1519
WHILE the Spaniards were occupied with their new settlement, they were surprised by the presence of an embassy from Mexico. The account of the imprisonment3 of the royal collectors had spread rapidly through the country. When it reached the capital, all were filled with amazement4 at the unprecedented5 daring of the strangers. In Montezuma every other feeling, even that of fear, was swallowed up in indignation; and he showed his wonted energy in the vigorous preparations which he instantly made to punish his rebellious7 vassals8 and to avenge9 the insult offered to the majesty10 of the empire. But when the Aztec officers liberated11 by Cortés reached the capital and reported the courteous12 treatment they had received from the Spanish commander, Montezuma’s anger was mitigated13, and his superstitious14 fears, getting the ascendency again, induced him to resume his former timid and conciliatory policy. He accordingly sent an embassy, consisting of two youths,{50} his nephews, and four of the ancient nobles of his court, to the Spanish quarters. He provided them, in his usual munificent15 spirit, with a princely donation of gold, rich cotton stuffs, and beautiful mantles16 of the plumaje, or feather embroidery17. The envoys18, on coming before Cortés, presented him with the articles, at the same time offering the acknowledgments of their master for the courtesy he had shown in liberating19 his captive nobles. He was surprised and afflicted20, however, that the Spaniards should have countenanced21 his faithless vassals in their rebellion. He had no doubt they were the strangers whose arrival had been so long announced by the oracles22, and of the same lineage with himself.[50] From deference24 to them he would spare the Totonacs, while they were present. But the time for vengeance25 would come.
Cortés entertained the Indian chieftains with frank hospitality. At the same time, he took care to make such a display of his resources as, while it amused their minds, should leave a deep impression of his power. He then, after a few trifling26 gifts, dismissed them with a conciliatory message to their master, and the assurance that he should soon pay his respects to him in his capital, where all misunderstanding between them would be readily adjusted.
The Totonac allies could scarcely credit their senses, when they gathered the nature of this interview. Notwithstanding the presence of the{51} Spaniards, they had looked with apprehension28 to the consequences of their rash act; and their feelings of admiration29 were heightened into awe30 for the strangers who, at this distance, could exercise so mysterious an influence over the terrible Montezuma.[51]
Not long after, the Spaniards received an application from the cacique of Cempoalla to aid him in a dispute in which he was engaged with a neighboring city. Cortés marched with a part of his forces to his support. On the route, one Morla, a common soldier, robbed a native of a couple of fowls31. Cortés, indignant at this violation32 of his orders before his face, and aware of the importance of maintaining a reputation for good faith with his allies, commanded the man to be hung up, at once, by the roadside, in face of the whole army. Fortunately for the poor wretch33, Pedro de Alvarado, the future conqueror34 of Quiché, was present, and ventured to cut down the body while there was yet life in it. He, probably, thought enough had been done for example, and the loss of a single life, unnecessarily, was more than the little band could afford. The anecdote35 is characteristic, as showing the strict discipline maintained by Cortés over his men, and the freedom assumed by his captains, who regarded him on terms nearly of equality,—as a fellow-adventurer with themselves. This feeling of companionship led to a spirit of insubordination among them, which made his own post as commander the more delicate and difficult.{52}
On reaching the hostile city, but a few leagues from the coast, they were received in an amicable36 manner; and Cortés, who was accompanied by his allies, had the satisfaction of reconciling these different branches of the Totonac family with each other, without bloodshed. He then returned to Cempoalla, where he was welcomed with joy by the people, who were now impressed with as favorable an opinion of his moderation and justice as they had before been of his valor37. In token of his gratitude38, the Indian cacique delivered to the general eight Indian maidens39, richly dressed, wearing collars and ornaments40 of gold, with a number of female slaves to wait on them. They were daughters of the principal chiefs, and the cacique requested that the Spanish captains might take them as their wives. Cortés received the damsels courteously41, but told the cacique they must first be baptized, as the sons of the Church could have no commerce with idolaters.[52] He then declared that it was a great object of his mission to wean the natives from their heathenish abominations, and besought42 the Totonac lord to allow his idols to be cast down, and the symbols of the true faith to be erected43 in their place.
To this the other answered, as before, that his gods were good enough for him; nor could all the persuasion44 of the general, nor the preaching of Father Olmedo, induce him to acquiesce45. Mingled46 with his polytheism, he had conceptions of a Su{53}preme and Infinite Being, Creator of the Universe, and his darkened understanding could not comprehend how such a Being could condescend47 to take the form of humanity, with its infirmities and ills, and wander about on earth, the voluntary victim of persecution48 from the hands of those whom his breath had called into existence.[53] He plainly told the Spaniards that he would resist any violence offered to his gods, who would, indeed, avenge the act themselves, by the instant destruction of their enemies.
But the zeal49 of the Christians51 had mounted too high to be cooled by remonstrance52 or menace. During their residence in the land, they had witnessed more than once the barbarous rites53 of the natives, their cruel sacrifices of human victims, and their disgusting cannibal repasts.[54] Their souls sickened at these abominations, and they agreed with one voice to stand by their general, when he told them that “Heaven would never smile on their enterprise if they countenanced such atrocities54, and that, for his own part, he was resolved the Indian idols should be demolished55 that very hour, if it cost{54} him his life.” To postpone56 the work of conversion57 was a sin. In the enthusiasm of the moment, the dictates58 of policy and ordinary prudence59 were alike unheeded.
Scarcely waiting for his commands, the Spaniards moved towards one of the principal teocallis, or temples, which rose high on a pyramidal foundation, with a steep ascent60 of stone steps in the middle. The cacique, divining their purpose, instantly called his men to arms. The Indian warriors61 gathered from all quarters, with shrill62 cries and clashing of weapons; while the priests, in their dark cotton robes, with dishevelled tresses, matted with blood, flowing wildly over their shoulders, rushed frantic63 among the natives, calling on them to protect their gods from violation! All was now confusion, tumult64, and warlike menace, where so lately had been peace and the sweet brotherhood65 of nations.
