1519
WHILE at Cempoalla, Cortés received a message from Escalante, his commander at Villa1 Rica, informing him there were four strange ships hovering2 off the coast, and that they took no notice of his repeated signals. This intelligence greatly alarmed the general, who feared they might be a squadron sent by the governor of Cuba to interfere3 with his movements. In much haste, he set out at the head of a few horsemen, and, ordering a party of light infantry5 to follow, posted back to Villa Rica. The rest of the army he left in charge of Alvarado and of Gonzalo de Sandoval, a young officer who had begun to give evidence of the uncommon6 qualities which have secured to him so distinguished7 a rank among the conquerors8 of Mexico.{84}
Escalante would have persuaded the general, on his reaching the town, to take some rest, and allow him to go in search of the strangers. But Cortés replied with the homely10 proverb, “A wounded hare takes no nap,”[75] and, without stopping to refresh himself or his men, pushed on three or four leagues to the north, where he understood the ships were at anchor. On the way, he fell in with three Spaniards, just landed from them. To his eager inquiries11 whence they came, they replied that they belonged to a squadron fitted out by Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica. This person, the year previous, had visited the Florida coast, and obtained from Spain—where he had some interest at court—authority over the countries he might discover in that vicinity. The three men, consisting of a notary12 and two witnesses, had been sent on shore to warn their countrymen under Cortés to desist from what was considered an encroachment13 on the territories of Garay. Probably neither the governor of Jamaica nor his officers had any precise notion of the geography and limits of these territories.
Cortés saw at once there was nothing to apprehend14 from this quarter. He would have been glad, however, if he could by any means have induced the crews of the ships to join his expedition. He found no difficulty in persuading the notary and his companions. But when he came in sight of the vessels15, the people on board, distrusting the good terms on which their comrades appeared to be with the Spaniards, refused to send their boat{85} ashore16. In this dilemma17, Cortés had recourse to a stratagem18.
He ordered three of his own men to exchange dresses with the new-comers. He then drew off his little band in sight of the vessels, affecting to return to the city. In the night, however, he came back to the same place, and lay in ambush19, directing the disguised Spaniards, when the morning broke, and they could be discerned, to make signals to those on board. The artifice20 succeeded. A boat put off, filled with armed men, and three or four leaped on shore. But they soon detected the deceit, and Cortés, springing from his ambush, made them prisoners. Their comrades in the boat, alarmed, pushed off, at once, for the vessels, which soon got under way, leaving those on shore to their fate. Thus ended the affair. Cortés returned to Cempoalla, with the addition of half a dozen able-bodied recruits, and, what was of more importance, relieved in his own mind from the apprehension21 of interference with his operations.[76]
He now made arrangements for his speedy departure from the Totonac capital. The forces reserved for the expedition amounted to about four hundred foot and fifteen horse, with seven pieces of artillery22. He obtained, also, from the cacique of Cempoalla, thirteen hundred warriors23, and a thousand tamanes, or porters, to drag the guns and transport the baggage. He took forty more of their principal men as hostages, as well as to{86} guide him on the way and serve him by their counsels among the strange tribes he was to visit. They were, in fact, of essential service to him throughout the march.[77]
The remainder of his Spanish force he left in garrison24 at Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, the command of which he had intrusted to the alguacil, Juan de Escalante, an officer devoted25 to his interests. The selection was judicious26. It was important to place there a man who would resist any hostile interference from his European rivals, on the one hand, and maintain the present friendly relations with the natives, on the other. Cortés recommended the Totonac chiefs to apply to this officer in case of any difficulty, assuring them that so long as they remained faithful to their new sovereign and religion they should find a sure protection in the Spaniards.
Before marching, the general spoke27 a few words of encouragement to his own men. He told them they were now to embark28 in earnest on an enterprise which had been the great object of their desires, and that the blessed Saviour29 would carry them victorious30 through every battle with their enemies. “Indeed,” he added, “this assurance must be our stay, for every other refuge is now cut off but that afforded by the providence31 of God{87} and your own stout32 hearts.”[78] He ended by comparing their achievements to those of the ancient Romans, “in phrases of honeyed eloquence33 far beyond anything I can repeat,” says the brave and simple-hearted chronicler who heard them. Cortés was, indeed, master of that eloquence which went to the soldiers’ hearts. For their sympathies were his, and he shared in that romantic spirit of adventure which belonged to them. “We are ready to obey you,” they cried as with one voice. “Our fortunes, for better or worse, are cast with yours.”[79] Taking leave, therefore, of their hospitable34 Indian friends, the little army, buoyant with high hopes and lofty plans of conquest, set forward on their march to Mexico.
