1519
THERE is no situation which tries so severely3 the patience and discipline of the soldier as a life of idleness in camp, where his thoughts, instead of being bent4 on enterprise and action, are fastened on himself and the inevitable5 privations and dangers of his condition. This was particularly the case in the present instance, where, in addition to the evils of a scanty6 subsistence, the troops suffered from excessive heat, swarms7 of venomous insects, and the other annoyances8 of a sultry climate. They were, moreover, far from possessing the character of regular forces, trained to subordination under a commander whom they had long been taught to reverence9 and obey. They were soldiers of fortune, embarked10 with him in an adventure in which all seemed to have an equal stake, and they regarded their captain—the captain of a day—as little more than an equal.
There was a growing discontent among the men{25} at their longer residence in this strange land. They were still more dissatisfied on learning the general’s intention to remove to the neighborhood of the port discovered by Montejo. “It was time to return,” they said, “and report what had been done to the governor of Cuba, and not linger on these barren shores until they had brought the whole Mexican empire on their heads!” Cortés evaded12 their importunities as well as he could, assuring them there was no cause for despondency. “Everything so far had gone on prosperously, and, when they had taken up a more favorable position, there was no reason to doubt they might still continue the same profitable intercourse13 with the natives.”
While this was passing, five Indians made their appearance in the camp one morning, and were brought to the general’s tent. Their dress and whole appearance were different from those of the Mexicans. They wore rings of gold, and gems14 of bright blue stone in their ears and nostrils15, while a gold leaf delicately wrought16 was attached to the under lip. Marina was unable to comprehend their language; but, on her addressing them in Aztec, two of them, it was found, could converse17 in that tongue. They said they were natives of Cempoalla, the chief town of the Totonacs, a powerful nation who had come upon the great plateau many centuries back, and, descending18 its eastern slope, settled along the sierras and broad plains which skirt the Mexican Gulf19 towards the north. Their country was one of the recent conquests of the Aztecs, and they experienced such vexatious oppres{26}sions from their conquerors20 as made them very impatient of the yoke21. They informed Cortés of these and other particulars. The fame of the Spaniards had reached their master, who sent these messengers to request the presence of the wonderful strangers in his capital.
This communication was eagerly listened to by the general, who, it will be remembered, was possessed22 of none of those facts, laid before the reader, respecting the internal condition of the kingdom, which he had no reason to suppose other than strong and united. An important truth now flashed on his mind, as his quick eye descried23 in this spirit of discontent a potent24 lever, by the aid of which he might hope to overturn this barbaric empire. He received the mission of the Totonacs most graciously, and, after informing himself, as far as possible, of their dispositions25 and resources, dismissed them with presents, promising26 soon to pay a visit to their lord.[23]
Meanwhile, his personal friends, among whom may be particularly mentioned Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Cristóbal de Olid, Alonso de Avila, Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, were very busy in persuading the troops to take such measures as should enable Cortés to go forward in those ambitious plans for which he had no warrant from the powers of Velasquez. “To return now,” they said, “was to abandon the enterprise on the threshold, which, under such a leader, must conduct to glory and incalculable riches. To return{27} to Cuba would be to surrender to the greedy governor the little gains they had already got. The only way was to persuade the general to establish a permanent colony in the country, the government of which would take the conduct of matters into its own hands and provide for the interests of its members. It was true, Cortés had no such authority from Velasquez. But the interests of the sovereigns, which were paramount27 to every other, imperatively28 demanded it.”
These conferences could not be conducted so secretly, though held by night, as not to reach the ears of the friends of Velasquez.[24] They remonstrated29 against the proceedings, as insidious30 and disloyal. They accused the general of instigating31 them, and, calling on him to take measures without delay for the return of the troops to Cuba, announced their own intention to depart, with such followers32 as still remained true to the governor.