Cortés took his usual prompt and decided66 measures. He caused the cacique and some of the principal inhabitants and priests to be arrested by his soldiers. He then commanded them to quiet the people, for, if an arrow was shot against a Spaniard, it should cost every one of them his life. Marina, at the same time, represented the madness of resistance, and reminded the cacique that if he now alienated67 the affections of the Spaniards he would be left without a protector against the terrible vengeance of Montezuma. These temporal considerations seem to have had more weight with the Totonac chieftain than those of a more spiritual nature. He covered his face with his hands, ex{55}claiming that the gods would avenge their own wrongs.
The Christians were not slow in availing themselves of his tacit acquiescence68. Fifty soldiers, at a signal from their general, sprang up the great stairway of the temple, entered the building on the summit, the walls of which were black with human gore69, tore the huge wooden idols from their foundations, and dragged them to the edge of the terrace. Their fantastic forms and features, conveying a symbolic70 meaning, which was lost on the Spaniards, seemed in their eyes only the hideous71 lineaments of Satan. With great alacrity72 they rolled the colossal73 monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amidst the triumphant74 shouts of their own companions, and the groans75 and lamentations of the natives. They then consummated77 the whole by burning them in the presence of the assembled multitude.
The same effect followed as in Cozumel. The Totonacs, finding their deities78 incapable79 of preventing or even punishing this profanation80 of their shrines81, conceived a mean opinion of their power, compared with that of the mysterious and formidable strangers. The floor and walls of the teocalli were then cleansed82, by command of Cortés, from their foul83 impurities84; a fresh coating of stucco was laid on them by the Indian masons; and an altar was raised, surmounted85 by a lofty cross, and hung with garlands of roses. A procession was next formed, in which some of the principal Totonac priests, exchanging their dark mantles for robes of white, carried lighted candles in their{56} hands; while an image of the Virgin86, half smothered87 under the weight of flowers, was borne aloft, and, as the procession climbed the steps of the temple, was deposited above the altar. Mass was performed by Father Olmedo, and the impressive character of the ceremony and the passionate88 eloquence89 of the good priest touched the feelings of the motley audience, until Indians as well as Spaniards, if we may trust the chronicler, were melted into tears and audible sobs90. The Protestant missionary91 seeks to enlighten the understanding of his convert by the pale light of reason. But the bolder Catholic, kindling92 the spirit by the splendor93 of the spectacle and by the glowing portrait of an agonized94 Redeemer, sweeps along his hearers in a tempest of passion, that drowns everything like reflection. He has secured his convert, however, by the hold on his affections,—an easier and more powerful hold, with the untutored savage95, than reason.
An old soldier named Juan de Torres, disabled by bodily infirmity, consented to remain and watch over the sanctuary96 and instruct the natives in its services. Cortés then, embracing his Totonac allies, now brothers in religion as in arms, set out once more for the Villa97 Rica, where he had some arrangements to complete previous to his departure for the capital.[55]
He was surprised to find that a Spanish vessel98 had arrived there in his absence, having on board{57} twelve soldiers and two horses. It was under the command of a captain named Saucedo, a cavalier of the ocean, who had followed in the track of Cortés in quest of adventure. Though a small, they afforded a very seasonable body of recruits for the little army. By these men, the Spaniards were informed that Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, had lately received a warrant from the Spanish government to establish a colony in the newly-discovered countries.
Cortés now resolved to put a plan in execution which he had been some time meditating99. He knew that all the late acts of the colony, as well as his own authority, would fall to the ground without the royal sanction. He knew, too, that the interest of Velasquez, which was great at court, would, so soon as he was acquainted with his secession, be wholly employed to circumvent100 and crush him. He resolved to anticipate his movements, and to send a vessel to Spain with despatches addressed to the emperor himself, announcing the nature and extent of his discoveries, and to obtain, if possible, the confirmation101 of his proceedings102. In order to conciliate his master’s good will, he further proposed to send him such a present as should suggest lofty ideas of the importance of his own services to the crown. To effect this, the royal fifth he considered inadequate103. He conferred with his officers, and persuaded them to relinquish104 their share of the treasure. At his instance, they made a similar application to the soldiers; representing that it was the earnest wish of the general, who set the example by resigning{58} his own fifth, equal to the share of the crown. It was but little that each man was asked to surrender, but the whole would make a present worthy105 of the monarch106 for whom it was intended. By this sacrifice they might hope to secure his indulgence for the past and his favor for the future; a temporary sacrifice, that would be well repaid by the security of the rich possessions which awaited them in Mexico. A paper was then circulated among the soldiers, which all who were disposed to relinquish their shares were requested to sign. Those who declined should have their claims respected, and receive the amount due to them. No one refused to sign; thus furnishing another example of the extraordinary power obtained by Cortés over these rapacious107 spirits, who, at his call, surrendered up the very treasures which had been the great object of their hazardous108 enterprise![56]
He accompanied this present with a letter to{59} the emperor, in which he gave a full account of all that had befallen him since his departure from Cuba; of his various discoveries, battles, and traffic with the natives; their conversion to Christianity; his strange perils109 and sufferings; many particulars respecting the lands he had visited, and such as he could collect in regard to the great Mexican monarchy110 and its sovereign. He stated his difficulties with the governor of Cuba, the proceedings of the army in reference to colonization112, and besought the emperor to confirm their acts, as well as his own authority, expressing his entire confidence that he should be able, with the aid of his brave followers113, to place the Castilian crown in possession of this great Indian empire.[57]
This was the celebrated114 First Letter, as it is called, of Cortés, which has hitherto eluded115 every{60} search that has been made for it in the libraries of Europe.[58] Its existence is fully116 established by references to it, both in his own subsequent letters, and in the writings of contemporaries.[59] Its general{61} purport117 is given by his chaplain Gomara. The importance of the document has doubtless been much overrated; and, should it ever come to light, it will probably be found to add little of interest to the matter contained in the letter from Vera Cruz, which has formed the basis of the preceding portion of our narrative118. Cortés had no sources of information beyond those open to the authors of the latter document. He was even less full and frank in his communications, if it be true that he suppressed all notice of the discoveries of his two immediate119 predecessors120.[60]
The magistrates121 of the Villa Rica, in their epistle, went over the same ground with Cortés; concluding with an emphatic122 representation of the misconduct of Velasquez, whose venality123, extortion, and selfish devotion to his personal interests, to the exclusion124 of those of his sovereigns as well as of his own followers, they placed in a most clear and unenviable light.[61] They implored125 the gov{62}ernment not to sanction his interference with the new colony, which would be fatal to its welfare, but to commit the undertaking127 to Hernando Cortés, as the man most capable, by his experience and conduct, of bringing it to a glorious termination.[62]
With this letter went also another in the name of the citizen-soldiers of Villa Rica, tendering their dutiful submission128 to the sovereigns, and requesting the confirmation of their proceedings, above all, that of Cortés as their general.
