with the conquests he had thus achieved for Castile and Christianity. The soldiers, taking leave of their Indian friends, entered the boats with the palm-branches in their hands, and, descending220 the river, re-embarked on board their vessels, which rode at anchor at its mouth. A favorable breeze was blowing, and the little navy, opening its sails to receive it, was soon on its way again to the golden shores of Mexico.
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1 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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2 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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3 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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4 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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5 latitudes | |
纬度 | |
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6 scattering | |
n.[物]散射;散乱,分散;在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的;分散在不同范围的;广泛扩散的;(选票)数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式);散布;驱散 | |
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7 asunder | |
adj.分离的,化为碎片 | |
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8 dismantling | |
(枪支)分解 | |
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9 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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10 convoy | |
vt.护送,护卫,护航;n.护送;护送队 | |
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11 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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12 incensed | |
盛怒的 | |
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13 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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14 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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15 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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16 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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17 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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18 reassured | |
adj.使消除疑虑的;使放心的v.再保证,恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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19 amicable | |
adj.和平的,友好的;友善的 | |
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20 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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21 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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22 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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23 confirmation | |
n.证实,确认,批准 | |
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24 ransom | |
n.赎金,赎身;v.赎回,解救 | |
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25 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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26 vestiges | |
残余部分( vestige的名词复数 ); 遗迹; 痕迹; 毫不 | |
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27 emblem | |
n.象征,标志;徽章 | |
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28 conjectures | |
推测,猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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29 venerated | |
敬重(某人或某事物),崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30 reclaim | |
v.要求归还,收回;开垦 | |
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31 embark | |
vi.乘船,着手,从事,上飞机 | |
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32 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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33 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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34 chivalrous | |
adj.武士精神的;对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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35 benighted | |
adj.蒙昧的 | |
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36 jeopardy | |
n.危险;危难 | |
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37 immoral | |
adj.不道德的,淫荡的,荒淫的,有伤风化的 | |
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38 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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39 knight | |
n.骑士,武士;爵士 | |
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40 imbibed | |
v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 );喝;吸取;吸气 | |
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41 cloisters | |
n.(学院、修道院、教堂等建筑的)走廊( cloister的名词复数 );回廊;修道院的生活;隐居v.隐退,使与世隔绝( cloister的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42 monks | |
n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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43 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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44 kindled | |
(使某物)燃烧,着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 ); 激起(感情等); 发亮,放光 | |
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45 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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46 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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47 encompassed | |
v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 );包围;包含;包括 | |
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48 speculative | |
adj.思索性的,暝想性的,推理的 | |
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49 license | |
n.执照,许可证,特许;v.许可,特许 | |
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50 intensity | |
n.强烈,剧烈;强度;烈度 | |
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51 ecclesiastic | |
n.教士,基督教会;adj.神职者的,牧师的,教会的 | |
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52 ecclesiastics | |
n.神职者,教会,牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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53 fervent | |
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
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54 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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55 illustrated | |
adj. 有插图的,列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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56 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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57 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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58 mitigate | |
vt.(使)减轻,(使)缓和 | |
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59 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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60 labored | |
adj.吃力的,谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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61 renounce | |
v.放弃;拒绝承认,宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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62 idols | |
偶像( idol的名词复数 ); 受崇拜的人或物; 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物; 神像 | |
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63 demolished | |
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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64 profanation | |
n.亵渎 | |
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65 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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66 polemic | |
n.争论,论战 | |
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67 groans | |
n.呻吟,叹息( groan的名词复数 );呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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68 virgin | |
n.处女,未婚女子;adj.未经使用的;未经开发的 | |
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69 expound | |
v.详述;解释;阐述 | |
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70 dubious | |
adj.怀疑的,无把握的;有问题的,靠不住的 | |
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71 abstruse | |
adj.深奥的,难解的 | |
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72 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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73 auditors | |
n.审计员,稽核员( auditor的名词复数 );(大学课程的)旁听生 | |
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74 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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75 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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76 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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77 shrines | |
圣地,圣坛,神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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78 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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79 chagrined | |
adj.懊恼的,苦恼的v.使懊恼,使懊丧,使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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81 embarking | |
乘船( embark的现在分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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82 hospitable | |
adj.好客的;宽容的;有利的,适宜的 | |
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83 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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84 wrecked | |
adj.失事的,遇难的 | |
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85 cape | |
n.海角,岬;披肩,短披风 | |
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86 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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87 rigor | |
n.严酷,严格,严厉 | |
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88 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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89 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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90 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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91 vows | |
誓言( vow的名词复数 ); 郑重宣布,许愿 | |
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92 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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93 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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94 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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95 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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96 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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97 veneration | |
n.尊敬,崇拜 | |
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98 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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99 beads | |
n.(空心)小珠子( bead的名词复数 );水珠;珠子项链 | |
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100 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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101 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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102 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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103 constraints | |
强制( constraint的名词复数 ); 限制; 约束 | |
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104 lucrative | |
adj.赚钱的,可获利的 | |
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105 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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106 ascend | |
vi.渐渐上升,升高;vt.攀登,登上 | |
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107 grove | |
n.林子,小树林,园林 | |
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108 impervious | |