Cortés, instead of taking umbrage33 at this high-handed proceeding2, or even answering in the same haughty34 tone, mildly replied “that nothing was further from his desire than to exceed his instructions. He, indeed, preferred to remain in the country, and continue his profitable intercourse with the natives. But, since the army thought otherwise, he should defer35 to their opinion, and give orders to return, as they desired.” On the following morning, proclamation was made for the troops to{28} hold themselves in readiness to embark11 at once on board the fleet, which was to sail for Cuba.[25]
Great was the sensation caused by their general’s order. Even many of those before clamorous36 for it, with the usual caprice of men whose wishes are too easily gratified, now regretted it. The partisans37 of Cortés were loud in their remonstrances38. “They were betrayed by the general,” they cried, and, thronging40 round his tent, called on him to countermand41 his orders. “We came here,” said they, “expecting to form a settlement, if the state of the country authorized42 it. Now it seems you have no warrant from the governor to make one. But there are interests, higher than those of Velasquez, which demand it. These territories are not his property, but were discovered for the sovereigns;[26] and it is necessary to plant a colony to watch over their interests, instead of wasting time in idle barter43, or, still worse, of returning, in the present state of affairs, to Cuba.{29} If you refuse,” they concluded, “we shall protest against your conduct as disloyal to their Highnesses.”
Cortés received this remonstrance39 with the embarrassed air of one by whom it was altogether unexpected. He modestly requested time for deliberation, and promised to give his answer on the following day. At the time appointed, he called the troops together, and made them a brief address. “There was no one,” he said, “if he knew his own heart, more deeply devoted44 than himself to the welfare of his sovereigns and the glory of the Spanish name. He had not only expended45 his all, but incurred46 heavy debts, to meet the charges of this expedition, and had hoped to reimburse47 himself by continuing his traffic with the Mexicans. But, if the soldiers thought a different course advisable, he was ready to postpone48 his own advantage to the good of the state.”[27] He concluded by declaring his willingness to take measures for settling a colony in the name of the Spanish sovereigns, and to nominate a magistracy to preside over it.[28]{30}
For the alcaldes he selected Puertocarrero and Montejo, the former cavalier his fast friend, and the latter the friend of Velasquez, and chosen for that very reason; a stroke of policy which perfectly49 succeeded. The regidores, alguacil, treasurer50, and other functionaries51 were then appointed, all of them his personal friends and adherents52. They were regularly sworn into office, and the new city received the title of Villa53 Rica de Vera Cruz, “The Rich Town of the True Cross;” a name which was considered as happily intimating that union of spiritual and temporal interests to which the arms of the Spanish adventurers in the New World were to be devoted.[29] Thus, by a single stroke of the pen, as it were, the camp was transformed into a civil community, and the whole frame-work and even title of the city were arranged, before the site of it had been settled.
The new municipality were not slow in coming together; when Cortés presented himself, cap in hand, before that august body, and, laying the powers of Velasquez on the table, respectfully tendered the resignation of his office of Captain-General, “which, indeed,” he said, “had necessarily expired, since the authority of the governor was now superseded54 by that of the magistracy of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz.” He then, with a profound obeisance55, left the apartment.[30]{31}
The council, after a decent time spent in deliberation, again requested his presence. “There was no one,” they said, “who, on mature reflection, appeared to them so well qualified56 to take charge of the interests of the community, both in peace and in war, as himself; and they unanimously named him, in behalf of their Catholic Highnesses, Captain-General and Chief Justice of the colony.” He was further empowered to draw, on his own account, one-fifth of the gold and silver which might hereafter be obtained by commerce or conquest from the natives.[31] Thus clothed with supreme57 civil and military jurisdiction58, Cortés was not backward in asserting his authority. He found speedy occasion for it.
The transactions above described had succeeded each other so rapidly that the governor’s party seemed to be taken by surprise, and had formed no plan of opposition59. When the last measure was carried, however, they broke forth60 into the most indignant and opprobrious61 invectives, denouncing the whole as a systematic62 con{32}spiracy against Velasquez. These accusations63 led to recrimination from the soldiers of the other side, until from words they nearly proceeded to blows. Some of the principal cavaliers, among them Velasquez de Leon, a kinsman64 of the governor, Escobar, his page, and Diego de Ordaz, were so active in instigating these turbulent movements that Cortés took the bold measure of putting them all in irons and sending them on board the vessels65. He then dispersed66 the common file by detaching many of them with a strong party under Alvarado to forage67 the neighboring country and bring home provisions for the destitute68 camp.