The selection of the agents for the mission was a delicate matter, as on the result might depend the future fortunes of the colony and its commander. Cortés intrusted the affair to two cavaliers on whom he could rely; Francisco de Montejo, the ancient partisan129 of Velasquez, and Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero. The latter officer was{63} a near kinsman130 of the count of Medellin, and it was hoped his high connections might secure a favorable influence at court.
Together with the treasure, which seemed to verify the assertion that “the land teemed131 with gold as abundantly as that whence Solomon drew the same precious metal for his temple,”[63] several Indian manuscripts were sent. Some were of cotton, others of the Mexican agave. Their unintelligible132 characters, says a chronicler, excited little interest in the Conquerors133. As evidence of intellectual culture, however, they formed higher objects of interest to a philosophic134 mind than those costly135 fabrics136 which attested137 only the mechanical ingenuity138 of the nation.[64] Four Indian slaves were added as specimens139 of the natives. They had been rescued from the cages in which they were confined for sacrifice. One of the best vessels141 of the fleet was selected for the voyage, manned by fifteen seamen142, and placed under the direction of the pilot Alaminos. He was directed to hold his course through the Bahama channel, north of Cuba, or Fernandina, as it was then called, and on no account to touch at that island, or any other in the Indian Ocean. With these instructions, the good ship took its departure on the 26th of July, freighted with the treasures and the good wishes{64} of the community of the Villa Rica de Vera Cruz.
After a quick run the emissaries made the island of Cuba, and, in direct disregard of orders, anchored before Marien, on the northern side of the island. This was done to accommodate Montejo, who wished to visit a plantation143 owned by him in the neighborhood. While off the port, a sailor got on shore, and, crossing the island to St. Jago, the capital, spread everywhere tidings of the expedition, until they reached the ears of Velasquez. It was the first intelligence which had been received of the armament since its departure; and, as the governor listened to the recital144, it would not be easy to paint the mingled emotions of curiosity, astonishment145, and wrath146 which agitated147 his bosom148. In the first sally of passion, he poured a storm of invective149 on the heads of his secretary and treasurer150, the friends of Cortés, who had recommended him as the leader of the expedition. After somewhat relieving himself in this way, he despatched two fast-sailing vessels to Marien with orders to seize the rebel ship, and, in case of her departure, to follow and overtake her.
But before the ships could reach that port the bird had flown, and was far on her way across the broad Atlantic. Stung with mortification151 at this fresh disappointment, Velasquez wrote letters of indignant complaint to the government at home, and to the Hieronymite fathers in Hispaniola, demanding redress152. He obtained little satisfaction from the latter. He resolved, however, to take the matter into his own hands, and set about mak{65}ing formidable preparations for another squadron, which should be more than a match for that under his rebellious officer. He was indefatigable153 in his exertions154, visiting every part of the island, and straining all his resources to effect his purpose. The preparations were on a scale that necessarily consumed many months.
Meanwhile the little vessel was speeding her prosperous way across the waters, and, after touching155 at one of the Azores, came safely into the harbor of St. Lucar, in the month of October. However long it may appear in the more perfect nautical156 science of our day, it was reckoned a fair voyage for that. Of what befell the commissioners157 on their arrival, their reception at court, and the sensation caused by their intelligence, I defer23 the account to a future chapter.[65]
Shortly after the departure of the commissioners, an affair occurred of a most unpleasant nature. A number of persons, with the priest Juan Diaz at their head, ill-affected, from some cause or other, towards the administration of Cortés, or not relishing158 the hazardous expedition before them, laid a plan to seize one of the vessels, make the best of their way to Cuba, and report to the governor the fate of the armament. It was conducted with so much secrecy159 that the party had got their provisions, water, and everything neces{66}sary for the voyage, on board, without detection; when the conspiracy was betrayed, on the very night they were to sail, by one of their own number, who repented160 the part he had taken in it. The general caused the persons implicated161 to be instantly apprehended162. An examination was instituted. The guilt163 of the parties was placed beyond a doubt. Sentence of death was passed on two of the ringleaders; another, the pilot, was condemned164 to lose his feet, and several others to be whipped. The priest, probably the most guilty of the whole, claiming the usual benefit of clergy165, was permitted to escape. One of those condemned to the gallows167 was named Escudero, the very alguacil who, the reader may remember, so stealthily apprehended Cortés before the sanctuary in Cuba.[66] The general, on signing the death-warrants, was heard to exclaim, “Would that I had never learned to write!” It was not the first time, it was remarked, that the exclamation168 had been uttered in similar circumstances.[67]
The arrangements being now finally settled at the Villa Rica, Cortés sent forward Alvarado, with a large part of the army, to Cempoalla, where he soon after joined them with the remainder. The late affair of the conspiracy seems to have made a deep impression on his mind. It showed him that{67} there were timid spirits in the camp on whom he could not rely, and who, he feared, might spread the seeds of disaffection among their companions. Even the more resolute169, on any occasion of disgust or disappointment hereafter, might falter170 in purpose, and, getting possession of the vessels, abandon the enterprise. This was already too vast, and the odds171 were too formidable, to authorize172 expectation of success with diminution173 of numbers. Experience showed that this was always to be apprehended while means of escape were at hand.[68] The best chance for success was to cut off these means. He came to the daring resolution to destroy the fleet, without the knowledge of his army.
