1520
THE tempest, that had raged so wildly during the night, passed away with the morning, which rose bright and unclouded on the field of battle. As the light advanced, it revealed more strikingly the disparity of the two forces so lately opposed to each other. Those of Narvaez could not conceal3 their chagrin4; and murmurs5 of displeasure became audible, as they contrasted their own superior numbers and perfect appointments with the way-worn visages and rude attire6 of their handful of enemies! It was with some satisfaction, therefore, that the general beheld7 his dusky allies from Chinantla, two thousand in number, arrive upon the field. They were a fine, athletic8 set of men; and, as they advanced in a sort of promiscuous9 order, so to speak, with their gay banners of feather-work, and their long lances tipped with itztli and copper10 glistening11 in the morning sun, they had something of an air of military discipline.{75} They came too late for the action, indeed, but Cortés was not sorry to exhibit to his new followers12 the extent of his resources in the country. As he had now no occasion for his Indian allies, after a courteous13 reception and a liberal recompense he dismissed them to their homes.[78]
He then used his utmost endeavors to allay14 the discontent of the troops. He addressed them in his most soft and insinuating15 tones, and was by no means frugal16 of his promises.[79] He suited the action to the word. There were few of them but had lost their accoutrements or their baggage, or horses taken and appropriated by the victors. This last article was in great request among the latter, and many a soldier, weary with the long marches hitherto made on foot, had provided himself, as he imagined, with a much more comfortable as well as creditable conveyance18 for the rest of the campaign. The general now commanded everything to be restored.[80] “They were embarked19 in the same cause,” he said, “and should share with one another equally.” He went still further, and distributed among the soldiers of Narvaez a quantity of gold and other precious commodities gathered{76} from the neighboring tribes or found in his rival’s quarters.[81]
These proceedings20, however politic22 in reference to his new followers, gave great disgust to his old. “Our commander,” they cried, “has forsaken23 his friends for his foes24. We stood by him in his hour of distress25, and are rewarded with blows and wounds, while the spoil goes to our enemies!” The indignant soldiery commissioned the priest Olmedo and Alonso de Avila to lay their complaints before Cortés. The ambassadors stated them without reserve, comparing their commander’s conduct to the ungrateful proceeding21 of Alexander, who, when he gained a victory, usually gave away more to his enemies than to the troops who enabled him to beat them. Cortés was greatly perplexed26. Victorious27 or defeated, his path seemed equally beset28 with difficulties.
He endeavored to soothe29 their irritation30 by pleading the necessity of the case. “Our new comrades,” he said, “are formidable from their numbers, so much so that we are even now much more in their power than they are in ours. Our only security is to make them not merely confederates, but friends. On any cause of disgust, we shall have the whole battle to fight over again, and, if they are united, under a much greater disadvantage than before. I have considered your interests,” he added, “as much as my own. All that I{77} have is yours. But why should there be any ground for discontent, when the whole country, with its riches, is before us? And our augmented32 strength must henceforth secure the undisturbed control of it.”
But Cortés did not rely wholly on argument for the restoration of tranquillity34. He knew this to be incompatible35 with inaction, and he made arrangements to divide his forces at once and to employ them on distant services. He selected a detachment of two hundred men, under Diego de Ordaz, whom he ordered to form the settlement before meditated36 on the Coatzacualco. A like number was sent with Velasquez de Leon, to secure the province of Panuco, some three degrees to the north, on the Mexican Gulf37. Twenty in each detachment were drafted from his own veterans.