It was the sixteenth of August, 1519. During the first day, their road lay through the tierra caliente, the beautiful land where they had been so long lingering; the land of the vanilla35, cochineal, cacao (not till later days of the orange and the sugar-cane), products which, indigenous36 to Mexico, have now become the luxuries of Europe; the land where the fruits and the flowers chase one another in unbroken circle through the year; where the gales37 are loaded with perfumes till the sense aches at their sweetness, and the groves38 are filled with many-colored birds, and insects whose enamelled wings glisten39 like diamonds in the bright sun of the tropics. Such are the magical splendors40 of{88} this paradise of the senses. Yet Nature, who generally works in a spirit of compensation, has provided one here; since the same burning sun which quickens into life these glories of the vegetable and animal kingdoms calls forth41 the pestilent malaria42, with its train of bilious43 disorders44, unknown to the cold skies of the North. The season in which the Spaniards were there, the rainy months of summer, was precisely45 that in which the vómito rages with greatest fury; when the European stranger hardly ventures to set his foot on shore, still less to linger there a day. We find no mention made of it in the records of the Conquerors, nor any notice, indeed, of an uncommon mortality. The fact doubtless corroborates46 the theory of those who postpone47 the appearance of the yellow fever till long after the occupation of the country by the whites. It proves, at least, that, if existing before, it must have been in a very much mitigated48 form.
After some leagues of travel over roads made nearly impassable by the summer rains, the troops began the gradual ascent49—more gradual on the eastern than the western declivities of the Cordilleras—which leads up to the table-land of Mexico. At the close of the second day they reached Xalapa, a place still retaining the same Aztec name that it has communicated to the drug raised in its environs, the medicinal virtues50 of which are now known throughout the world.[80] This town stands{89} midway up the long ascent, at an elevation51 where the vapors52 from the ocean, touching53 in their westerly progress, maintain a rich verdure throughout the year. Though somewhat infected by these marine54 fogs, the air is usually bland55 and salubrious. The wealthy resident of the lower regions retires here for safety in the heats of summer, and the traveller hails its groves of oak with delight, as announcing that he is above the deadly influence of the vómito.[81] From this delicious spot, the Spaniards enjoyed one of the grandest prospects56 in nature. Before them was the steep ascent—much steeper after this point—which they were to climb. On the right rose the Sierra Madre, girt with its dark belt of pines, and its long lines of shadowy hills stretching away in the distance. To the south, in brilliant contrast, stood the mighty57 Orizaba, with his white robe of snow descending58 far down his sides, towering in solitary59 grandeur60, the giant spectre of the Andes. Behind them, they beheld61, unrolled at their feet, the magnificent tierra caliente, with its gay confusion of meadows, streams, and flowering forests, sprinkled over with shining Indian villages, while a faint line of light on the edge of the horizon told them that there was the ocean, beyond which were the kindred and country they were many of them never more to see.
Still winding62 their way upward, amidst scenery{90} as different as was the temperature from that of the regions below, the army passed through settlements containing some hundreds of inhabitants each, and on the fourth day reached a “strong town,” as Cortés terms it, standing63 on a rocky eminence64, supposed to be that now known by the Mexican name of Naulinco. Here they were hospitably65 entertained by the inhabitants, who were friends of the Totonacs. Cortés endeavored, through Father Olmedo, to impart to them some knowledge of Christian66 truths, which were kindly67 received, and the Spaniards were allowed to erect68 a cross in the place, for the future adoration69 of the natives. Indeed, the route of the army might be tracked by these emblems70 of man’s salvation71, raised wherever a willing population of Indians invited it, suggesting a very different idea from what the same memorials intimate to the traveller in these mountain solitudes72 in our day.[82]{91}
The troops now entered a rugged73 defile74, the Bishop’s Pass,[83] as it is called, capable of easy defence against an army. Very soon they experienced a most unwelcome change of climate. Cold winds from the mountains, mingled75 with rain, and, as they rose still higher, with driving sleet76 and hail, drenched77 their garments, and seemed to penetrate78 to their very bones. The Spaniards, indeed, partially79 covered by their armor and thick jackets of quilted cotton, were better able to resist the weather, though their long residence in the sultry regions of the valley made them still keenly sensible to the annoyance80. But the poor Indians, natives of the tierra caliente, with little protection in the way of covering, sank under the rude assault of the elements, and several of them perished on the road.