During their absence, every argument that cupidity69 or ambition could suggest was used to win the refractory70 to his views. Promises, and even gold, it is said, were liberally lavished71; till, by degrees, their understandings were opened to a clearer view of the merits of the case. And when the foraging73 party reappeared with abundance of poultry74 and vegetables, and the cravings of the stomach—that great laboratory of disaffection, whether in camp or capital—were appeased75, good humor returned with good cheer, and the rival factions76 embraced one another as companions in arms, pledged to a common cause. Even the high-mettled hidalgos on board the vessels did not long withstand the general tide of reconciliation77, but one by one gave in their adhesion to the new government. What is more remarkable78 is that this forced conversion79 was not a hollow one, but from this time forward several of these very cavaliers{33} became the most steady and devoted partisans of Cortés.[32]
Such was the address of this extraordinary man, and such the ascendency which in a few months he had acquired over these wild and turbulent spirits! By this ingenious transformation80 of a military into a civil community, he had secured a new and effectual basis for future operations. He might now go forward without fear of check or control from a superior,—at least from any other superior than the crown, under which alone he held his commission. In accomplishing this, instead of incurring81 the charge of usurpation82 or of transcending83 his legitimate84 powers, he had transferred the responsibility, in a great measure, to those who had imposed on him the necessity of action. By this step, moreover, he had linked the fortunes of his followers indissolubly with his own. They had taken their chance with him, and, whether for weal or for woe85, must abide86 the consequences. He was no longer limited to the narrow concerns of a sordid87 traffic, but, sure of their co-operation, might{34} now boldly meditate88, and gradually disclose, those lofty schemes which he had formed in his own bosom89 for the conquest of an empire.[33]
Harmony being thus restored, Cortés sent his heavy guns on board the fleet, and ordered it to coast along the shore to the north as far as Chiahuitztla,{*} the town near which the destined90 port of the new city was situated91; proposing, himself, at the head of his troops, to visit Cempoalla, on the march. The road lay for some miles across the dreary92 plains in the neighborhood of the modern Vera Cruz. In this sandy waste no signs of vegetation met their eyes, which, however, were occasionally refreshed by glimpses of the blue Atlantic, and by the distant view of the magnificent Orizaba, towering, with his spotless diadem93 of snow, far above his colossal94 brethren of the Andes.[34] As they advanced, the country gradually{35} assumed a greener and richer aspect. They crossed a river, probably a tributary95 of the Rio de la Antigua, with difficulty, on rafts, and on some broken canoes that were lying on the banks. They now came in view of very different scenery,—wide-rolling plains covered with a rich carpet of verdure and overshadowed by groves96 of cocoas and feathery palms, among whose tall, slender stems were seen deer, and various wild animals with which the Spaniards were unacquainted. Some of the horsemen gave chase to the deer, and wounded, but did not succeed in killing97 them. They saw, also, pheasants and other birds; among them the wild turkey, the pride of the American forest, which the Spaniards described as a species of peacock.[35]
{*} [According to Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., 289, Quiahuiztlan, i.e., Rainy Place.—M.]
On their route they passed through some deserted98 villages, in which were Indian temples, where they found censers, and other sacred utensils99, and manuscripts of the agave fibre, containing the picture-writing, in which, probably, their religious ceremonies were recorded. They now beheld100, also, the hideous101 spectacle, with which they became afterwards familiar, of the mutilated corpses102 of victims who had been sacrificed to the accursed deities103 of the land. The Spaniards turned with loathing104 and indignation from a dis{36}play of butchery which formed so dismal105 a contrast to the fair scenes of nature by which they were surrounded.