Two hundred men he despatched to Vera Cruz, with orders to have the rigging, iron, and everything portable on board of the fleet of Narvaez, brought on shore, and the vessels38 completely dismantled39. He appointed a person named Cavallero superintendent40 of the marine41, with instructions that if any ships hereafter should enter the port they should be dismantled in like manner, and their officers imprisoned42 on shore.[82]{78}
But, while he was thus occupied with new schemes of discovery and conquest, he received such astounding43 intelligence from Mexico as compelled him to concentrate all his faculties44 and his forces on that one point. The city was in a state of insurrection. No sooner had the struggle with his rival been decided45, than Cortés despatched a courier with the tidings to the capital. In less than a fortnight the messenger returned with a letter from Alvarado, conveying the alarming information that the Mexicans were in arms and had vigorously assaulted the Spaniards in their own quarters. The enemy, he added, had burned the brigantines, by which Cortés had secured the means of retreat in case of the destruction of the bridges. They had attempted to force the defences, and had succeeded in partially46 undermining them, and they had overwhelmed the garrison47 with a tempest of missiles, which had killed several and wounded a great number. The letter concluded with beseeching48 the commander to hasten to the relief of his men, if he would save them or keep his hold on the capital.
These tidings were a heavy blow to the general,—the heavier, it seemed, coming as they did in the hour of triumph, when he had thought to have all his enemies at his feet. There was no room for hesitation49. To lose his footing in the capital, the noblest city in the Western World, would be to lose the country itself, which looked up to it as its head.[83] He opened the matter fully50 to his soldiers,{79} calling on all who would save their countrymen to follow him. All declared their readiness to go; showing an alacrity51, says Diaz, which some would have been slow to manifest had they foreseen the future.
Cortés now made preparations for instant departure. He countermanded52 the orders previously53 given to Velasquez and Ordaz, and directed them to join him with their forces at Tlascala. He called the troops from Vera Cruz, leaving only a hundred men in garrison there, under command of one Rodrigo Rangre; for he could not spare the services of Sandoval at this crisis. He left his sick and wounded at Cempoalla, under charge of a small detachment, directing that they should follow as soon as they were in marching order. Having completed these arrangements, he set out from Cempoalla, well supplied with provisions by its hospitable54 cacique, who attended him some leagues on his way. The Totonac chief seems to have had an amiable55 facility of accommodating himself to the powers that were in the ascendant.
Nothing worthy56 of notice occurred during the first part of the march. The troops everywhere met with a friendly reception from the peasantry, who readily supplied their wants. For some time before reaching Tlascala, the route lay through a country thinly settled; and the army experienced considerable suffering from want of food, and still more from that of water. Their distress increased to an alarming degree, as, in the hurry of{80} their forced march, they travelled with the meridian57 sun beating fiercely on their heads. Several faltered58 by the way, and, throwing themselves down by the roadside, seemed incapable59 of further effort, and almost indifferent to life.
In this extremity60, Cortés sent forward a small detachment of horse to procure61 provisions in Tlascala, and speedily followed in person. On arriving, he found abundant supplies already prepared by the hospitable natives. They were sent back to the troops; the strugglers were collected one by one; refreshments62 were administered; and the army, restored in strength and spirits, entered the republican capital.
Here they gathered little additional news respecting the events in Mexico, which a popular rumor64 attributed to the secret encouragement and machinations of Montezuma. Cortés was commodiously65 lodged66 in the quarters of Maxixca, one of the four chiefs of the republic. They readily furnished him with two thousand troops. There was no want of heartiness67, when the war was with their ancient enemy the Aztec.[84]
The Spanish commander, on reviewing his forces after the junction68 with his two captains, found that they amounted to about a thousand foot, and one hundred horse, besides the Tlascalan levies69.[85] In the infantry70 were nearly a hundred{81} arquebusiers, with as many crossbowmen; and the part of the army brought over by Narvaez was admirably equipped. It was inferior, however, to his own veterans in what is better than any outward appointments,—military training, and familiarity with the peculiar71 service in which they were engaged.
