1519
BEFORE advancing further with the Spaniards into the territory of Tlascala, it will be well to notice some traits in the character and institutions of the nation, in many respects the most remarkable1 in Anahuac. The Tlascalans belonged to the same great family with the Aztecs.[103]{*} They came on the grand plateau about the same time with the kindred races, at the close of the twelfth century, and planted themselves on the western borders of the lake of Tezcuco. Here they remained many years, engaged in the usual pursuits of a bold and partially3 civilized4 people.
{*} [The Tlascalans, “belonging to the same great family with the Aztecs,” of course had governmental institutions similar to those of the Aztecs. The clan5 dwelt in a pueblo6 and was divided into four phratries. For the system of government, see note, pp. 33-36, vol. i.—M.]{105} From some cause or other, perhaps their turbulent temper, they incurred7 the enmity of surrounding tribes. A coalition9 was formed against them; and a bloody10 battle was fought on the plains of Poyauhtlan, in which the Tlascalans were completely victorious11.
Disgusted, however, with their residence among nations with whom they found so little favor, the conquering people resolved to migrate. They separated into three divisions, the largest of which, taking a southern course by the great volcan of Mexico, wound round the ancient city of Cholula, and finally settled in the district of country overshadowed by the sierra of Tlascala. The warm and fruitful valleys, locked up in the embraces of this rugged12 brotherhood13 of mountains, afforded means of subsistence for an agricultural people, while the bold eminences15 of the sierra presented secure positions for their towns.
After the lapse16 of years, the institutions of the nation underwent an important change. The monarchy18 was divided first into two, afterwards into four separate states, bound together by a sort of federal compact, probably not very nicely defined. Each state, however, had its lord or supreme19 chief, independent in his own territories, and possessed20 of co-ordinate authority with the others in all matters concerning the whole republic. The affairs of government, especially all those relating to peace and war, were settled in a senate or council, consisting of the four lords with their inferior nobles.
The lower dignitaries held of the superior, each{106} in his own district, by a kind of feudal21 tenure22, being bound to supply his table and enable him to maintain his state in peace, as well as to serve him in war.[104] In return, he experienced the aid and protection of his suzerain. The same mutual23 obligations existed between him and the followers24 among whom his own territories were distributed.[105] Thus a chain of feudal dependencies was established, which, if not contrived25 with all the art and legal refinements26 of analogous27 institutions in the Old World, displayed their most prominent characteristics in its personal relations, the obligations of military service on the one hand, and protection on the other. This form of government, so different from that of the surrounding nations, subsisted28 till the arrival of the Spaniards. And it is certainly evidence of considerable civilization that so complex a polity should have so long continued,{107} undisturbed by violence or faction29 in the confederate states, and should have been found competent to protect the people in their rights, and the country from foreign invasion.