The aspect of the country was as wild and dreary81 as the climate. Their route wound along the spur of the huge Cofre de Perote, which borrows its name, both in Mexican and Castilian, from the coffer-like rock on its summit.[84] It is one of{92} the great volcanoes of New Spain. It exhibits now, indeed, no vestige82 of a crater83 on its top, but abundant traces of volcanic84 action at its base, where acres of lava85, blackened scori?, and cinders86 proclaim the convulsions of nature, while numerous shrubs87 and mouldering88 trunks of enormous trees, among the crevices89, attest90 the antiquity91 of these events. Working their toilsome way across this scene of desolation, the path often led them along the borders of precipices92, down whose sheer depths of two or three thousand feet the shrinking eye might behold93 another climate, and see all the glowing vegetation of the tropics choking up the bottom of the ravines.
After three days of this fatiguing94 travel, the wayworn army emerged through another defile, the Sierra del Agua.[85] They soon came upon an open reach of country, with a genial95 climate, such as belongs to the temperate96 latitudes97 of southern Europe. They had reached the level of more than seven thousand feet above the ocean, where the great sheet of table-land spreads out for hundreds of miles along the crests98 of the Cordilleras. The country showed signs of careful cultivation99, but the products were, for the most part, not familiar to the eyes of the Spaniards. Fields and hedges of the various tribes of the cactus100, the towering organum, and plantations101 of aloes with rich yellow clusters of flowers on their tall stems, affording drink and clothing to the Aztec, were everywhere{93} seen. The plants of the torrid and temperate zones had disappeared, one after another, with the ascent into these elevated regions. The glossy102 and dark-leaved banana, the chief, as it is the cheapest, aliment of the countries below, had long since faded from the landscape. The hardy103 maize104, however, still shone with its golden harvest in all the pride of cultivation, the great staple105 of the higher equally with the lower terraces of the plateau.
Suddenly the troops came upon what seemed the environs of a populous106 city, which, as they entered it, appeared to surpass even that of Cempoalla in the size and solidity of its structures.[86] These were of stone and lime, many of them spacious107 and tolerably high. There were thirteen teocallis in the place; and in the suburbs they had seen a receptacle, in which, according to Bernal Diaz, were stored a hundred thousand skulls108 of human victims, all piled and ranged in order! He reports the number as one he had ascertained109 by counting them himself.[87] Whatever faith we may attach to the precise accuracy of his figures, the result is almost equally startling. The Spaniards were destined110 to become familiar with this appalling111 spectacle as they approached nearer to the Aztec capital.{94}
The lord of the town ruled over twenty thousand vassals113. He was tributary114 to Montezuma, and a strong Mexican garrison was quartered in the place. He had probably been advised of the approach of the Spaniards, and doubted how far it would be welcome to his sovereign. At all events, he gave them a cold reception, the more unpalatable after the extraordinary sufferings of the last few days. To the inquiry115 of Cortés, whether he were subject to Montezuma, he answered, with real or affected116 surprise, “Who is there that is not a vassal112 of Montezuma?”[88] The general told him, with some emphasis, that he was not. He then explained whence and why he came, assuring him that he served a monarch117 who had princes for his vassals as powerful as the Aztec monarch himself.
The cacique, in turn, fell nothing short of the Spaniard in the pompous118 display of the grandeur and resources of the Indian emperor. He told his guest that Montezuma could muster119 thirty great vassals, each master of a hundred thousand men![89] His revenues were immense, as every subject, however poor, paid something. They were all expended120 on his magnificent state and in support of{95} his armies. These were continually in the field, while garrisons121 were maintained in most of the large cities of the empire. More than twenty thousand victims, the fruit of his wars, were annually122 sacrificed on the altars of his gods! His capital, the cacique said, stood in a lake, in the centre of a spacious valley. The lake was commanded by the emperor’s vessels, and the approach to the city was by means of causeways, several miles long, connected in parts by wooden bridges, which, when raised, cut off all communication with the country. Some other things he added, in answer to queries123 of his guest, in which, as the reader may imagine, the crafty124 or credulous125 cacique varnished126 over the truth with a lively coloring of romance. Whether romance, or reality, the Spaniards could not determine. The particulars they gleaned127 were not of a kind to tranquillize their minds, and might well have made bolder hearts than theirs pause, ere they advanced. But far from it. “The words which we heard,” says the stout old cavalier so often quoted, “however they may have filled us with wonder, made us—such is the temper of the Spaniard—only the more earnest to prove the adventure, desperate as it might appear.”[90]
In a further conversation Cortés inquired of the chief whether his country abounded128 in gold, and intimated a desire to take home some, as specimens129, to his sovereign. But the Indian lord declined to give him any, saying it might displease130 Monte{96}zuma. “Should he command it,” he added, “my gold, my person, and all I possess, shall be at your disposal.” The general did not press the matter further.