They held their course along the banks of the river, towards its source, when they were met by twelve Indians, sent by the cacique of Cempoalla to show them the way to his residence. At night they bivouacked in an open meadow, where they were well supplied with provisions by their new friends. They left the stream on the following morning, and, striking northerly across the country, came upon a wide expanse of luxuriant plains and woodland, glowing in all the splendor106 of tropical vegetation. The branches of the stately trees were gayly festooned with clustering vines of the dark-purple grape, variegated107 convolvuli, and other flowering parasites108 of the most brilliant dyes. The undergrowth of prickly aloe, matted with wild rose and honeysuckle, made in many places an almost impervious109 thicket110. Amid this wilderness111 of sweet-smelling buds and blossoms fluttered numerous birds of the parrot tribe, and clouds of butterflies, whose gaudy112 colors, nowhere so gorgeous as in the tierra caliente, rivalled those of the vegetable creation; while birds of exquisite113 song, the scarlet114 cardinal115, and the marvellous mocking-bird, that comprehends in his own notes the whole music of a forest, filled the air with delicious melody. The hearts of the stern Conquerors were not very sensible to the beauties of nature. But the magical charms of the scenery drew forth unbounded expressions of delight, and as they wandered through this “terrestrial paradise,” as{37} they called it, they fondly compared it to the fairest regions of their own sunny land.[36]
As they approached the Indian city, they saw abundant signs of cultivation116, in the trim gardens and orchards117 that lined both sides of the road. They were now met by parties of the natives, of either sex, who increased in numbers with every step of their progress. The women, as well as men, mingled118 fearlessly among the soldiers, bearing bunches and wreaths of flowers, with which they decorated the neck of the general’s charger, and hung a chaplet of roses about his helmet. Flowers were the delight of this people. They bestowed119 much care in their cultivation, in which they were well seconded by a climate of alternate heat and moisture, stimulating120 the soil to the spontaneous production of every form of vegetable life. The same refined taste, as we shall see, pre{38}vailed among the warlike Aztecs, and has survived the degradation121 of the nation in their descendants of the present day.[37]
Many of the women appeared, from their richer dress and numerous attendants, to be persons of rank. They were clad in robes of fine cotton, curiously122 colored, which reached from the neck—in the inferior orders, from the waist—to the ankles. The men wore a sort of mantle123 of the same material, á la Morisca, in the Moorish124 fashion, over their shoulders, and belts or sashes about the loins. Both sexes had jewels and ornaments125 of gold round their necks, while their ears and nostrils were perforated with rings of the same metal.
Just before reaching the town, some horsemen who had ridden in advance returned with the amazing intelligence “that they had been near enough to look within the gates, and found the houses all plated with burnished126 silver!” On entering the place, the silver was found to be nothing more than a brilliant coating of stucco, with which the principal buildings were covered; a circumstance which produced much merriment among the soldiers at the expense of their credulous127 comrades. Such ready credulity is a proof of the exalted128 state of their imaginations, which were prepared to see gold and silver in every object around{39} them.[38] The edifices129 of the better kind were of stone and lime, or bricks dried in the sun; the poorer were of clay and earth. All were thatched with palm-leaves, which, though a flimsy roof, apparently130, for such structures, were so nicely interwoven as to form a very effectual protection against the weather.
The city was said to contain from twenty to thirty thousand inhabitants. This is the most moderate computation, and not improbable.[39] Slowly and silently the little army paced the narrow and now crowded streets of Cempoalla, inspiring the natives with no greater wonder than they themselves experienced at the display of a policy and refinement131 so far superior to anything they had witnessed in the New World.[40] The cacique came out in front of his residence to receive them. He was a tall and very corpulent man, and advanced leaning on two of his attendants. He received Cortés and his followers with great courtesy, and, after a brief interchange of civilities, assigned the army its quarters in a neighboring temple, into the spacious132 court-yard of which a{40} number of apartments opened, affording excellent accommodation for the soldiery.