The lowest order of the people, however, do not seem to have enjoyed higher immunities30 than under the monarchical31 governments; and their rank was carefully defined by an appropriate dress, and by their exclusion32 from the insignia of the aristocratic orders.[106]
The nation, agricultural in its habits, reserved its highest honors, like most other rude—unhappily, also, civilized—nations, for military prowess. Public games were instituted, and prizes decreed to those who excelled in such manly33 and athletic34 exercises as might train them for the fatigues35 of war. Triumphs were granted to the victorious general, who entered the city leading his spoils and captives in long procession, while his achievements were commemorated36 in national songs, and his effigy37, whether in wood or stone, was erected39 in the temples. It was truly in the martial40 spirit of republican Rome.[107]
An institution not unlike knighthood was introduced, very similar to one existing also among the Aztecs. The aspirant42 to the honors of this barbaric chivalry43 watched his arms and fasted fifty or{108} sixty days in the temple, then listened to a grave discourse44 on the duties of his new profession. Various whimsical ceremonies followed, when his arms were restored to him; he was led in solemn procession through the public streets, and the inauguration45 was concluded by banquets and public rejoicings. The new knight41 was distinguished46 henceforth by certain peculiar48 privileges, as well as by a badge intimating his rank. It is worthy49 of remark that this honor was not reserved exclusively for military merit, but was the recompense, also, of public services of other kinds, as wisdom in council, or sagacity and success in trade. For trade was held in as high estimation by the Tlascalans as by the other people of Anahuac.[108]
The temperate50 climate of the table-land furnished the ready means for distant traffic. The fruitfulness of the soil was indicated by the name of the country,—Tlascala signifying the “land of bread.” Its wide plains, to the slopes of its rocky hills, waved with yellow harvests of maize51, and with the bountiful maguey, a plant which, as we have seen, supplied the materials for some important fabrics52. With these, as well as the products of agricultural industry, the merchant found his way down the sides of the Cordilleras, wandered over the sunny regions at their base, and brought back the luxuries which nature had denied to his own.[109]{109}
The various arts of civilization kept pace with increasing wealth and public prosperity; at least, these arts were cultivated to the same limited extent, apparently53, as among the other people of Anahuac. The Tlascalan tongue, says the national historian, simple as beseemed that of a mountain region, was rough compared with the polished Tezcucan or the popular Aztec dialect, and, therefore, not so well fitted for composition. But the Tlascalans made like proficiency54 with the kindred nations in the rudiments55 of science. Their calendar was formed on the same plan. Their religion, their architecture, many of their laws and social usages, were the same, arguing a common origin for all. Their tutelary56 deity57 was the same ferocious58 war-god as that of the Aztecs, though with a different name; their temples, in like manner, were drenched59 with the blood of human victims, and their boards groaned60 with the same cannibal repasts.[110]
Though not ambitious of foreign conquest, the prosperity of the Tlascalans, in time, excited the jealousy61 of their neighbors, and especially of the opulent state of Cholula. Frequent hostilities62 rose between them, in which the advantage was almost always on the side of the former. A still more formidable foe63 appeared in later days in the Aztecs, who could ill brook64 the independence of Tlas{110}cala when the surrounding nations had acknowledged, one after another, their influence or their empire. Under the ambitious Axayacatl, they demanded of the Tlascalans the same tribute and obedience65 rendered by other people of the country. If it were refused, the Aztecs would raze66 their cities to their foundations, and deliver the land to their enemies.
To this imperious summons, the little republic proudly replied, “Neither they nor their ancestors had ever paid tribute or homage67 to a foreign power, and never would pay it. If their country was invaded, they knew how to defend it, and would pour out their blood as freely in defence of their freedom now as their fathers did of yore, when they routed the Aztecs on the plains of Poyauhtlan!”[111]
This resolute68 answer brought on them the forces of the monarchy. A pitched battle followed, and the sturdy republicans were victorious. From this period, hostilities between the two nations continued with more or less activity, but with unsparing ferocity. Every captive was mercilessly sacrificed. The children were trained from the cradle to deadly hatred69 against the Mexicans; and, even in the brief intervals70 of war, none of those intermarriages took place between the people of the respective countries, which knit together in social bonds most of the other kindred races of Anahuac.
In this struggle the Tlascalans received an important support in the accession of the Othomis,{111} or Otomies,—as usually spelt by Castilian writers,—a wild and warlike race originally spread over the table-land north of the Mexican Valley. A portion of them obtained a settlement in the republic, and were speedily incorporated in its armies. Their courage and fidelity71 to the nation of their adoption72 showed them worthy of trust, and the frontier places were consigned73 to their keeping. The mountain barriers by which Tlascala is encompassed74 afforded many strong natural positions for defence against invasion. The country was open towards the east, where a valley, of some six miles in breadth, invited the approach of an enemy. But here it was that the jealous Tlascalans erected the formidable rampart which had excited the admiration75 of the Spaniards, and which they manned with a garrison76 of Otomies.