Leaving these friendly quarters, the Spaniards took a more northerly route, as more direct than that by which they had before penetrated72 into the Valley. It was the road to Tezcuco. It still compelled them to climb the same bold range of the Cordilleras, which attains73 its greatest elevation74 in the two mighty75 volcans at whose base they had before travelled. The sides of the sierra were clothed with dark forests of pine, cypress76, and cedar,[86] through which glimpses now and then opened into fathomless77 dells and valleys, whose depths, far down in the sultry climate of the tropics, were lost in a glowing wilderness78 of vegetation. From the crest79 of the mountain range the eye travelled over the broad expanse of country, which they had lately crossed, far away to the green plains of Cholula. Towards the west they looked{82} down on the Mexican Valley, from a point of view wholly different from that which they had before occupied, but still offering the same beautiful spectacle, with its lakes trembling in the light, its gay cities and villas81 floating on their bosom82, its burnished83 teocallis touched with fire, its cultivated slopes and dark hills of porphyry stretching away in dim perspective to the verge84 of the horizon. At their feet lay the city of Tezcuco, which, modestly retiring behind her deep groves85 of cypress, formed a contrast to her more ambitious rival on the other side of the lake, who seemed to glory in the unveiled splendors87 of her charms, as Mistress of the Valley.
As they descended88 into the populous89 plains, their reception by the natives was very different from that which they had experienced on the preceding visit. There were no groups of curious peasantry to be seen gazing at them as they passed, and offering their simple hospitality. The supplies they asked were not refused, but granted with an ungracious air, that showed the blessing90 of the giver did not accompany them. This air of reserve became still more marked as the army entered the suburbs of the ancient capital of the Acolhuans. No one came forth33 to greet them, and the population seemed to have dwindled91 away,—so many of them were withdrawn92 to the neighboring scene of hostilities94 at Mexico.[87] Their cold recep{83}tion was a sensible mortification95 to the veterans of Cortés, who, judging from the past, had boasted to their new comrades of the sensation their presence would excite among the natives. The cacique of the place, who, as it may be remembered, had been created through the influence of Cortés, was himself absent. The general drew an ill omen96 from all these circumstances, which even raised an uncomfortable apprehension97 in his mind respecting the fate of the garrison in Mexico.[88]
But his doubts were soon dispelled99 by the arrival of a messenger in a canoe from that city, whence he had escaped through the remissness100 of the enemy, or, perhaps, with their connivance101. He brought despatches from Alvarado, informing his commander that the Mexicans had for the last fortnight desisted from active hostilities and converted their operations into a blockade. The garrison had suffered greatly, but Alvarado expressed his conviction that the siege would be raised, and tranquillity restored, on the approach of his countrymen. Montezuma sent a messenger, also, to the same effect. At the same time, he exculpated102 himself from any part in the late hostilities, which he said had been conducted not only without his privity, but contrary to his inclination103 and efforts.
The Spanish general, having halted long enough to refresh his wearied troops, took up his{84} march along the southern margin104 of the lake, which led him over the same causeway by which he had before entered the capital. It was the day consecrated105 to St. John the Baptist, the 24th of June, 1520. But how different was the scene from that presented on his former entrance![89] No crowds now lined the roads, no boats swarmed106 on the lake, filled with admiring spectators. A single pirogue might now and then be seen in the distance, like a spy stealthily watching their movements, and darting107 away the moment it had attracted notice. A deathlike stillness brooded over the scene,—a stillness that spoke108 louder to the heart than the acclamations of multitudes.
Cortés rode on moodily109 at the head of his battalions110, finding abundant food for meditation111, doubtless, in this change of circumstances. As if to dispel98 these gloomy reflections, he ordered his trumpets112 to sound, and their clear, shrill113 notes, borne across the waters, told the inhabitants of the beleaguered114 fortress115 that their friends were at hand. They were answered by a joyous116 peal117 of artillery118, which seemed to give a momentary119 exhilaration to the troops, as they quickened their pace, traversed the great drawbridges, and once more found themselves within the walls of the imperial city.