The curiosity of the natives was naturally excited by the strange dresses, weapons, horses, and dogs of the Spaniards. Marina, in satisfying their inquiries, took occasion to magnify the prowess of her adopted countrymen, expatiating131 on their exploits and victories, and stating the extraordinary marks of respect they had received from Montezuma. This intelligence seems to have had its effect; for soon after the cacique gave the general some curious trinkets of gold, of no great value, indeed, but as a testimony132 of his good will. He sent him, also, some female slaves to prepare bread for the troops, and supplied the means of refreshment133 and repose134, more important to them, in the present juncture135, than all the gold of Mexico.[91]
The Spanish general, as usual, did not neglect the occasion to inculcate the great truths of revelation on his host, and to display the atrocity136 of the Indian superstitions137. The cacique listened with civil but cold indifference138. Cortés, finding him unmoved, turned briskly round to his soldiers, exclaiming that now was the time to plant the Cross! They eagerly seconded his pious139 purpose, and the same scenes might have been enacted140 as at Cempoalla, with perhaps very different results,{97} had not Father Olmedo, with better judgment141, interposed. He represented that to introduce the Cross among the natives, in their present state of ignorance and incredulity, would be to expose the sacred symbol to desecration142 so soon as the backs of the Spaniards were turned. The only way was to wait patiently the season when more leisure should be afforded to instil143 into their minds a knowledge of the truth. The sober reasoning of the good father prevailed over the passions of the martial144 enthusiasts145.
It was fortunate for Cortés that Olmedo was not one of those frantic146 friars who would have fanned his fiery147 temper on such occasions into a blaze. It might have had a most disastrous148 influence on his fortunes; for he held all temporal consequences light in comparison with the great work of conversion149, to effect which the unscrupulous mind of the soldier, trained to the stern discipline of the camp, would have employed force whenever fair means were ineffectual.[92] But Olmedo belonged to that class of benevolent150 missionaries151—of whom the Roman Catholic church, to its credit, has furnished many examples—who rely on spiritual weapons for the great work, inculcating those doctrines152 of love and mercy which can best touch the sensibilities and win the affections of their rude audience. These, indeed, are the true weapons of the Church, the weapons employed in{98} the primitive153 ages, by which it has spread its peaceful banners over the farthest regions of the globe. Such were not the means used by the conquerors of America, who, rather adopting the policy of the victorious Moslems in their early career, carried with them the sword in one hand and the Bible in the other. They imposed obedience154 in matters of faith, no less than of government, on the vanquished155, little heeding156 whether the conversion were genuine, so that it conformed to the outward observances of the Church. Yet the seeds thus recklessly scattered157 must have perished but for the missionaries of their own nation, who, in later times, worked over the same ground, living among the Indians as brethren, and, by long and patient culture, enabling the germs of truth to take root and fructify158 in their hearts.
The Spanish commander remained in the city four or five days, to recruit his fatigued159 and famished161 forces; and the modern Indians still point out, or did, at the close of the last century, a venerable cypress162, under the branches of which was tied the horse of the Conquistador,—the Conqueror9, as Cortés was styled, par4 excellence163.[93] Their route now opened on a broad and verdant164 valley, watered by a noble stream,—a circumstance of not too frequent occurrence on the parched165 table-land of New Spain. The soil was well protected by woods,—a thing still rarer at the present{99} day; since the invaders166, soon after the Conquest, swept away the magnificent growth of timber, rivalling that of our Southern and Western States in variety and beauty, which covered the plateau under the Aztecs.[94]{*}
{*} [The amount of timber in Mexico at the time of the Conquest has been greatly overestimated167. Humboldt complains of the Spaniards for cutting down trees. Yet Bernal Diaz says (cap. ccix.): “y han plantado sus tierras y heredades de todos los árboles y frutas que hemos traido de Espa?a, y venden el fruto que procede dello: y han puesto tantos árboles, que porque los duraznos no son buenos para la salud y los platanales les hacen mucha sombra, han cortado y cortan muchos, y lo ponen de membrilleros y manzanas, y perales, que los tienen en mas estima.”—M.]