Efforts for their subjugation77 were renewed on a greater scale after the accession of Montezuma. His victorious arms had spread down the declivities of the Andes to the distant provinces of Vera Paz and Nicaragua,[112] and his haughty78 spirit was chafed79 by the opposition80 of a petty state whose territorial81 extent did not exceed ten leagues in breadth by fifteen in length.[113] He sent an army against them under the command of a favorite son. His troops were beaten, and his son was{112} slain82. The enraged83 and mortified84 monarch17 was roused to still greater preparations. He enlisted85 the forces of the cities bordering on his enemy, together with those of the empire, and with this formidable army swept over the devoted86 valleys of Tlascala. But the bold mountaineers withdrew into the recesses87 of their hills, and, coolly awaiting their opportunity, rushed like a torrent88 on the invaders89, and drove them back, with dreadful slaughter90, from their territories.
Still, notwithstanding the advantages gained over the enemy in the field, the Tlascalans were sorely pressed by their long hostilities with a foe so far superior to themselves in numbers and resources. The Aztec armies lay between them and the coast, cutting off all communication with that prolific91 region, and thus limited their supplies to the products of their own soil and manufacture. For more than half a century they had neither cotton, nor cacao, nor salt. Indeed, their taste had been so far affected92 by long abstinence from these articles that it required the lapse of several generations after the Conquest to reconcile them to the use of salt at their meals.[114] During the short intervals of war, it is said, the Aztec nobles, in the true spirit of chivalry, sent supplies of these commodities as presents, with many courteous93 expressions of respect, to the Tlascalan chiefs. This intercourse94, we are assured by the Indian chronicler, was unsuspected by the people. Nor did it lead to any further correspondence, he adds, between the parties, prejudicial to the liberties of the republic,{113} “which maintained its customs and good government inviolate95, and the worship of its gods.”[115]
Such was the condition of Tlascala at the coming of the Spaniards; holding, it might seem, a precarious96 existence under the shadow of the formidable power which seemed suspended like an avalanche97 over her head, but still strong in her own resources, stronger in the indomitable temper of her people; with a reputation established throughout the land for good faith and moderation in peace, for valor98 in war, while her uncompromising spirit of independence secured the respect even of her enemies. With such qualities of character, and with an animosity sharpened by long, deadly hostility99 with Mexico, her alliance was obviously of the last importance to the Spaniards, in their present enterprise. It was not easy to secure it.[116]
The Tlascalans had been made acquainted with the advance and victorious career of the Christians100, the intelligence of which had spread far and wide over the plateau. But they do not seem to have anticipated the approach of the strangers to their own borders. They were now much embarrassed by the embassy demanding a passage through their territories. The great council was{114} convened101, and a considerable difference of opinion prevailed in its members. Some, adopting the popular superstition102, supposed the Spaniards might be the white and bearded men foretold103 by the oracles104.[117] At all events, they were the enemies of Mexico, and as such might co-operate with them in their struggle with the empire. Others argued that the strangers could have nothing in common with them. Their march throughout the land might be tracked by the broken images of the Indian gods and desecrated105 temples. How did the Tlascalans even know that they were foes106 to Montezuma? They had received his embassies, accepted his presents, and were now in the company of his vassals107 on the way to his capital.
These last were the reflections of an aged2 chief, one of the four who presided over the republic. His name was Xicotencatl. He was nearly blind, having lived, as is said, far beyond the limits of a century.[118] His son, an impetuous young man of the same name with himself, commanded a powerful army of Tlascalan and Otomi warriors108, near the eastern frontier. It would be best, the old man said, to fall with this force at once on the Spaniards. If victorious, the latter would then be in their power. If defeated, the senate could disown{115} the act as that of the general, not of the republic.[119] The cunning counsel of the chief found favor with his hearers, though assuredly not in the spirit of chivalry, nor of the good faith for which his countrymen were celebrated109. But with an Indian, force and stratagem110, courage and deceit, were equally admissible in war, as they were among the barbarians111 of ancient Rome.[120] The Cempoallan envoys112 were to be detained under pretence113 of assisting at a religious sacrifice.