adj.不能渗透的,不能穿过的,不易伤害的 | |
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109 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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110 brandishing | |
v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 );炫耀 | |
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111 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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112 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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113 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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114 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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115 subsisted | |
v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116 notary | |
n.公证人,公证员 | |
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117 darts | |
n.掷飞镖游戏;飞镖( dart的名词复数 );急驰,飞奔v.投掷,投射( dart的第三人称单数 );向前冲,飞奔 | |
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118 astounded | |
v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词);愕然;愕;惊讶 | |
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119 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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120 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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121 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
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123 valor | |
n.勇气,英勇 | |
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124 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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125 gainsay | |
v.否认,反驳 | |
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126 attested | |
adj.经检验证明无病的,经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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127 chivalric | |
有武士气概的,有武士风范的 | |
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128 potentate | |
n.统治者;君主 | |
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129 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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130 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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131 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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132 disquieted | |
v.使不安,使忧虑,使烦恼( disquiet的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
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135 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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136 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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137 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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138 deviate | |
v.(from)背离,偏离 | |
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139 entangled | |
adj.卷入的;陷入的;被缠住的;缠在一起的v.使某人(某物/自己)缠绕,纠缠于(某物中),使某人(自己)陷入(困难或复杂的环境中)( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140 repent | |
v.悔悟,悔改,忏悔,后悔 | |
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141 impair | |
v.损害,损伤;削弱,减少 | |
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142 arrogance | |
n.傲慢,自大 | |
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143 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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144 torpid | |
adj.麻痹的,麻木的,迟钝的 | |
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145 confinement | |
n.幽禁,拘留,监禁;分娩;限制,局限 | |
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146 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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147 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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148 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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149 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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150 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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151 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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152 slumber | |
n.睡眠,沉睡状态 | |
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153 feverish | |
adj.发烧的,狂热的,兴奋的 | |
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154 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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155 glimmering | |
n.微光,隐约的一瞥adj.薄弱地发光的v.发闪光,发微光( glimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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156 mustered | |
v.集合,召集,集结(尤指部队)( muster的过去式和过去分词 );(自他人处)搜集某事物;聚集;激发 | |
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157 abide | |
vi.遵守;坚持;vt.忍受 | |
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158 dispositions | |
安排( disposition的名词复数 ); 倾向; (财产、金钱的)处置; 气质 | |
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159 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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160 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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161 checkered | |
adj.有方格图案的 | |
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162 maize | |
n.玉米 | |
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163 plantations | |
n.种植园,大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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164 beverage | |
n.(水,酒等之外的)饮料 | |
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165 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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166 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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167 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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168 descrying | |
v.被看到的,被发现的,被注意到的( descried的过去分词 ) | |
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169 rambling | |
adj.[建]凌乱的,杂乱的 | |
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170 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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171 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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172 morass | |
n.沼泽,困境 | |
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173 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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174 rattled | |
慌乱的,恼火的 | |
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175 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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176 cramped | |
a.狭窄的 | |
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177 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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178 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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179 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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180 chivalry | |
n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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181 trampling | |
踩( trample的现在分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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182 retarded | |
a.智力迟钝的,智力发育迟缓的 | |
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183 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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184 canopy | |
n.天篷,遮篷 | |
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185 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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186 vouchsafed | |
v.给予,赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 );允诺 | |
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187 discrepancy | |
n.不同;不符;差异;矛盾 | |
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188 discordance | |
n.不调和,不和,不一致性;不整合;假整合 | |
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189 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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190 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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191 relish | |
n.滋味,享受,爱好,调味品;vt.加调味料,享受,品味;vi.有滋味 | |
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192 abject | |
adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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193 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194 vassals | |
n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 );(封建时代)诸侯;从属者;下属 | |
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195 propitiatory | |
adj.劝解的;抚慰的;谋求好感的;哄人息怒的 | |
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196 infinitely | |
adv.无限地,无穷地 | |
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197 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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198 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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199 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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200 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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201 pompous | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的;夸大的;豪华的 | |
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202 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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203 swelled | |
增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 ); 肿胀; (使)凸出; 充满(激情) | |
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204 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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205 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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206 savannas | |
n.(美国东南部的)无树平原( savanna的名词复数 );(亚)热带的稀树大草原 | |
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207 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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208 deposed | |
v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 );(在法庭上)宣誓作证 | |
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209 saviour | |
n.拯救者,救星 | |
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210 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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211 penetrated | |
adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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212 wield | |
vt.行使,运用,支配;挥,使用(武器等) | |
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213 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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214 incentives | |
激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 ); 刺激; 诱因; 动机 | |
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215 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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216 adoration | |
n.爱慕,崇拜 | |
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217 analogous | |
adj.相似的;类似的 | |
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218 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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219 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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220 descending | |
n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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