1519
WE must now take leave of the Spanish camp in the tierra caliente, and transport ourselves to the distant capital of Mexico, where no little sensation was excited by the arrival of the wonderful strangers on the coast. The Aztec throne was filled at that time by Montezuma the Second, nephew of the last, and grandson of a preceding monarch1. He had been elected to the regal dignity{*} in 1502, in preference to his brothers, for his superior qualifications both as a soldier and a priest,—a combination of offices sometimes found in the Mexican candidates, as it was more frequently in the Egyptian. In early youth he had taken an active part in the wars of the empire, though of late he had devoted2 himself more exclusively to the services of the temple; and he{4} was scrupulous3 in his attentions to all the burdensome ceremonial of the Aztec worship. He maintained a grave and reserved demeanor4, speaking little and with prudent5 deliberation. His deportment was well calculated to inspire ideas of superior sanctity.[1]
{*} [“Chief of men.”—M.]
When his election was announced to him, he was found sweeping6 down the stairs in the great temple of the national war-god. He received the messengers with a becoming humility7, professing8 his unfitness for so responsible a station. The address delivered as usual on the occasion was made by his relative Nezahualpilli, the wise king of Tezcuco.[2] It has, fortunately, been preserved, and presents a favorable specimen9 of Indian eloquence10. Towards the conclusion, the orator11 exclaims, “Who can doubt that the Aztec empire has reached the zenith of its greatness, since the Almighty12 has placed over it one whose very presence fills every beholder14 with reverence15? Rejoice, happy people, that you have now a sovereign who will be to you a steady column of support; a father in distress17, a more than brother in tenderness and sympathy; one whose aspiring18 soul will disdain19 all the profligate20 pleasures of the senses and the wasting indulgence of sloth21. And thou, illustrious youth, doubt not that the Creator, who has laid on thee so weighty a charge, will also give{5} strength to sustain it; that He, who has been so liberal in times past, will shower yet more abundant blessings22 on thy head, and keep thee firm in thy royal seat through many long and glorious years.” These golden prognostics, which melted the royal auditor23 into tears, were not destined24 to be realized.[3]
Montezuma displayed all the energy and enterprise in the commencement of his reign16 which had been anticipated from him. His first expedition against a rebel province in the neighborhood was crowned with success, and he led back in triumph a throng25 of captives for the bloody26 sacrifice that was to grace his coronation. This was celebrated27 with uncommon28 pomp. Games and religious ceremonies continued for several days, and among the spectators who flocked from distant quarters were some noble Tlascalans, the hereditary29 enemies of Mexico. They were in disguise, hoping thus to elude30 detection. They were recognized, however, and reported to the monarch. But he only availed himself of the information to provide them with honorable entertainment and a good place for witnessing the games. This was a magnanimous act, considering the long-cherished hostility31 between the nations.
In his first years, Montezuma was constantly engaged in war, and frequently led his armies in person. The Aztec banners were seen in the far{6}thest provinces on the Gulf32 of Mexico, and the distant regions of Nicaragua and Honduras. The expeditions were generally successful; and the limits of the empire were more widely extended than at any preceding period.
Meanwhile the monarch was not inattentive to the interior concerns of the kingdom. He made some important changes in the courts of justice, and carefully watched over the execution of the laws, which he enforced with stern severity. He was in the habit of patrolling the streets of his capital in disguise, to make himself personally acquainted with the abuses in it. And with more questionable33 policy, it is said, he would sometimes try the integrity of his judges by tempting34 them with large bribes35 to swerve36 from their duty, and then call the delinquent37 to strict account for yielding to the temptation.
He liberally recompensed all who served him. He showed a similar munificent38 spirit in his public works, constructing and embellishing39 the temples, bringing water into the capital by a new channel, and establishing a hospital, or retreat for invalid40 soldiers, in the city of Colhuacan.[4]
These acts, so worthy41 of a great prince, were counterbalanced by others of an opposite complexion42. The humility, displayed so ostentatiously before his elevation43, gave way to an intolerable arrogance44. In his pleasure-houses, domestic establishment, and way of living, he assumed a pomp{7} unknown to his predecessors45. He secluded47 himself from public observation, or, when he went abroad, exacted the most slavish homage49; while in the palace he would be served only, even in the most menial offices, by persons of rank. He, further, dismissed several plebeians50, chiefly poor soldiers of merit, from the places they had occupied near the person of his predecessor46, considering their attendance a dishonor to royalty51. It was in vain that his oldest and sagest52 counsellors remonstrated54 on a conduct so impolitic.