Meanwhile, Cortés and his gallant114 band, as stated in the preceding chapter, had arrived before the rocky rampart on the eastern confines of Tlascala. From some cause or other, it was not manned by its Otomi garrison, and the Spaniards passed in, as we have seen, without resistance. Cortés rode at the head of his body of horse, and, ordering the infantry115 to come on at a quick pace, went forward to reconnoitre. After advancing three or four leagues, he descried116 a small party of Indians, armed with sword and buckler, in the fashion of the country. They fled at his approach. He made signs for them to halt, but, seeing that they only fled the faster, he and his companions put spurs to their horses, and soon came up with them. The Indians, finding escape impossible, faced round, and instead of showing the accustomed terror of the natives at the strange and{116} appalling117 aspect of a mounted trooper, they commenced a furious assault on the cavaliers. The latter, however, were too strong for them, and would have cut their enemy to pieces without much difficulty, when a body of several thousand Indians appeared in sight, coming briskly on to the support of their countrymen.
Cortés, seeing them, despatched one of his party in all haste, to accelerate the march of his infantry. The Indians, after discharging their missiles, fell furiously on the little band of Spaniards. They strove to tear the lances from their grasp, and to drag the riders from the horses. They brought one cavalier to the ground, who afterwards died of his wounds, and they killed two of the horses, cutting through their necks with their stout118 broadswords—if we may believe the chronicler—at a blow![121] In the narrative119 of these campaigns there is sometimes but one step—and that a short one—from history to romance. The loss of the horses, so important and so few in number, was seriously felt by Cortés, who could have better spared the life of the best rider in the troop.
The struggle was a hard one. But the odds120 were as overwhelming as any recorded by the{117} Spaniards in their own romances, where a handful of knights121 is arrayed against legions of enemies. The lances of the Christians did terrible execution here also; but they had need of the magic lance of Astolpho, that overturned myriads122 with a touch, to carry them safe through so unequal a contest. It was with no little satisfaction, therefore, that they beheld123 their comrades rapidly advancing to their support.
No sooner had the main body reached the field of battle, than, hastily forming, they poured such a volley from their muskets124 and cross-bows as staggered the enemy. Astounded125, rather than intimidated126, by the terrible report of the fire-arms, now heard for the first time in these regions, the Indians made no further effort to continue the fight, but drew off in good order, leaving the road open to the Spaniards. The latter, too well satisfied to be rid of the annoyance127 to care to follow the retreating foe, again held on their way.
Their route took them through a country sprinkled over with Indian cottages, amidst flourishing fields of maize and maguey, indicating an industrious128 and thriving peasantry. They were met here by two Tlascalan envoys, accompanied by two of the Cempoallans. The former, presenting themselves before the general, disavowed the assault on his troops, as an unauthorized act, and assured him of a friendly reception at their capital. Cortés received the communication in a courteous manner, affecting to place more confidence in its good faith than he probably felt.