When arrived at Cempoalla, he communicated his design to a few of his devoted174 adherents175, who entered warmly into his views. Through them he readily persuaded the pilots, by means of those golden arguments which weigh more than any other with ordinary minds, to make such a report of the condition of the fleet as suited his purpose. The ships, they said, were grievously racked by the heavy gales176 they had encountered, and, what was worse, the worms had eaten into their sides and bottoms until most of them were not seaworthy, and some, indeed, could scarcely now be kept afloat.{68}
Cortés received the communication with surprise; “for he could well dissemble,” observes Las Casas, with his usual friendly comment, “when it suited his interests.” “If it be so,” he exclaimed, “we must make the best of it! Heaven’s will be done!”[69] He then ordered five of the worst conditioned to be dismantled177, their cordage, sails, iron, and whatever was movable, to be brought on shore, and the ships to be sunk. A survey was made of the others, and, on a similar report, four more were condemned in the same manner. Only one small vessel remained!
When the intelligence reached the troops in Cempoalla, it caused the deepest consternation178. They saw themselves cut off by a single blow from friends, family, country! The stoutest179 hearts quailed180 before the prospect181 of being thus abandoned on a hostile shore, a handful of men arrayed against a formidable empire. When the news arrived of the destruction of the five vessels first condemned, they had acquiesced182 in it as a necessary measure, knowing the mischievous183 activity of the insects in these tropical seas. But, when this was followed by the loss of the remaining four, suspicions of the truth flashed on their minds. They felt they were betrayed. Murmurs184, at first deep, swelled185 louder and louder, menacing open mutiny. “Their general,” they said, “had led them like cattle to be butchered in the sham{69}bles!”[70] The affair wore a most alarming aspect. In no situation was Cortés ever exposed to greater danger from his soldiers.[71]
His presence of mind did not desert him at this crisis. He called his men together, and, employing the tones of persuasion rather than authority, assured them that a survey of the ships showed they were not fit for service. If he had ordered them to be destroyed, they should consider, also, that his was the greatest sacrifice, for they were his property,—all, indeed, he possessed186 in the world. The troops, on the other hand, would derive187 one great advantage from it, by the addition of a hundred able-bodied recruits, before required to man the vessels. But, even if the fleet had been saved, it could have been of little service in their present expedition; since they would not need it if they succeeded, while they would be too far in the interior to profit by it if they failed. He besought them to turn their thoughts in another direction. To be thus calculating chances and means of escape was unworthy of brave souls. They had set their hands to the work; to look back, as they advanced, would be their ruin. They had only to resume their former confidence in themselves and their general, and success was certain. “As for me,” he concluded, “I have chosen my part. I will remain here, while there is one to bear{70} me company. If there be any so craven as to shrink from sharing the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let them go home, in God’s name. There is still one vessel left. Let them take that and return to Cuba. They can tell there how they deserted188 their commander and their comrades, and patiently wait till we return loaded with the spoils of the Aztecs.”[72]
The politic189 orator190 had touched the right chord in the bosoms191 of the soldiers. As he spoke192, their resentment193 gradually died away. The faded visions of future riches and glory, rekindled194 by his eloquence, again floated before their imaginations. The first shock over, they felt ashamed of their temporary distrust. The enthusiasm for their leader revived, for they felt that under his banner only they could hope for victory; and, as he concluded, they testified the revulsion of their feelings by making the air ring with their shouts, “To Mexico! to Mexico!”
The destruction of his fleet by Cortés is, perhaps, the most remarkable195 passage in the life of this remarkable man. History, indeed, affords examples of a similar expedient196 in emergencies somewhat similar; but none where the chances of success were so precarious197 and defeat would be so disastrous198.[73] Had he failed, it might well seem
[Image unavailable.]
CORTéS SINKING HIS SHIPS
Goupil & Co., Paris
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an act of madness. Yet it was the fruit of deliberate calculation. He had set fortune, fame, life itself, all upon the cast, and must abide199 the issue. There was no alternative in his mind but to succeed or perish. The measure he adopted greatly increased the chance of success. But to carry it into execution, in the face of an incensed200 and desperate soldiery, was an act of resolution that has few parallels in history.[74]{72}
Fray201 Bartolomé de las Casas, Bishop202 of Chiapa, whose “History of the Indies” forms an important authority for the preceding pages, was one of the most remarkable men of the sixteenth century. He was born at Seville in 1474. His father accompanied Columbus, as a common soldier, in his first voyage to the New World; and he acquired wealth enough by his vocation203 to place his son at the University of Salamanca. During his residence there, he was attended by an Indian page, whom his father had brought with him from Hispaniola. Thus the uncompromising advocate for freedom began{73} his career as the owner of a slave himself. But he did not long remain so, for his slave was one of those subsequently liberated by the generous commands of Isabella.