While he thus disgusted his subjects by his haughty55 deportment, he alienated56 their affections by the imposition of grievous taxes. These were demanded by the lavish48 expenditure57 of his court. They fell with peculiar58 heaviness on the conquered cities. This oppression led to frequent insurrection and resistance; and the latter years of his reign present a scene of unintermitting hostility, in which the forces of one half of the empire were employed in suppressing the commotions59 of the other. Unfortunately, there was no principle of amalgamation60 by which the new acquisitions could be incorporated into the ancient monarchy61 as parts of one whole.{*} Their interests, as well as sympathies, were different. Thus the more widely the Aztec empire was extended, the weaker it became; resembling some vast and ill-proportioned edifice62, whose disjointed materials, having no principle of cohesion63, and tottering64 under their own weight, seem ready to fall before the first blast of the tempest.
In 1516 died the Tezcucan king, Nezahualpilli; in whom Montezuma lost his most sagacious counsellor. The succession was contested by his two sons, Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl. The former was supported by Montezuma. The latter, the younger of the princes, a bold, aspiring youth, appealing to the patriotic67 sentiment of his nation, would have persuaded them that his brother was too much in the Mexican interests to be true to his own country. A civil war ensued, and ended by a compromise, by which one half of the kingdom, with the capital, remained to Cacama, and the northern portion to his ambitious rival. Ixtlilxochitl became from that time the mortal foe68 of Montezuma.[5]
A more formidable enemy still was the little republic of Tlascala,{*} lying midway between the Mexican Valley and the coast. It had maintained its independence for more than two centuries against the allied69 forces of the empire. Its resources were unimpaired, its civilization scarcely below that of its great rival states, and for courage and military prowess it had established a name inferior to none other of the nations of Anahuac.
{*} [Tlascala was not a republic but a pueblo66. It was divided into four phratries. Clavigero says (Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i. p. 155) that it was divided into four parts, each division having its lord.—M.]
Such was the condition of the Aztec monarchy on the arrival of Cortés;—the people disgusted with the arrogance of the sovereign; the provinces and distant cities outraged70 by fiscal71 exactions; {9}while potent72 enemies in the neighborhood lay watching the hour when they might assail73 their formidable rival with advantage. Still the kingdom was strong in its internal resources, in the will of its monarch, in the long habitual74 deference75 to his authority,—in short, in the terror of his name, and in the valor76 and discipline of his armies, grown gray in active service, and well drilled in all the tactics of Indian warfare77. The time had now come when these imperfect tactics and rude weapons of the barbarian78 were to be brought into collision with the science and enginery of the most civilized79 nations of the globe.
During the latter years of his reign, Montezuma had rarely taken part in his military expeditions, which he left to his captains, occupying himself chiefly with his sacerdotal functions. Under no prince had the priesthood enjoyed greater consideration and immunities80. The religious festivals and rites81 were celebrated with unprecedented82 pomp. The oracles83 were consulted on the most trivial occasions; and the sanguinary deities84 were propitiated85 by hecatombs of victims dragged in triumph to the capital from the conquered or rebellious86 provinces. The religion, or, to speak correctly, the superstition87 of Montezuma proved a principal cause of his calamities88.