It was now growing late, and the Spaniards{118} quickened their march, anxious to reach a favorable ground for encampment before nightfall. They found such a spot on the borders of a stream that rolled sluggishly129 across the plain. A few deserted130 cottages stood along the banks, and the fatigued131 and famished132 soldiers ransacked133 them in quest of food. All they could find was some tame animals resembling dogs. These they killed and dressed without ceremony, and, garnishing134 their unsavory repast with the fruit of the tuna, the Indian fig38, which grew wild in the neighborhood, they contrived to satisfy the cravings of appetite. A careful watch was maintained by Cortés, and companies of a hundred men each relieved each other in mounting guard through the night. But no attack was made. Hostilities by night were contrary to the system of Indian tactics.[122]
By break of day on the following morning, it being the second of September, the troops were under arms. Besides the Spaniards, the whole number of Indian auxiliaries135 might now amount to three thousand; for Cortés had gathered recruits from the friendly places on his route,—three hundred from the last. After hearing mass, they resumed their march. They moved in close array; the general had previously136 admonished137 the men not to lag behind, or wander from the ranks a moment, as stragglers would be sure to be cut off by their stealthy and vigilant138 enemy. The horsemen{119} rode three abreast139, the better to give one another support; and Cortés instructed them in the heat of fight to keep together, and never to charge singly. He taught them how to carry their lances that they might not be wrested140 from their hands by the Indians, who constantly attempted it. For the same reason, they should avoid giving thrusts, but aim their weapons steadily141 at the faces of their foes.[123]
They had not proceeded far, when they were met by the two remaining Cempoallan envoys, who with looks of terror informed the general that they had been treacherously142 seized and confined, in order to be sacrificed at an approaching festival of the Tlascalans, but in the night had succeeded in making their escape. They gave the unwelcome tidings, also, that a large force of the natives was already assembled to oppose the progress of the Spaniards.
Soon after, they came in sight of a body of Indians, about a thousand, apparently, all armed, and brandishing143 their weapons, as the Christians approached, in token of defiance144. Cortés, when he had come within hearing, ordered the interpreters to proclaim that he had no hostile intentions, but wished only to be allowed a passage through their country, which he had entered as a friend. This declaration he commanded the royal notary145, Godoy, to record on the spot, that, if blood were shed, it might not be charged on the Spaniards. This pacific proclamation was met, as usual on such{120} occasions, by a shower of darts146, stones, and arrows, which fell like rain on the Spaniards, rattling147 on their stout harness, and in some instances penetrating148 to the skin. Galled149 by the smart of their wounds, they called on the general to lead them on, till he sounded the well-known battle-cry, “St. Jago, and at them!”[124]
The Indians maintained their ground for a while with spirit, when they retreated with precipitation, but not in disorder150.[125] The Spaniards, whose blood was heated by the encounter, followed up their advantage with more zeal151 than prudence152, suffering the wily enemy to draw them into a narrow glen or defile153 intersected by a little stream of water, where the broken ground was impracticable for artillery154, as well as for the movements of cavalry155. Pressing forward with eagerness, to extricate156 themselves from their perilous157 position, to their great dismay, on turning an abrupt158 angle of the pass, they came in presence of a numerous army, choking up the gorge159 of the valley, and stretching far over the plains beyond. To the astonished eyes of Cortés, they appeared a hundred thousand men, while no account estimates them at less than thirty thousand.[126]{121}
They presented a confused assemblage of helmets, weapons, and many-colored plumes160, glancing bright in the morning sun, and mingling161 with banners, above which proudly floated one that bore as a device the heron on a rock. It was the well-known ensign of the house of Titcala, and, as well as the white and yellow stripes on the bodies and the like colors on the feather-mail of the Indians, showed that they were the warriors of Xicotencatl.[127]
As the Spaniards came in sight, the Tlascalans set up a hideous162 war-cry, or rather whistle, piercing the ear with its shrillness163, and which, with the beat of their melancholy164 drums, that could be heard for half a league or more,[128] might well have filled the stoutest165 heart with dismay. This formidable host came rolling on towards the Christians, as if to overwhelm them by their very numbers. But the courageous166 band of warriors, closely serried167 together and sheltered under their{122} strong panoplies168, received the shock unshaken, while the broken masses of the enemy, chafing169 and heaving tumultuously around them, seemed to recede170 only to return with new and accumulated force.