All along the river, on both sides of it, an unbroken line of Indian dwellings168, “so near as almost to touch one another,” extended for three or four leagues; arguing a population much denser169 than at present.[95] On a rough and rising ground stood a town that might contain five or six thousand inhabitants, commanded by a fortress170, which, with its walls and trenches171, seemed to the Spaniards quite “on a level with similar works in Eu{100}rope.” Here the troops again halted, and met with friendly treatment.[96]
Cortés now determined172 his future line of march. At the last place he had been counselled by the natives to take the route of the ancient city of Cholula, the inhabitants of which, subjects of Montezuma, were a mild race, devoted to mechanical and other peaceful arts, and would be likely to entertain him kindly. Their Cempoallan allies, however, advised the Spaniards not to trust the Cholulans, “a false and perfidious173 people,” but to take the road to Tlascala, that valiant174 little republic which had so long maintained its independence against the arms of Mexico. The people were frank as they were fearless, and fair in their dealings. They had always been on terms of amity175 with the Totonacs, which afforded a strong guarantee for their amicable176 disposition177 on the present occasion.
The arguments of his Indian allies prevailed with the Spanish commander, who resolved to propitiate178 the good will of the Tlascalans by an embassy. He selected four of the principal Cempoallans for this, and sent by them a martial gift,—a cap of crimson179 cloth, together with a sword and a cross-bow, weapons which, it was observed, excited general admiration180 among the natives. He added a letter, in which he asked permission to pass{101} through their country. He expressed his admiration of the valor181 of the Tlascalans, and of their long resistance to the Aztecs, whose proud empire he designed to humble182.[97] It was not to be expected that this epistle, indited183 in good Castilian, would be very intelligible184 to the Tlascalans. But Cortés communicated its import to the ambassadors. Its mysterious characters might impress the natives with an idea of superior intelligence, and the letter serve instead of those hieroglyphical185 missives which formed the usual credentials186 of an Indian ambassador.[98]
The Spaniards remained three days in this hospitable place, after the departure of the envoys187, when they resumed their progress. Although in a friendly country, they marched always as if in a land of enemies, the horse and light troops in the van, with the heavy-armed and baggage in the rear, all in battle-array. They were never without their armor, waking or sleeping, lying down with their weapons by their sides. This unintermitting and restless vigilance was, perhaps, more oppressive to the spirits than even bodily fatigue160. But they were confident in their superiority in a fair field, and felt that the most serious danger they had to fear from Indian warfare188 was surprise. “We are few against many, brave companions,” Cortés would say to them; “be prepared, then, not as if{102} you were going to battle, but as if actually in the midst of it!”[99]
The road taken by the Spaniards was the same which at present leads to Tlascala; not that, however, usually followed in passing from Vera Cruz to the capital, which makes a circuit considerably189 to the south, towards Puebla, in the neighborhood of the ancient Cholula. They more than once forded the stream that rolls through this beautiful plain, lingering several days on the way, in hopes of receiving an answer from the Indian republic. The unexpected delay of the messengers could not be explained, and occasioned some uneasiness.
As they advanced into a country of rougher and bolder features, their progress was suddenly arrested by a remarkable190 fortification. It was a stone wall nine feet in height, and twenty in thickness, with a parapet, a foot and a half broad, raised on the summit for the protection of those who defended it. It had only one opening, in the centre, made by two semicircular lines of wall overlapping191 each other for the space of forty paces, and affording a passage-way between, ten paces wide, so contrived192, therefore, as to be perfectly193 commanded by the inner wall. This fortification, which extended more than two leagues, rested at either end on the bold natural buttresses194 formed by the sierra. The work was built of immense blocks of stones nicely laid together without{103} cement;[100] and the remains195 still existing, among which are rocks of the whole breadth of the rampart, fully196 attest its solidity and size.[101]
This singular structure marked the limits of Tlascala, and was intended, as the natives told the Spaniards, as a barrier against the Mexican invasions. The army paused, filled with amazement197 at the contemplation of this Cyclopean monument, which naturally suggested reflections on the strength and resources of the people who had raised it. It caused them, too, some painful solicitude198 as to the probable result of their mission to Tlascala, and their own consequent reception there. But they were too sanguine199 to allow such uncomfortable surmises200 long to dwell in their minds. Cortés put himself at the head of his cavalry201, and, calling out, “Forward, soldiers, the Holy Cross is our banner, and under that we shall conquer,” led his little army through the undefended passage, and in a few moments they trod the soil of the free republic of Tlascala.