In a preceding chapter I have noticed the popular traditions respecting Quetzalcoatl, that deity89 with a fair complexion and flowing beard, so unlike the Indian physiognomy, who, after fulfilling his mission of benevolence90 among the Aztecs, embarked91 on the Atlantic Sea for the mysterious{10} shores of Tlapallan.[6] He promised, on his departure, to return at some future day with his posterity92, and resume the possession of his empire. That day was looked forward to with hope or with apprehension93, according to the interest of the believer, but with general confidence, throughout the wide borders of Anahuac. Even after the Conquest it still lingered among the Indian races, by whom it was as fondly cherished as the advent94 of their king Sebastian continued to be by the Portuguese95, or that of the Messiah by the Jews.[7]
A general feeling seems to have prevailed in the time of Montezuma that the period for the return of the deity and the full accomplishment96 of his promise was near at hand. This conviction is said to have gained ground from various preternatural occurrences, reported with more or less detail by all the most ancient historians.[8] In 1510 the great lake of Tezcuco, without the occurrence of a tempest, or earthquake, or any other visible cause, became violently agitated97, overflowed98 its banks, and, pouring into the streets of Mexico, swept off many of the buildings by the fury of the waters. In 1511 one of the turrets99 of the great temple took fire,{11} equally without any apparent cause, and continued to burn in defiance100 of all attempts to extinguish it. In the following years, three comets were seen; and not long before the coming of the Spaniards a strange light broke forth101 in the east. It spread broad at its base on the horizon, and rising in a pyramidal form tapered102 off as it approached the zenith. It resembled a vast sheet or flood of fire, emitting sparkles, or, as an old writer expresses it, “seemed thickly powdered with stars.”[9] At the same time, low voices were heard in the air, and doleful wailings, as if to announce some strange, mysterious calamity103! The Aztec monarch, terrified at the apparitions104 in the heavens, took counsel of Nezahualpilli, who was a great proficient105 in the subtle science of astrology. But the royal sage53 cast a deeper cloud over his spirit by reading in these prodigies106 the speedy downfall of the empire.[10]
Such are the strange stories reported by the chroniclers, in which it is not impossible to detect the glimmerings of truth.[11] Nearly thirty years had elapsed since the discovery of the Islands by{12} Columbus, and more than twenty since his visit to the American continent. Rumors108, more or less distinct, of this wonderful appearance of the white men, bearing in their hands the thunder and the lightning, so like in many respects to the traditions of Quetzalcoatl, would naturally spread far and wide among the Indian nations. Such rumors, doubtless, long before the landing of the Spaniards in Mexico, found their way up the grand plateau, filling the minds of men with anticipations109 of the near coming of the period when the great deity was to return and receive his own again.
In the excited state of their imaginations, prodigies became a familiar occurrence. Or rather, events not very uncommon in themselves, seen through the discolored medium of fear, were easily magnified into prodigies; and the accidental swell110 of the lake, the appearance of a comet, and the conflagration111 of a building were all interpreted as the special annunciations of Heaven.[12] Thus it happens in those great political convulsions which shake the foundations of society,—the mighty13 events that cast their shadows before them in their coming. Then it is that the atmosphere is{13} agitated with the low, prophetic murmurs112 with which Nature, in the moral as in the physical world, announces the march of the hurricane:
“When from the shores
And forest-rustling mountains comes a voice,
That, solemn sounding, bids the world prepare!”
When tidings were brought to the capital of the landing of Grijalva on the coast, in the preceding year, the heart of Montezuma was filled with dismay. He felt as if the destinies which had so long brooded over the royal line of Mexico were to be accomplished113, and the sceptre was to pass away from his house forever. Though somewhat relieved by the departure of the Spaniards, he caused sentinels to be stationed on the heights; and, when the Europeans returned under Cortés, he doubtless received the earliest notice of the unwelcome event. It was by his orders, however, that the provincial114 governor had prepared so hospitable115 a reception for them. The hieroglyphical116 report of these strange visitors, now forwarded to the capital, revived all his apprehensions117. He called, without delay, a meeting of his principal counsellors, including the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and laid the matter before them.[13]
There seems to have been much division of opinion in that body. Some were for resisting the strangers at once, whether by fraud or by open{14} force. Others contended that, if they were supernatural beings, fraud and force would be alike useless. If they were, as they pretended, ambassadors from a foreign prince, such a policy would be cowardly and unjust. That they were not of the family of Quetzalcoatl was argued from the fact that they had shown themselves hostile to his religion; for tidings of the proceedings118 of the Spaniards in Tabasco, it seems, had already reached the capital. Among those in favor of giving them a friendly and honorable reception was the Tezcucan king, Cacama.
But Montezuma, taking counsel of his own ill-defined apprehensions, preferred a half-way course,—as usual, the most impolitic. He resolved to send an embassy, with such a magnificent present to the strangers as should impress them with high ideas of his grandeur119 and resources; while at the same time he would forbid their approach to the capital. This was to reveal at once both his wealth and his weakness.[14]
While the Aztec court was thus agitated by the arrival of the Spaniards, they were passing their time in the tierra caliente, not a little annoyed by the excessive heats and suffocating120 atmosphere of the sandy waste on which they were encamped. They experienced every alleviation121 that could be derived122 from the attentions of the friendly natives. These, by the governor’s command, had constructed more than a thousand huts or booths of branches and matting, which they occupied in the
[Image unavailable.]