Cortés, as usual, in the front of danger, in vain endeavored, at the head of the horse, to open a passage for the infantry. Still his men, both cavalry and foot, kept their array unbroken, offering no assailable171 point to their foe. A body of the Tlascalans, however, acting172 in concert, assaulted a soldier named Moran, one of the best riders in the troop. They succeeded in dragging him from his horse, which they despatched with a thousand blows. The Spaniards, on foot, made a desperate effort to rescue their comrade from the hands of the enemy,—and from the horrible doom173 of the captive. A fierce struggle now began over the body of the prostrate174 horse. Ten of the Spaniards were wounded, when they succeeded in retrieving175 the unfortunate cavalier from his assailants, but in so disastrous176 a plight177 that he died on the following day. The horse was borne off in triumph by the Indians, and his mangled178 remains179 were sent, a strange trophy180, to the different towns of Tlascala. The circumstance troubled the Spanish commander, as it divested181 the animal of the supernatural terrors with which the superstition of the natives had usually surrounded it. To prevent such a consequence, he had caused the two horses, killed on the preceding day, to be secretly buried on the spot.
The enemy now began to give ground gradu{123}ally, borne down by the riders, and trampled182 under the hoofs183 of their horses. Through the whole of this sharp encounter the Indian allies were of great service to the Spaniards. They rushed into the water, and grappled their enemies, with the desperation of men who felt that “their only safety was in the despair of safety.”[129] “I see nothing but death for us,” exclaimed a Cempoallan chief to Marina; “we shall never get through the pass alive.” “The God of the Christians is with us,” answered the intrepid184 woman; “and He will carry us safely through.”[130]
Amidst the din8 of battle, the voice of Cortés was heard, cheering on his soldiers. “If we fail now,” he cried, “the Cross of Christ can never be planted in the land. Forward, comrades! When was it ever known that a Castilian turned his back on a foe?”[131] Animated185 by the words and heroic bearing of their general, the soldiers, with desperate efforts, at length succeeded in forcing a passage through the dark columns of the enemy, and emerged from the defile on the open plains beyond.
Here they quickly recovered their confidence with their superiority. The horse soon opened a space for the man?uvres of the artillery. The close files of their antagonists186 presented a sure mark; and the thunders of the ordnance187 vomiting{124} forth47 torrents188 of fire and sulphurous smoke, the wide desolation caused in their ranks, and the strangely mangled carcasses of the slain, filled the barbarians with consternation189 and horror. They had no weapons to cope with these terrible engines, and their clumsy missiles, discharged from uncertain hands, seemed to fall ineffectual on the charmed heads of the Christians. What added to their embarrassment190 was the desire to carry off the dead and wounded from the field, a general practice among the people of Anahuac, but one which necessarily exposed them, while thus employed, to still greater loss.
Eight of their principal chiefs had now fallen, and Xicotencatl, finding himself wholly unable to make head against the Spaniards in the open field, ordered a retreat. Far from the confusion of a panic-struck mob, so common among barbarians, the Tlascalan force moved off the ground with all the order of a well-disciplined army. Cortés, as on the preceding day, was too well satisfied with his present advantage to desire to follow it up. It was within an hour of sunset, and he was anxious before nightfall to secure a good position, where he might refresh his wounded troops and bivouac for the night.[132]
Gathering191 up his wounded, he held on his way, without loss of time, and before dusk reached a rocky eminence14, called Tzompachtepetl, or “the{125} hill of Tzompach.” It was crowned by a sort of tower or temple, the remains of which are still visible.[133] His first care was given to the wounded, both men and horses. Fortunately, an abundance of provisions was found in some neighboring cottages; and the soldiers, at least all who were not disabled by their injuries, celebrated the victory of the day with feasting and rejoicing.