The appearance of things here was not such as to allay their apprehensions120. In some places they{85} beheld the smaller bridges removed, intimating too plainly, now that their brigantines were destroyed, how easy it would be to cut off their retreat.[90] The town seemed even more deserted121 than Tezcuco. Its once busy and crowded population had mysteriously vanished. And, as the Spaniards defiled122 through the empty streets, the tramp of their horses’ feet upon the pavement was answered by dull and melancholy123 echoes that fell heavily on their hearts. With saddened feelings they reached the great gates of the palace of Axayacatl. The gates were thrown open, and Cortés and his veterans, rushing in, were cordially embraced by their companions in arms, while both parties soon forgot the present in the interesting recapitulation of the past.[91]
The first inquiries124 of the general were respecting the origin of the tumult125. The accounts were various. Some imputed126 it to the desire of the Mexicans to release their sovereign from confinement127; others to the design of cutting off the garrison while crippled by the absence of Cortés and their countrymen. All agreed, however, in tracing the immediate128 cause to the violence of Alvarado. It was common for the Aztecs to celebrate{86} an annual festival in May, in honor of their patron war-god. It was called the “incensing of Huitzilopochtli,” and was commemorated129 by sacrifice, religious songs, and dances, in which most of the nobles engaged, for it was one of the great festivals which displayed the pomp of the Aztec ritual. As it was held in the court of the teocalli, in the immediate neighborhood of the Spanish quarters, and as a part of the temple itself was reserved for a Christian130 chapel131, the caciques asked permission of Alvarado to perform their rites132 there. They requested also, it is said, to be allowed the presence of Montezuma. This latter petition Alvarado declined, in obedience133 to the injunctions of Cortés; but acquiesced134 in the former, on condition that the Aztecs should celebrate no human sacrifices and should come without weapons.
They assembled accordingly on the day appointed, to the number of six hundred, at the smallest computation.[92] They were dressed in their most magnificent gala costumes, with their graceful135 mantles136 of feather-work sprinkled with precious stones, and their necks, arms, and legs ornamented137 with collars and bracelets138 of gold. They had that love of gaudy139 splendor86 which belongs to semi-civilized nations, and on these occa{87}sions displayed all the pomp and profusion140 of their barbaric wardrobes.
Alvarado and his soldiers attended as spectators, some of them taking their station at the gates as if by chance, and others mingling141 in the crowd. They were all armed,—a circumstance which, as it was usual, excited no attention. The Aztecs were soon engrossed142 by the exciting movement of the dance, accompanied by their religious chant and wild, discordant143 minstrelsy. While thus occupied, Alvarado and his men, at a concerted signal, rushed with drawn93 swords on their victims. Unprotected by armor or weapons of any kind, they were hewn down without resistance by their assailants, who in their bloody144 work, says a contemporary, showed no touch of pity or compunction.[93] Some fled to the gates, but were caught on the long pikes of the soldiers. Others, who attempted to scale the coatepantli, or Wall of Serpents, as it was called, which surrounded the area, shared the like fate, or were cut to pieces, or shot by the ruthless soldiery. The pavement, says a writer of the age, ran with streams of blood, like water in a heavy shower.[94] Not an Aztec, of all that gay company, was left alive! It was repeating the dreadful scene of Cholula, with the disgraceful addition that the Spaniards, not content with slaughtering146 their victims, rifled them of the precious ornaments147 on their persons! On this sad{88} day fell the flower of the Aztec nobility. Not a family of note but had mourning and desolation brought within its walls.[95] And many a doleful ballad148, rehearsing the tragic149 incidents of the story, and adapted to the plaintive150 national airs, continued to be chanted by the natives long after the subjugation151 of the country.[96]
Various explanations have been given of this atrocious deed. But few historians have been content to admit that of Alvarado himself. According to this, intelligence had been obtained through{89} his spies—some of them Mexicans—of an intended rising of the Indians. The celebration of this festival was fixed152 on as the period for its execution, when the caciques would be met together and would easily rouse the people to support them. Alvarado, advised of all this, had forbidden them to wear arms at their meeting. While affecting to comply, they had secreted153 their weapons in the neighboring arsenals154, whence they could readily withdraw them. But his own blow, by anticipating theirs, defeated the design, and, as he confidently hoped, would deter155 the Aztecs from a similar attempt in future.[97]
Such is the account of the matter given by Alvarado. But, if true, why did he not verify his assertion by exposing the arms thus secreted? Why did he not vindicate156 his conduct in the eyes of the Mexicans generally, by publicly avowing157 the treason of the nobles, as was done by Cortés at Cholula? The whole looks much like an apology devised after the commission of the deed, to cover up its atrocity158.