CORTéS RECEIVING THE EMBASSY OF MONTEZUMA
{15}
neighborhood of the camp. Here they prepared various articles of food for the table of Cortés and his officers, without any recompense; while the common soldiers easily obtained a supply for themselves, in exchange for such trifles as they brought with them for barter123. Thus the camp was liberally provided with meat and fish dressed in many savory124 ways, with cakes of corn, bananas, pine-apples, and divers125 luscious126 vegetables of the tropics, hitherto unknown to the Spaniards. The soldiers contrived127, moreover, to obtain many little bits of gold, of no great value, indeed, from the natives; a traffic very displeasing128 to the partisans129 of Velasquez, who considered it an invasion of his rights. Cortés, however, did not think it prudent, in this matter, to balk130 the inclinations131 of his followers132.[15]
At the expiration133 of seven, or eight days at most, the Mexican embassy presented itself before the camp. It may seem an incredibly short space of time, considering the distance of the capital was nearly seventy leagues. But it may be remembered that tidings were carried there by means of posts, as already noticed, in the brief space of four-and-twenty hours;[16] and four or five days would suffice for the descent of the envoys134 to the coast, accustomed as the Mexicans were to long and rapid travelling. At all events, no writer states the period occupied by the Indian emissaries on this occasion as longer than that mentioned.{16}
The embassy, consisting of two Aztec nobles, was accompanied by the governor, Teuhtlile, and by a hundred slaves, bearing the princely gifts of Montezuma. One of the envoys had been selected on account of the great resemblance which, as appeared from the painting representing the camp, he bore to the Spanish commander. And it is a proof of the fidelity135 of the painting, that the soldiers recognized the resemblance, and always distinguished136 the chief by the name of the “Mexican Cortés.”
On entering the general’s pavilion, the ambassadors saluted137 him and his officers with the usual signs of reverence to persons of great consideration, touching138 the ground with their hands and then carrying them to their heads, while the air was filled with clouds of incense139, which rose up from the censers borne by their attendants. Some delicately wrought140 mats of the country (petates) were then unrolled, and on them the slaves displayed the various articles they had brought. They were of the most miscellaneous kind: shields, helmets, cuirasses, embossed with plates and ornaments141 of pure gold; collars and bracelets142 of the same metal, sandals, fans, panaches143 and crests144 of variegated145 feathers, intermingled with gold and silver thread, and sprinkled with pearls and precious stones; imitations of birds and animals in wrought and cast gold and silver, of exquisite146 workmanship; curtains, coverlets, and robes of cotton, fine as silk, of rich and various dyes, interwoven with feather-work that rivalled the deli{17}cacy of painting.[17] There were more than thirty loads of cotton cloth in addition. Among the articles was the Spanish helmet sent to the capital, and now returned filled to the brim with grains of gold. But the things which excited the most admiration147 were two circular plates of gold and silver, “as large as carriage-wheels.” One, representing the sun, was richly carved with plants and animals,—no doubt, denoting the Aztec century. It was thirty palms in circumference148, and was valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro. The silver wheel, of the same size, weighed fifty marks.[18]{18}
The Spaniards could not conceal149 their rapture150 at the exhibition of treasures which so far surpassed all the dreams in which they had indulged. For, rich as were the materials, they were exceeded—according to the testimony151 of those who saw these articles afterwards in Seville, where they could coolly examine them—by the beauty and richness of the workmanship.[19]
When Cortés and his officers had completed their survey, the ambassadors courteously152 delivered the message of Montezuma. “It gave their master{19} great pleasure,” they said, “to hold this communication with so powerful a monarch as the King of Spain, for whom he felt the most profound respect. He regretted much that he could not enjoy a personal interview with the Spaniards, but the distance of his capital was too great; since the journey was beset153 with difficulties, and with too many dangers from formidable enemies, to make it possible. All that could be done, therefore, was for the strangers to return to their own land, with the proofs thus afforded them of his friendly disposition154.”
Cortés, though much chagrined155 at this decided156 refusal of Montezuma to admit his visit, concealed157 his mortification158 as he best might, and politely expressed his sense of the emperor’s munificence159. “It made him only the more desirous,” he said, “to have a personal interview with him. He should feel it, indeed, impossible to present himself again before his own sovereign, without having accomplished this great object of his voyage; and one who had sailed over two thousand leagues of ocean held lightly the perils160 and fatigues161 of so short a journey by land.” He once more requested them to become the bearers of his message to their master, together with a slight additional token of his respect.