In 1498 he completed his studies in law and divinity, took his degree of licentiate, and in 1502 accompanied Oviedo, in the most brilliant armada which had been equipped for the Western World. Eight years after, he was admitted to priest’s orders in St. Domingo, an event somewhat memorable204, since he was the first person consecrated205 in that holy office in the colonies. On the occupation of Cuba by the Spaniards, Las Casas passed over to that island, where he obtained a curacy in a small settlement. He soon, however, made himself known to the governor, Velasquez, by the fidelity206 with which he discharged his duties, and especially by the influence which his mild and benevolent207 teaching obtained for him over the Indians. Through his intimacy208 with the governor, Las Casas had the means of ameliorating the condition of the conquered race, and from this time he may be said to have consecrated all his energies to this one great object. At this period, the scheme of repartimientos, introduced soon after the discoveries of Columbus, was in full operation, and the aboriginal209 population of the islands was rapidly melting away under a system of oppression which has been seldom paralleled in the annals of mankind. Las Casas, outraged211 at the daily exhibition of crime and misery212, returned to Spain to obtain some redress from government. Ferdinand died soon after his arrival. Charles was absent, but the reins213 were held by Cardinal214 Ximenes, who listened to the complaints of the benevolent missionary, and, with his characteristic vigor6, instituted a commission of three Hieronymite friars, with full authority, as already noticed in the text, to reform abuses. Las Casas was honored, for his exertions, with the title of “Protector-General of the Indians.”
The new commissioners behaved with great discretion215. But their office was one of consummate76 difficulty, as it required time to introduce important changes in established institutions. The ardent216 and impetuous temper of Las Casas, disdaining217 every consideration of prudence, overleaped till these obstacles, and chafed218 under what he considered the lukewarm and temporizing219 policy of the commissioners. As he was at no pains to conceal220 his disgust, the parties soon came to a misunderstanding with each other; and Las Casas again returned to the mother-country, to stimulate221 the government, if possible, to more effectual measures for the protection of the natives.
He found the country under the administration of the Flemings, who discovered from the first a wholesome222 abhorrence223 of the abuses practised in the colonies, and who, in short, seemed inclined to tolerate no peculation224 or extortion but their own. They acquiesced, without much difficulty, in the recommendations of Las Casas, who proposed to relieve the natives by sending out Castilian laborers225 and by importing negro slaves into the islands. This last proposition has{74} brought heavy obloquy226 on the head of its author, who has been freely accused of having thus introduced negro slavery into the New World. Others, with equal groundlessness, have attempted to vindicate227 his memory from the reproach of having recommended the measure at all. Unfortunately for the latter assertion, Las Casas, in his “History of the Indies,” confesses, with deep regret and humiliation228, his advice on this occasion, founded on the most erroneous views, as he frankly229 states; since, to use his own words, “the same law applies equally to the negro as to the Indian.” But, so far from having introduced slavery by this measure into the islands, the importation of blacks there dates from the beginning of the century. It was recommended by some of the wisest and most benevolent persons in the colony, as the means of diminishing the amount of human suffering; since the African was more fitted by his constitution to endure the climate and the severe toil230 imposed on the slave, than the feeble and effeminate islander. It was a suggestion of humanity, however mistaken, and, considering the circumstances under which it occurred, and the age, it may well be forgiven in Las Casas, especially taking into view that, as he became more enlightened himself, he was so ready to testify his regret at having unadvisedly countenanced the measure.
The experiment recommended by Las Casas was made, but, through the apathy231 of Fonseca, president of the Indian Council, not heartily,—and it failed. The good missionary now proposed another and much bolder scheme. He requested that a large tract232 of country in Tierra Firme, in the neighborhood of the famous pearl-fisheries, might be ceded233 to him for the purpose of planting a colony there, and of converting the natives to Christianity. He required that none of the authorities of the islands, and no military force, especially, should be allowed to interfere126 with his movements. He pledged himself by peaceful means alone to accomplish all that had been done by violence in other quarters. He asked only that a certain number of laborers should attend him, invited by a bounty234 from government, and that he might further be accompanied by fifty Dominicans, who were to be distinguished235 like himself by a peculiar236 dress, that should lead the natives to suppose them a different race of men from the Spaniards. This proposition was denounced as chimerical237 and fantastic by some, whose own opportunities of observation entitled their judgment238 to respect. These men declared the Indian, from his nature, incapable of civilization. The question was one of such moment that Charles the Fifth ordered the discussion to be conducted before him. The opponent of Las Casas was first heard, when the good missionary, in answer, warmed by the noble cause he was to maintain, and nothing daunted239 by the august presence in which he stood, delivered himself with a fervent240 eloquence that went directly to the hearts of his auditors241. “The Christian50 religion,” he concluded, “is equal in its operation, and is accommodated to every nation on the globe. It robs no one of his freedom,{75} violates none of his inherent rights, on the ground that he is a slave by nature, as pretended; and it well becomes your Majesty to banish242 so monstrous243 an oppression from your kingdom in the beginning of your reign111, that the Almighty244 may make it long and glorious.”
In the end Las Casas prevailed. He was furnished with the men and means for establishing his colony, and in 1520 embarked245 for America. But the result was a lamentable246 failure. The country assigned to him lay in the neighborhood of a Spanish settlement, which had already committed some acts of violence on the natives. To quell247 the latter, now thrown into commotion248, an armed force was sent by the young “Admiral” from Hispaniola. The very people, among whom Las Casas was to appear as the messenger of peace, were thus involved in deadly strife249 with his countrymen. The enemy had been before him in his own harvest. While waiting for the close of these turbulent scenes, the laborers, whom he had taken out with him, dispersed250, in despair of effecting their object. And after an attempt to pursue, with his faithful Dominican brethren, the work of colonization further, other untoward251 circumstances compelled them to abandon the project altogether. Its unfortunate author, overwhelmed with chagrin252, took refuge in the Dominican monastery253 in the island of Hispaniola. The failure of the enterprise should, no doubt, be partly ascribed to circumstances beyond the control of its projector254. Yet it is impossible not to recognize in the whole scheme, and in the conduct of it, the hand of one much more familiar with books than men, who, in the seclusion255 of the cloister256, had meditated257 and matured his benevolent plans, without fully estimating the obstacles that lay in their way, and who counted too confidently on meeting the same generous enthusiasm in others which glowed in his own bosom.