As to the number of killed or wounded on either side, it is matter of loosest conjecture192. The Indians must have suffered severely193, but the practice of carrying off the dead from the field made it impossible to know to what extent. The injury sustained by the Spaniards appears to have been principally in the number of their wounded. The great object of the natives of Anahuac in their battles was to make prisoners, who might grace their triumphs and supply victims for sacrifice. To this brutal194 superstition the Christians were indebted, in no slight degree, for their personal preservation195. To take the reports of the Conquerors196, their own losses in action were always inconsiderable. But whoever has had occasion to consult the ancient chroniclers of Spain in relation to its wars with the infidel, whether Arab or American, will place little confidence in numbers.[134]{126}
The events of the day had suggested many topics for painful reflection to Cortés. He had nowhere met with so determined197 a resistance within the borders of Anahuac; nowhere had he encountered native troops so formidable for their weapons, their discipline, and their valor. Far from manifesting the superstitious198 terrors felt by the other Indians at the strange arms and aspect of the Spaniards, the Tlascalans had boldly grappled with their enemy, and only yielded to the inevitable199 superiority of his military science. How important would the alliance of such a nation be in a struggle with those of their own race,—for example, with the Aztecs! But how was he to secure this alliance? Hitherto, all overtures200 had been rejected with disdain201; and it seemed probable that every step of his progress in this populous202 land was to be fiercely contested. His army, especially the Indians, celebrated the events of the day with feasting and dancing, songs of merriment, and shouts of triumph. Cortés encouraged it, well knowing how important it was to keep up the spirits of his soldiers. But the sounds of revelry at length died away; and, in the still watches of the night, many an anxious thought must have crowded on the mind of the general, while his little army lay buried in slumber203 in its encampment around the Indian hill.
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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din
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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victorious
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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eminences
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| 卓越( eminence的名词复数 )； 著名； 高地； 山丘 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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26
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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31
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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35
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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36
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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38
fig
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| n.无花果(树) | |
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39
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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40
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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41
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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42
aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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43
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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44
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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45
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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46
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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47
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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48
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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49
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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50
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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51
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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52
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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53
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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54
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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55
rudiments
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| n.基础知识，入门 | |
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56
tutelary
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| adj.保护的；守护的 | |
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57
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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58
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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59
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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60
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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61
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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62
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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63
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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64
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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65
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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66
raze
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| vt.铲平，把(城市、房屋等)夷为平地，拆毁 | |
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67
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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68
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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69
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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70
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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71
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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72
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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73
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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74
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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75
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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76
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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77
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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78
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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79
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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80
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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81
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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82
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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83
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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84
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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85
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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86
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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87
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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88
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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89
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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90
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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91
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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92
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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93
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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94
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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95
inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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96
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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97
avalanche
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| n.雪崩，大量涌来 | |
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98
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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99
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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100
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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101
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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102
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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103
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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105
desecrated
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| 毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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107
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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108
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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109
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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110
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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111
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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112
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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113
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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114
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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115
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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116
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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117
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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119
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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120
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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121
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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122
myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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123
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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124
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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125
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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126
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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127
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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128
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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129
sluggishly
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| adv.懒惰地；缓慢地 | |
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130
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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131
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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132
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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133
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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134
garnishing
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的现在分词 ) | |
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135
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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136
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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137
admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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138
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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139
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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140
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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141
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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142
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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143
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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144
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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145
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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146
darts
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| n.掷飞镖游戏；飞镖( dart的名词复数 )；急驰，飞奔v.投掷，投射( dart的第三人称单数 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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147
rattling
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| adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
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148
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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149
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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150
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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151
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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152
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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153
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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154
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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155
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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156
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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157
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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158
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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159
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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160
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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161
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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162
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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163
shrillness
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| 尖锐刺耳 | |
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164
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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165
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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166
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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167
serried
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| adj.拥挤的；密集的 | |
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168
panoplies
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| n.全套礼服( panoply的名词复数 )；盛装；全副甲胄；雄伟的阵式 | |
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169
chafing
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| n.皮肤发炎v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的现在分词 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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170
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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171
assailable
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| adj.可攻击的，易攻击的 | |
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172
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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173
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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174
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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175
retrieving
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| n.检索（过程），取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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176
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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177
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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178
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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179
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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180
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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181
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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182
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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183
hoofs
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| n.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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184
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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185
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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186
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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187
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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188
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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189
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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190
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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191
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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192
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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193
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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194
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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195
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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196
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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197
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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198
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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199
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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200
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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201
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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202
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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203
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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