This consisted of a few fine Holland shirts, a Florentine goblet162, gilt163 and somewhat curiously164 enamelled, with some toys of little value,—a sorry return for the solid magnificence of the royal present. The ambassadors may have thought as much. At least, they showed no alacrity165 in charging them{20}selves either with the present or the message, and, on quitting the Castilian quarters, repeated their assurance that the general’s application would be unavailing.[20]
The splendid treasure, which now lay dazzling the eyes of the Spaniards, raised in their bosom166 very different emotions, according to the difference of their characters. Some it stimulated167 with the ardent168 desire to strike at once into the interior and possess themselves of a country which teemed169 with such boundless170 stores of wealth. Others looked on it as the evidence of a power altogether too formidable to be encountered with their present insignificant171 force. They thought, therefore, it would be most prudent to return and report their proceedings to the governor of Cuba, where preparations could be made commensurate with so vast an undertaking172. There can be little doubt as to the impression made on the bold spirit of Cortés, on which difficulties ever operated as incentives173, rather than discouragements, to enterprise. But he prudently174 said nothing,—at least in public,—preferring that so important a movement should flow from the determination of his whole army, rather than from his own individual impulse.
Meanwhile the soldiers suffered greatly from the inconveniences of their position amidst burning sands and the pestilent effluvia of the neighboring marshes175, while the venomous insects of these hot regions left them no repose176, day or night. Thirty{21} of their number had already sickened and died; a loss that could ill be afforded by the little band. To add to their troubles, the coldness of the Mexican chiefs had extended to their followers; and the supplies for the camp were not only much diminished, but the prices set on them were exorbitant177. The position was equally unfavorable for the shipping178, which lay in an open roadstead, exposed to the fury of the first norte which should sweep the Mexican Gulf.
The general was induced by these circumstances to despatch179 two vessels180, under Francisco de Montejo, with the experienced Alaminos for his pilot, to explore the coast in a northerly direction, and see if a safer port and more commodious181 quarters for the army could not be found there.
After the lapse107 of ten days the Mexican envoys returned. They entered the Spanish quarters with the same formality as on the former visit, bearing with them an additional present of rich stuffs and metallic182 ornaments, which, though inferior in value to those before brought, were estimated at three thousand ounces of gold. Besides these, there were four precious stones, of a considerable size, resembling emeralds, called by the natives chalchuites, each of which, as they assured the Spaniards, was worth more than a load of gold, and was designed as a mark of particular respect for the Spanish monarch.[21] Unfortunately,{22} they were not worth as many loads of earth in Europe.
Montezuma’s answer was in substance the same as before. It contained a positive prohibition183 for the strangers to advance nearer to the capital, and expressed his confidence that, now they had obtained what they had most desired, they would return to their own country without unnecessary delay. Cortés received this unpalatable response courteously, though somewhat coldly, and, turning to his officers, exclaimed, “This is a rich and powerful prince indeed; yet it shall go hard but we will one day pay him a visit in his capital!”
While they were conversing184, the bell struck for vespers. At the sound, the soldiers, throwing themselves on their knees, offered up their orisons before the large wooden cross planted in the sands. As the Aztec chiefs gazed with curious surprise, Cortés thought it a favorable occasion to impress them with what he conceived to be a principal object of his visit to the country. Father Olmedo accordingly expounded185, as briefly186 and clearly as he could, the great doctrines187 of Christianity, touching on the atonement, the passion, and the resurrection, and concluding with assuring his astonished audience that it was their intention to extirpate188 the idolatrous practices of the nation and to substitute the pure worship of the true God. He then put into their hands a little image of the Virgin189 with the infant Redeemer, requesting them to place it in their temples instead of their sanguinary{23} deities. How far the Aztec lords comprehended the mysteries of the faith, as conveyed through the double version of Aguilar and Marina, or how well they perceived the subtle distinctions between their own images and those of the Roman Church, we are not informed. There is reason to fear, however, that the seed fell on barren ground; for, when the homily of the good father ended, they withdrew with an air of dubious190 reserve very different from their friendly manners at the first interview. The same night every hut was deserted191 by the natives, and the Spaniards saw themselves suddenly cut off from supplies in the midst of a desolate192 wilderness193. The movement had so suspicious an appearance that Cortés apprehended194 an attack would be made on his quarters, and took precautions accordingly. But none was meditated195.