He found, in his disgrace, the greatest consolation258 and sympathy from the brethren of St. Dominic, who stood forth259 as the avowed260 champions of the Indians on all occasions, and showed themselves as devoted to the cause of freedom in the New World as they had been hostile to it in the Old. Las Casas soon became a member of their order, and, in his monastic retirement261, applied262 himself for many years to the performance of his spiritual duties, and the composition of various works, all directed, more or less, to vindicate the rights of the Indians. Here, too, he commenced his great work the “Historia general de las Indias,” which he pursued, at intervals263 of leisure, from 1527 till a few years before his death. His time, however, was not wholly absorbed by these labors264; and he found means to engage in several laborious265 missions. He preached the gospel among the natives of Nicaragua and Guatemala, and succeeded in converting and reducing to obedience266 some wild tribes in the latter province, who had defied the arms of his countrymen. In all these pious267 labors he was sustained by his Dominican brethren. At length, in 1539, he crossed the waters again, to seek further assistance and recruits among the members of his order.{76}
A great change had taken place in the board that now presided over the colonial department. The cold and narrow-minded Fonseca, who, during his long administration, had, it may be truly said, shown himself the enemy of every great name and good measure connected with the Indians, had died. His place, as president of the Indian Council, was filled by Loaysa, Charles’s confessor. This functionary268, general of the Dominicans, gave ready audience to Las Casas, and showed a good will to his proposed plans of reform. Charles, too, now grown older, seemed to feel more deeply the responsibility of his station, and the necessity of redressing269 the wrongs, too long tolerated, of his American subjects. The state of the colonies became a common topic of discussion, not only in the council, but in the court; and the representations of Las Casas made an impression that manifested itself in the change of sentiment more clearly every day. He promoted this by the publication of some of his writings at this time, and especially of his “Brevísima Relacion,” or Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, in which he sets before the reader the manifold atrocities committed by his countrymen in different parts of the New World in the prosecution270 of their conquests. It is a tale of woe271. Every line of the work may be said to be written in blood. However good the motives272 of its author, we may regret that the book was ever written. He would have been certainly right not to spare his countrymen; to exhibit their misdeeds in their true colors, and by this appalling273 picture—for such it would have been—to have recalled the nation, and those who governed it, to a proper sense of the iniquitous274 career it was pursuing on the other side of the water. But, to produce a more striking effect, he has lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and magnified the amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. The wild extravagance of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient to shake confidence in the accuracy of his statements generally. Yet the naked truth was too startling in itself to demand the aid of exaggeration. The book found great favor with foreigners; was rapidly translated into various languages, and ornamented275 with characteristic designs, which seemed to put into action all the recorded atrocities of the text. It excited somewhat different feelings in his own countrymen, particularly the people of the colonies, who considered themselves the subjects of a gross, however undesigned, misrepresentation; and in his future intercourse276 with them it contributed, no doubt, to diminish his influence and consequent usefulness, by the spirit of alienation277, and even resentment, which it engendered278.
Las Casas’ honest intentions, his enlightened views and long experience, gained him deserved credit at home. This was visible in the important regulations made at this time for the better government of the colonies, and particularly in respect to the aborigines. A code of laws, Las Nuevas Leyes, was passed, having for their avowed object the enfranchisement279 of this unfortunate race; and in{77} the wisdom and humanity of its provisions it is easy to recognize the hand of the Protector of the Indians. The history of Spanish colonial legislation is the history of the impotent struggles of the government in behalf of the natives, against the avarice280 and cruelty of its subjects. It proves that an empire powerful at home—and Spain then was so—may be so widely extended that its authority shall scarcely be felt in its extremities281.
The government testified their sense of the signal services of Las Casas by promoting him to the bishopric of Cuzco, one of the richest sees in the colonies. But the disinterested282 soul of the missionary did not covet283 riches or preferment. He rejected the proffered284 dignity without hesitation285. Yet he could not refuse the bishopric of Chiapa, a country which, from the poverty and ignorance of its inhabitants, offered a good field for his spiritual labors. In 1544, though at the advanced age of seventy, he took upon himself these new duties, and embarked, for the fifth and last time, for the shores of America. His fame had preceded him. The colonists286 looked on his coming with apprehension, regarding him as the real author of the new code, which struck at their ancient immunities287, and which he would be likely to enforce to the letter. Everywhere he was received with coldness. In some places his person was menaced with violence. But the venerable presence of the prelate, his earnest expostulations, which flowed so obviously from conviction, and his generous self-devotion, so regardless of personal considerations, preserved him from this outrage210. Yet he showed no disposition288 to conciliate his opponents by what he deemed an unworthy concession289; and he even stretched the arm of authority so far as to refuse the sacraments to any who still held an Indian in bondage290. This high-handed measure not only outraged the planters, but incurred292 the disapprobation of his own brethren in the Church. Three years were spent in disagreeable altercation293 without coming to any decision. The Spaniards, to borrow their accustomed phraseology on these occasions, “obeying the law, but not fulfilling it,” applied to the court for further instructions; and the bishop, no longer supported by his own brethren, thwarted294 by the colonial magistrates, and outraged by the people, relinquished295 a post where his presence could be no longer useful, and returned to spend the remainder of his days in tranquillity296 at home.