Here the Spaniards were well supplied with provisions, meat cooked after the fashion of the country, and maize133 made into bread-cakes. The general received, also, a present of considerable value from the cacique, consisting of ornaments of gold and fine cottons. Notwithstanding these friendly demonstrations134, Cortés did not relax his habitual135 vigilance, nor neglect any of the precautions of a good soldier. On his route, indeed, he had always marched in order of battle, well prepared against surprise. In his present quarters, he stationed his sentinels with like care, posted his small artillery136 so as to command the entrance, and forbade any soldier to leave the camp without orders, under pain of death.[41]
The following morning, Cortés, accompanied by fifty of his men, paid a visit to the lord of Cempoalla in his own residence. It was a building of stone and lime, standing72 on a steep terrace of earth, and was reached by a flight of stone steps. It may have borne resemblance in its structure to some of the ancient buildings found in Central America. Cortés, leaving his soldiers in the courtyard, entered the mansion137 with one of his officers, and his fair interpreter, Do?a Marina.[42] A long conference ensued, from which the Spanish general gathered much light respecting the state of{41} the country. He first announced to the chief that he was the subject of a great monarch138 who dwelt beyond the waters; that he had come to the Aztec shores to abolish the inhuman139 worship which prevailed there, and to introduce the knowledge of the true God. The cacique replied that their gods, who sent them the sunshine and the rain, were good enough for them; that he was the tributary of a powerful monarch also, whose capital stood on a lake far off among the mountains,—a stern prince, merciless in his exactions, and, in case of resistance, or any offence, sure to wreak140 his vengeance141 by carrying off their young men and maidens142 to be sacrificed to his deities. Cortés assured him that he would never consent to such enormities; he had been sent by his sovereign to redress143 abuses and to punish the oppressor;[43] and, if the Totonacs would be true to him, he would enable them to throw off the detested144 yoke of the Aztecs.
The cacique added that the Totonac territory contained about thirty towns and villages, which could muster145 a hundred thousand warriors,—a number much exaggerated.[44] There were other provinces of the empire, he said, where the Aztec rule was equally odious146; and between him and the capital lay the warlike republic of Tlascala, which had always maintained its independence of Mexico. The fame of the Spaniards had gone before{42} them, and he was well acquainted with their terrible victory at Tabasco. But still he looked with doubt and alarm to a rupture147 with “the great Montezuma,” as he always styled him; whose armies, on the least provocation148, would pour down from the mountain regions of the West, and, rushing over the plains like a whirlwind, sweep off the wretched people to slavery and sacrifice!
Cortés endeavored to reassure149 him, by declaring that a single Spaniard was stronger than a host of Aztecs. At the same time, it was desirable to know what nations would co-operate with him, not so much on his account as theirs, that he might distinguish friend from foe150 and know whom he was to spare in this war of extermination151. Having raised the confidence of the admiring chief by this comfortable and politic152 vaunt, he took an affectionate leave, with the assurance that he would shortly return and concert measures for their future operations, when he had visited his ships in the adjoining port and secured a permanent settlement there.[45]
The intelligence gained by Cortés gave great satisfaction to his mind. It confirmed his former views, and showed, indeed, the interior of the monarchy153 to be in a state far more distracted than he had supposed. If he had before scarcely shrunk from attacking the Aztec empire, in the true spirit of a knight-errant, with his single arm, as it were, what had he now to fear, when one half of the na{43}tion could be thus marshalled against the other? In the excitement of the moment, his sanguine154 spirit kindled155 with an enthusiasm which overleaped every obstacle. He communicated his own feelings to the officers about him, and, before a blow was struck, they already felt as if the banners of Spain were waving in triumph from the towers of Montezuma! But many a bloody156 field was to be fought, many a peril157 and privation to be encountered, before that consummation could be attained158.
Taking leave of the hospitable159 Indian, on the following day the Spaniards took the road to Chiahuitztla,[46] about four leagues distant, near which was the port discovered by Montejo, where their ships were now riding at anchor. They were provided by the cacique with four hundred Indian porters, tamanes, as they were called, to transport the baggage. These men easily carried fifty pounds’ weight five or six leagues in a day. They were in use all over the Mexican empire, and the Spaniards found them of great service, henceforth, in relieving the troops from this part of their duty. They passed through a country of the same rich, voluptuous160 character as that which they had lately traversed, and arrived early next morning at the Indian town, perched like a fortress161 on a bold, rocky eminence162 that commanded the Gulf. Most of the inhabitants had fled, but fifteen{44} of the principal men remained, who received them in a friendly manner, offering the usual compliments of flowers and incense163. The people of the place, losing their fears, gradually returned. While conversing164 with the chiefs, the Spaniards were joined by the worthy165 cacique of Cempoalla, borne by his men on a litter. He eagerly took part in their deliberations. The intelligence gained here by Cortés confirmed the accounts already gathered of the feelings and resources of the Totonac nation.