The army was at length cheered by the return of Montejo from his exploring expedition, after an absence of twelve days. He had run down the Gulf as far as Panuco, where he experienced such heavy gales196, in attempting to double that headland, that he was driven back, and had nearly foundered197. In the whole course of the voyage he had found only one place tolerably sheltered from the north winds. Fortunately, the adjacent country, well watered by fresh, running streams, afforded a favorable position for the camp; and thither198, after some deliberation, it was determined199 to repair.
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1
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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2
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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3
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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4
demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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5
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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6
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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7
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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8
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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9
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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10
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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11
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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12
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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13
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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14
beholder
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| n.观看者，旁观者 | |
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15
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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16
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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17
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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18
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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19
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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20
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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21
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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22
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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23
auditor
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| n.审计员，旁听着 | |
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24
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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25
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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26
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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27
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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28
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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29
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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30
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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31
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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32
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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33
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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34
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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35
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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36
swerve
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| v.突然转向，背离；n．转向，弯曲，背离 | |
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37
delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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38
munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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39
embellishing
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| v.美化( embellish的现在分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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40
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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41
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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42
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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43
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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44
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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45
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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46
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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47
secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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48
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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49
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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50
plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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51
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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52
sagest
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| adj.贤明的，貌似聪明的( sage的最高级 ) | |
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53
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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54
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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55
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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56
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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57
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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58
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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59
commotions
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| n.混乱，喧闹，骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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60
amalgamation
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| n.合并，重组；；汞齐化 | |
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61
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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62
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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63
cohesion
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| n.团结，凝结力 | |
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64
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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65
pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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66
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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67
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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68
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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69
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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70
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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71
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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72
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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73
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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74
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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75
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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76
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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77
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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78
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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79
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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80
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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81
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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82
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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83
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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84
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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85
propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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87
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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88
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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89
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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90
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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91
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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92
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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93
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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94
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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95
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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96
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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97
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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98
overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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99
turrets
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| （六角）转台( turret的名词复数 )； （战舰和坦克等上的）转动炮塔； （摄影机等上的）镜头转台； （旧时攻城用的）塔车 | |
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100
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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101
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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102
tapered
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| adj. 锥形的，尖削的，楔形的，渐缩的，斜的 动词taper的过去式和过去分词 | |
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103
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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104
apparitions
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| n.特异景象( apparition的名词复数 )；幽灵；鬼；（特异景象等的）出现 | |
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105
proficient
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| adj.熟练的，精通的；n.能手，专家 | |
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106
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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107
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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108
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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109
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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110
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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111
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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112
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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113
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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114
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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115
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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116
hieroglyphical
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| n.象形文字，象形文字的文章 | |
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117
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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118
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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119
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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120
suffocating
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| a.使人窒息的 | |
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121
alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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122
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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123
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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124
savory
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| adj.风味极佳的，可口的，味香的 | |
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125
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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126
luscious
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| adj.美味的；芬芳的；肉感的，引与性欲的 | |
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127
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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128
displeasing
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| 不愉快的，令人发火的 | |
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129
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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130
balk
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| n.大方木料；v.妨碍；不愿前进或从事某事 | |
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131
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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132
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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133
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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134
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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135
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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136
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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137
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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138
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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139
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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140
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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141
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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142
bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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143
panaches
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| n.羽饰（panache的复数形式） | |
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144
crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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145
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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146
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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147
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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148
circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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149
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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150
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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151
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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152
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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153
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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154
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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155
chagrined
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| adj.懊恼的，苦恼的v.使懊恼，使懊丧，使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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157
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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158
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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159
munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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160
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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161
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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162
goblet
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| n.高脚酒杯 | |
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163
gilt
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| adj.镀金的；n.金边证券 | |
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164
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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165
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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166
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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167
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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168
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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169
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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170
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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171
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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172
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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173
incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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174
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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175
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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176
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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177
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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178
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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179
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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180
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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181
commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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182
metallic
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| adj.金属的；金属制的；含金属的；产金属的；像金属的 | |
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183
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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184
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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185
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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186
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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187
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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188
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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189
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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190
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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191
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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192
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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193
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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194
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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195
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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196
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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197
foundered
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| v.创始人( founder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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199
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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