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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infantry
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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conqueror
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homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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notary
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encroachment
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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ashore
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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garrison
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devoted
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judicious
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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saviour
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victorious
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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33
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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34
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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35
vanilla
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| n.香子兰，香草 | |
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36
indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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37
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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38
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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39
glisten
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| vi.（光洁或湿润表面等）闪闪发光，闪闪发亮 | |
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40
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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41
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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42
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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43
bilious
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| adj.胆汁过多的；易怒的 | |
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44
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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45
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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46
corroborates
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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47
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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48
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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50
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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51
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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52
vapors
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| n.水汽，水蒸气，无实质之物( vapor的名词复数 )；自夸者；幻想 [药]吸入剂 [古]忧郁（症）v.自夸，（使）蒸发( vapor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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54
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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55
bland
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| adj.淡而无味的，温和的，无刺激性的 | |
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56
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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57
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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58
descending
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|
| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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59
solitary
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|
| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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60
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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61
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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62
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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63
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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64
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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65
hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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66
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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67
kindly
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|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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68
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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69
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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70
emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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71
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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72
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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73
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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74
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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75
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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76
sleet
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|
| n.雨雪；v.下雨雪，下冰雹 | |
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77
drenched
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|
| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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78
penetrate
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|
| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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79
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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80
annoyance
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|
| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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81
dreary
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|
| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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82
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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83
crater
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|
| n.火山口，弹坑 | |
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84
volcanic
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|
| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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85
lava
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| n.熔岩，火山岩 | |
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86
cinders
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| n.煤渣( cinder的名词复数 )；炭渣；煤渣路；煤渣跑道 | |
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87
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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88
mouldering
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|
| v.腐朽( moulder的现在分词 )；腐烂，崩塌 | |
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89
crevices
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| n.（尤指岩石的）裂缝，缺口( crevice的名词复数 ) | |
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90
attest
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|
| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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91
antiquity
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|
| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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92
precipices
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|
| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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93
behold
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|
| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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94
fatiguing
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|
| a.使人劳累的 | |
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95
genial
|
|
| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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96
temperate
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|
| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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97
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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98
crests
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|
| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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99
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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100
cactus
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| n.仙人掌 | |
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101
plantations
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|
| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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102
glossy
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|
| adj.平滑的；有光泽的 | |
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103
hardy
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|
| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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104
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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105
staple
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|
| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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106
populous
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|
| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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107
spacious
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|
| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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108
skulls
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| 颅骨( skull的名词复数 )； 脑袋； 脑子； 脑瓜 | |
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109
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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111
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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112
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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113
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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114
tributary
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|
| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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115
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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116
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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117
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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118
pompous
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|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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119
muster
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|
| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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120
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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121
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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122
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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123
queries
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| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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124
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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125
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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126
varnished
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| 浸渍过的，涂漆的 | |
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127
gleaned
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|
| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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128
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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130
displease
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| vt.使不高兴，惹怒；n.不悦，不满，生气 | |
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131
expatiating
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的现在分词 ) | |
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132
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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133
refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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134
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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135
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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136
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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137
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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138
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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139
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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140
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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142
desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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143
instil
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| v.逐渐灌输 | |
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144
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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145
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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146
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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147
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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148
disastrous
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|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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149
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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150
benevolent
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|
| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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151
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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152
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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153
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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154
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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155
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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156
heeding
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的现在分词 ) | |
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157
scattered
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|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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158
fructify
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| v.结果实；使土地肥沃 | |
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159
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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160
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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161
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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162
cypress
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| n.柏树 | |
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163
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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parched
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| adj.焦干的；极渴的；v.（使）焦干 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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overestimated
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| 对（数量）估计过高，对…作过高的评价( overestimate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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denser
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| adj. 不易看透的, 密集的, 浓厚的, 愚钝的 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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171
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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172
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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173
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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174
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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175
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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176
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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177
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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178
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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179
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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180
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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181
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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182
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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183
indited
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| v.写（文章，信等）创作，赋诗，创作( indite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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185
hieroglyphical
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| n.象形文字，象形文字的文章 | |
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186
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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187
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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188
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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189
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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190
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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191
overlapping
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| adj./n.交迭（的） | |
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192
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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193
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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194
buttresses
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| n.扶壁，扶垛( buttress的名词复数 )v.用扶壁支撑，加固( buttress的第三人称单数 ) | |
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195
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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196
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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197
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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198
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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199
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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200
surmises
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的第三人称单数 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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201
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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