Yet, though withdrawn297 to his Dominican convent, he did not pass his hours in slothful seclusion. He again appeared as the champion of Indian freedom in the famous controversy298 with Sepulveda, one of the most acute scholars of the time, and far surpassing Las Casas in elegance299 and correctness of composition. But the Bishop of Chiapa was his superior in argument, at least in this discussion, where he had right and reason on his side. In his “Thirty Propositions,” as they are called, in which he sums up the several points of his case, he maintains that the circumstance of infidelity in religion cannot deprive a nation of its political rights; that the Holy{78} See, in its grant of the New World to the Catholic sovereigns, designed only to confer the right of converting its inhabitants to Christianity, and of thus winning a peaceful authority over them, and that no authority could be valid300 which rested on other foundations. This was striking at the root of the colonial empire as assumed by Castile. But the disinterested views of Las Casas, the respect entertained for his principles, and the general conviction, it may be, of the force of his arguments, prevented the court from taking umbrage302 at their import, or from pressing them to their legitimate303 conclusion. While the writings of his adversary304 were interdicted305 from publication, he had the satisfaction to see his own printed and circulated in every quarter.
From this period his time was distributed among his religious duties, his studies, and the composition of his works, especially his History. His constitution, naturally excellent, had been strengthened by a life of temperance and toil; and he retained his faculties306 unimpaired to the last. He died after a short illness, July, 1566, at the great age of ninety-two, in his monastery of Atocha, at Madrid.
The character of Las Casas may be inferred from his career. He was one of those to whose gifted minds are revealed those glorious moral truths which, like the lights of heaven, are fixed307 and the same forever, but which, though now familiar, were hidden from all but a few penetrating308 intellects by the general darkness of the time in which he lived. He was a reformer, and had the virtues309 and errors of a reformer. He was inspired by one great and glorious idea. This was the key to all his thoughts, to all that he said and wrote, to every act of his long life. It was this which urged him to lift the voice of rebuke310 in the presence of princes, to brave the menaces of an infuriated populace, to cross seas, to traverse mountains and deserts, to incur291 the alienation of friends, the hostility311 of enemies, to endure obloquy, insult, and persecution. It was this, too, which made him reckless of obstacles, led him to count too confidently on the co-operation of others, animated312 his discussion, sharpened his invective, too often steeped his pen in the gall166 of personal vituperation, led him into gross exaggeration and over-coloring in his statements and a blind credulity of evil that rendered him unsafe as a counsellor and unsuccessful in the practical concerns of life. His views were pure and elevated. But his manner of enforcing them was not always so commendable313. This may be gathered not only from the testimony314 of the colonists generally, who, as parties interested, may be supposed to have been prejudiced, but from that of the members of his own profession, persons high in office, and of integrity beyond suspicion, not to add that of missionaries315 engaged in the same good work with himself. These, in their letters and reported conversations, charged the Bishop of Chiapa with an arrogant316, uncharitable temper, which deluded317 his judgment, and vented301 itself in unwarrantable crimination against such as resisted his{79} projects or differed from him in opinion. Las Casas, in short, was a man. But, if he had the errors of humanity, he had virtues that rarely belong to it. The best commentary on his character is the estimation which he obtained in the court of his sovereign. A liberal pension was settled on him after his last return from America, which he chiefly expended318 on charitable objects. No measure of importance relating to the Indians was taken without his advice. He lived to see the fruits of his efforts in the positive amelioration of their condition, and in the popular admission of those great truths which it had been the object of his life to unfold. And who shall say how much of the successful efforts and arguments since made in behalf of persecuted319 humanity may be traced to the example and the writings of this illustrious philanthropist?
His compositions were numerous, most of them of no great length. Some were printed in his time; others have since appeared, especially in the French translation of Llorente. His great work, which occupied him at intervals for more than thirty years, the Historia general de las Indias, still remains320 in manuscript. It is in three volumes, divided into as many parts, and embraces the colonial history from the discovery of the country by Columbus to the year 1520. The style of the work, like that of all his writings, is awkward, disjointed, and excessively diffuse321, abounding322 in repetitions, irrelevant323 digressions, and pedantic324 citations325. But it is sprinkled over with passages of a different kind; and, when he is roused by the desire to exhibit some gross wrong to the natives, his simple language kindles326 into eloquence, and he expounds327 those great and immutable328 principles of natural justice which in his own day were so little understood. His defect as a historian is that he wrote history, like everything else, under the influence of one dominant329 idea. He is always pleading the cause of the persecuted native. This gives a coloring to events which passed under his own eyes, and filled him with a too easy confidence in those which he gathered from the reports of others. Much of the preceding portion of our narrative which relates to affairs in Cuba must have come under his personal observation. But he seems incapable of shaking off his early deference to Velasquez, who, as we have noticed, treated him, while a poor curate in the island, with peculiar confidence. For Cortés, on the other hand, he appears to have felt a profound contempt. He witnessed the commencement of his career, when he was standing27, cap in hand, as it were, at the proud governor’s door, thankful even for a smile of recognition. Las Casas remembered all this, and, when he saw the Conqueror of Mexico rise into a glory and renown330 that threw his former patron into the shade,—and most unfairly, as Las Casas deemed, at the expense of that patron,—the good bishop could not withhold331 his indignation, nor speak of him otherwise than with a sneer332, as a mere333 upstart adventurer.