In the midst of their conference, they were interrupted by a movement among the people, and soon afterwards five men entered the great square or market-place, where they were standing. By their lofty port, their peculiar166 and much richer dress, they seemed not to be of the same race as these Indians. Their dark, glossy167 hair was tied in a knot on the top of the head. They had bunches of flowers in their hands, and were followed by several attendants, some bearing wands with cords, others fans, with which they brushed away the flies and insects from their lordly masters. As these persons passed through the place, they cast a haughty look on the Spaniards, scarcely deigning168 to return their salutations. They were immediately joined, in great confusion, by the Totonac chiefs, who seemed anxious to conciliate them by every kind of attention.
The general, much astonished, inquired of Marina what it meant. She informed him they were Aztec nobles, empowered to receive the tribute for Montezuma. Soon after, the chiefs returned with{45} dismay painted on their faces. They confirmed Marina’s statement, adding that the Aztecs greatly resented the entertainment afforded the Spaniards without the Emperor’s permission, and demanded in expiation169 twenty young men and women for sacrifice to the gods. Cortés showed the strongest indignation at this insolence170. He required the Totonacs not only to refuse the demand, but to arrest the persons of the collectors and throw them into prison. The chiefs hesitated, but he insisted on it so peremptorily171 that they at length complied, and the Aztecs were seized, bound hand and foot, and placed under a guard.
In the night, the Spanish general procured172 the escape of two of them, and had them brought secretly before him. He expressed his regret at the indignity173 they had experienced from the Totonacs; told them he would provide means for their flight, and to-morrow would endeavor to obtain the release of their companions. He desired them to report this to their master, with assurances of the great regard the Spaniards entertained for him, notwithstanding his ungenerous behavior in leaving them to perish from want on his barren shores. He then sent the Mexican nobles down to the port, whence they were carried to another part of the coast by water, for fear of the violence of the Totonacs. These were greatly incensed174 at the escape of the prisoners, and would have sacrificed the remainder at once, but for the Spanish commander, who evinced the utmost horror at the proposal, and ordered them to be sent for safe custody175 on board the fleet. Soon after, they were permitted to join{46} their companions. This artful proceeding, so characteristic of the policy of Cortés, had, as we shall see hereafter, all the effect intended on Montezuma. It cannot be commended, certainly, as in the true spirit of chivalry176. Yet it has not wanted its panegyrist among the national historians![47]
By order of Cortés, messengers were despatched to the Totonac towns to report what had been done, calling on them to refuse the payment of further tribute to Montezuma. But there was no need of messengers. The affrighted attendants of the Aztec lords had fled in every direction, bearing the tidings, which spread like wildfire through the country, of the daring insult offered to the majesty177 of Mexico. The astonished Indians, cheered with the sweet hope of regaining178 their ancient liberty, came in numbers to Chiahuitztla, to see and confer with the formidable strangers. The more timid, dismayed at the thought of encountering the power of Montezuma, recommended an embassy to avert179 his displeasure by timely concessions180. But the dexterous181 management of Cortés had committed them too far to allow any reasonable expectation of indulgence from this quarter. After some hesitation182, therefore, it was determined183 to embrace the protection of the Spaniards, and to make one bold effort for the recovery of freedom. Oaths of allegiance were taken by the chiefs to the Spanish sovereigns, and duly recorded by{47} Godoy, the royal notary184. Cortés, satisfied with the important acquisition of so many vassals185 to the crown, set out soon after for the destined port, having first promised to revisit Cempoalla, where his business was but partially186 accomplished187.[48]
The spot selected for the new city was only half a league distant, in a wide and fruitful plain, affording a tolerable haven188 for the shipping189. Cortés was not long in determining the circuit of the walls, and the sites of the fort, granary, townhouse, temple, and other public buildings. The friendly Indians eagerly assisted, by bringing materials, stone, lime, wood, and bricks dried in the sun. Every man put his hand to the work. The general labored190 with the meanest of the soldiers, stimulating their exertions191 by his example as well as voice. In a few weeks the task was accomplished, and a town rose up, which, if not quite worthy of the aspiring192 name it bore, answered most of the purposes for which it was intended. It served as a good point d’appui for future operations; a place of retreat for the disabled, as well as for the army in case of reverses; a magazine for stores, and for such articles as might be received from or sent to the mother-country; a port for the shipping; a position of sufficient strength to over-awe the adjacent country.[49]{48}
It was the first colony—the fruitful parent of so many others—in New Spain. It was hailed with satisfaction by the simple natives, who hoped to repose193 in safety under its protecting shadow. Alas194! they could not read the future, or they would have found no cause to rejoice in this harbinger of a revolution more tremendous than any predicted by their bards195 and prophets. It was not the good Quetzalcoatl who had returned to claim his own again, bringing peace, freedom, and civilization in his train. Their fetters196, indeed, would be broken, and their wrongs be amply avenged197 on the proud head of the Aztec. But it was to be by that strong arm which should bow down equally the oppressor and the oppressed. The light of civilization would be poured on their land. But it would be the light of a consuming fire, before which their barbaric glory, their institutions, their very existence and name as a nation, would wither198 and become extinct! Their doom199 was sealed when the white man had set his foot on their soil.
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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gems
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| growth； economy； management； and customer satisfaction 增长 | |
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nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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16
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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18
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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19
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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20
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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21
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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22
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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23
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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24
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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25
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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26
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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27
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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28
imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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29
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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30
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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31
instigating
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的现在分词 ) | |
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32
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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33
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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34
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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35
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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36
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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37
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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38
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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39
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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40
thronging
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
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41
countermand
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| v.撤回(命令)，取消(订货) | |
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42
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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43
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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44
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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45
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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46
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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47
reimburse
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| v.补偿，付还 | |
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48
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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49
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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50
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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51
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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52
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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53
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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54
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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55
obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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56
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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57
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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58
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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59
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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60
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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61
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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62
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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63
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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64
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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65
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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66
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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67
forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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68
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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69
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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70
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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71
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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73
foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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74
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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75
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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76
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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77
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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78
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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79