It is the existence of defects like these, and the fear of the misconception likely to be produced by them, that have so long pre{80}vented the publication of his history. At his death, he left it to the convent of San Gregorio, at Valladolid, with directions that it should not be printed for forty years, nor be seen during that time by any layman334 or member of the fraternity. Herrera, however, was permitted to consult it, and he liberally transferred its contents to his own volumes, which appeared in 1601. The royal Academy of History revised the first volume of Las Casas some years since, with a view to the publication of the whole work. But the indiscreet and imaginative style of the composition, according to Navarrete, and the consideration that its most important facts were already known through other channels, induced that body to abandon the design. With deference to their judgment, this seems to me a mistake. Las Casas, with every deduction335, is one of the great writers of the nation; great from the important truths which he discerned when none else could see them, and from the courage with which he proclaimed them to the world. They are scattered336 over his History as well as his other writings. They are not, however, the passages transcribed337 by Herrera. In the statement of fact, too, however partial and prejudiced, no one will impeach338 his integrity; and, as an enlightened contemporary, his evidence is of undeniable value. It is due to the memory of Las Casas that, if his work be given to the public at all, it should not be through the garbled339 extracts of one who was no fair interpreter of his opinions. Las Casas does not speak for himself in the courtly pages of Herrera. Yet the History should not be published without a suitable commentary to enlighten the student and guard him against any undue340 prejudices in the writer. We may hope that the entire manuscript will one day be given to the world under the auspices341 of that distinguished body which has already done so much in this way for the illustration of the national annals.{*}
{*}: [The Historia de las Indias was published in five volumes, in 1875-76, by the Royal Academy of History in Madrid. Prescott’s manuscript copy of the work was probably burned in Boston in 1872.—M.]
The life of Las Casas has been several times written. The two memoirs342 most worthy of notice are that by Llorente, late Secretary of the Inquisition, prefixed to his French translation of the bishop’s controversial writings, and that by Quintana, in the third volume of his “Espa?oles célebres,” where it presents a truly noble specimen140 of biographical composition, enriched by a literary criticism as acute as it is candid343. I have gone to the greater length in this notice, from the interesting character of the man, and the little that is known of him to the English reader. I have also transferred a passage from his work in the original to the Appendix, that the Spanish scholar may form an idea of his style of composition. He ceases to be an authority for us henceforth, as his account of the expedition of Cortés terminates with the destruction of the navy.
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idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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60
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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61
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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62
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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63
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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64
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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65
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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66
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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67
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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68
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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69
gore
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| n.凝血，血污；v.（动物）用角撞伤，用牙刺破；缝以补裆；顶 | |
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70
symbolic
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| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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71
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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72
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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73
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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74
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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75
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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76
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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77
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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78
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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79
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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80
profanation
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| n.亵渎 | |
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81
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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82
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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84
impurities
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| 不纯( impurity的名词复数 )； 不洁； 淫秽； 杂质 | |
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85
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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86
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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87
smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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88
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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89
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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90
sobs
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| 啜泣（声），呜咽（声）( sob的名词复数 ) | |
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91
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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92
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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93
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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94
agonized
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| v.使（极度）痛苦，折磨( agonize的过去式和过去分词 )；苦斗；苦苦思索；感到极度痛苦 | |
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95
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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96
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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97
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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98
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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99
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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100
circumvent
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| vt.环绕，包围；对…用计取胜，智胜 | |
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101
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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102
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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103
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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104
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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105
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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106
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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107
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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108
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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109
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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110
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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111
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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112
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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113
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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114
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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115
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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116
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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117
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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118
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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119
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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120
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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121
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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122
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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123
venality
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| n.贪赃枉法，腐败 | |
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124
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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125
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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127
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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128
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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129
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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130
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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131
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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132
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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133
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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134
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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135
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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136
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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137
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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138
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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139
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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140
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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141
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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142
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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143
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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144
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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145
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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146
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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147
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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148
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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149
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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150
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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151
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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152
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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153
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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154
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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155
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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156
nautical
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| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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157
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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158
relishing
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| v.欣赏( relish的现在分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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159
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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160
repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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162
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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163
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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164
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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165
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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166
gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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167
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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168
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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169
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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170
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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171
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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172
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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173
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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174
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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175
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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176
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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177
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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178
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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179
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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180
quailed
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| 害怕，发抖，畏缩( quail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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182
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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184
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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185
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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186
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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187
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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188
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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189
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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190
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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191
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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192
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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193
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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194
rekindled
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| v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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196
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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197
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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198
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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199
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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200
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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201
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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202
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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203
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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204
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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205
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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206
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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207
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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208
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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209
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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210
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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211
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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212
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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213
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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214
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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215
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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216
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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217
disdaining
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| 鄙视( disdain的现在分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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218
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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219
temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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220
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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221
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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222
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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223
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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224
peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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225
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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226
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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227
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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228
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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229
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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230
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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231
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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232
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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233
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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234
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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235
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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236
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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237
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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238
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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239
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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240
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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241
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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242
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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243
monstrous
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|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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244
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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245
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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246
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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247
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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248
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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249
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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250
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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251
untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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252
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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253
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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254
projector
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| n.投影机，放映机，幻灯机 | |
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255
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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256
cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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257
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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258
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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259
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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260
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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261
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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262
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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263
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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264
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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265
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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266
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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267
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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268
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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269
redressing
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| v.改正( redress的现在分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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270
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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271
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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272
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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273
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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274
iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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275
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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276
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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277
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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278
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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279
enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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280
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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281
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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282
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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283
covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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284
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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285
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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286
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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287
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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288
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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289
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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290
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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291
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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292
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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293
altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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294
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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295
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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296
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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297
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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298
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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299
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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300
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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301
vented
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| 表达，发泄（感情，尤指愤怒）( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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302
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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303
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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304
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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305
interdicted
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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306
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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307
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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308
penetrating
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|
| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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309
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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310
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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311
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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312
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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313
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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314
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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315
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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316
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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317
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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318
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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319
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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320
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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321
diffuse
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| v.扩散；传播；adj.冗长的；四散的，弥漫的 | |
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322
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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323
irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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324
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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325
citations
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| n.引用( citation的名词复数 )；引证；引文；表扬 | |
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326
kindles
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的第三人称单数 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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327
expounds
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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328
immutable
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| adj.不可改变的，永恒的 | |
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329
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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330
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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331
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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332
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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333
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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334
layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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335
deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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336
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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337
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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338
impeach
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| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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339
garbled
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| adj.（指信息）混乱的，引起误解的v.对（事实）歪曲，对（文章等）断章取义，窜改( garble的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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340
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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341
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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342
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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343
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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