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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80
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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81
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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82
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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83
transcending
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| 超出或超越（经验、信念、描写能力等）的范围( transcend的现在分词 )； 优于或胜过… | |
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84
legitimate
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|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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85
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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86
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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87
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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88
meditate
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| v.想，考虑，（尤指宗教上的）沉思，冥想 | |
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89
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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90
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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91
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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92
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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93
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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94
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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95
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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96
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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97
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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98
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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99
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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100
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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101
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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102
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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103
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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104
loathing
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| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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105
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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106
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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107
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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108
parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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109
impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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110
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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111
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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112
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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113
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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114
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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115
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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116
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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117
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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118
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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119
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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121
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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122
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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123
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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124
moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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125
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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126
burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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127
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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128
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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129
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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130
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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131
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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132
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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133
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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134
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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135
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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136
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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137
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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138
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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139
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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140
wreak
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| v.发泄；报复 | |
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141
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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142
maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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143
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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144
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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146
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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147
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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148
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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149
reassure
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| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
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150
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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151
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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152
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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153
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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154
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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155
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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156
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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157
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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158
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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159
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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160
voluptuous
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| adj.肉欲的，骄奢淫逸的 | |
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161
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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162
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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163
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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164
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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165
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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166
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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167
glossy
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| adj.平滑的；有光泽的 | |
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168
deigning
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的现在分词 ) | |
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169
expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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170
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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171
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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172
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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173
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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174
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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175
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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176
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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177
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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178
regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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179
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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180
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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181
dexterous
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| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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182
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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183
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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184
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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185
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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186
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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187
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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188
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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189
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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190
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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191
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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192
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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193
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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194
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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195
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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196
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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197
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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198
wither
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| vt.使凋谢，使衰退，(用眼神气势等)使畏缩；vi.枯萎，衰退，消亡 | |
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199
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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