Some contemporaries assign a very different motive159 for the massacre, which, according to them, originated in the cupidity160 of the Conquerors162, as shown by their plundering163 the bodies of their victims.[98] Bernal Diaz, who, though not present, had{90} conversed164 familiarly with those who were, vindicates165 them from the charge of this unworthy motive. According to him, Alvarado struck the blow in order to intimidate166 the Aztecs from any insurrectionary movement.[99] But whether he had reason to apprehend167 such, or even affected168 to do so before the massacre, the old chronicler does not inform us.
On reflection, it seems scarcely possible that so foul169 a deed, and one involving so much hazard to the Spaniards themselves, should have been perpetrated from the mere31 desire of getting possession of the baubles170 worn on the persons of the natives. It is more likely this was an after-thought, suggested to the rapacious171 soldiery by the display of the spoil before them. It is not improbable that Alvarado may have gathered rumors172 of a conspiracy173 among the nobles,—rumors, perhaps, derived174 through the Tlascalans, their inveterate175 foes, and for that reason very little deserving of credit.[100] He proposed to defeat it by{91} imitating the example of his commander at Cholula. But he omitted to imitate his leader in taking precautions against the subsequent rising of the populace. And he grievously miscalculated when he confounded the bold and warlike Aztec with the effeminate Cholulan.[101]
No sooner was the butchery accomplished176, than the tidings spread like wildfire through the capital.{92} Men could scarcely credit their senses. All they had hitherto suffered, the desecration177 of their temples, the imprisonment178 of their sovereign, the insults heaped on his person, all were forgotten in this one act.[102] Every feeling of long-smothered hostility and rancor179 now burst forth in the cry for vengeance180. Every former sentiment of superstitious181 dread145 was merged182 in that of inextinguishable hatred183. It required no effort of the priests—though this was not wanting—to fan these passions into a blaze. The city rose in arms to a man; and on the following dawn, almost before the Spaniards could secure themselves in their defences, they were assaulted with desperate fury. Some of the assailants attempted to scale the walls; others succeeded in partially undermining and setting fire to the works. Whether they would have succeeded in carrying the place by storm is doubtful. But, at the prayers of the garrison, Montezuma himself interfered184, and, mounting the battlements, addressed the populace, whose fury he endeavored to mitigate185 by urging considerations for his own safety. They respected their monarch186{93} so far as to desist from further attempts to storm the fortress, but changed their operations into a regular blockade. They threw up works around the palace to prevent the egress187 of the Spaniards. They suspended the tianguez, or market, to preclude188 the possibility of their enemy’s obtaining supplies; and they then quietly sat down, with feelings of sullen189 desperation, waiting for the hour when famine should throw their victims into their hands.
The condition of the besieged190, meanwhile, was sufficiently191 distressing192. Their magazines of provisions, it is true, were not exhausted193; but they suffered greatly from want of water, which, within the enclosure, was exceedingly brackish194, for the soil was saturated195 with the salt of the surrounding element. In this extremity, they discovered, it is said, a spring of fresh water in the area. Such springs were known in some other parts of the city; but, discovered first under these circumstances, it was accounted as nothing less than a miracle. Still they suffered much from their past encounters. Seven Spaniards, and many Tlascalans, had fallen, and there was scarcely one of either nation who had not received several wounds. In this situation, far from their own countrymen, without expectation of succor196 from abroad, they seemed to have no alternative before them but a lingering death by famine, or one more dreadful on the altar of sacrifice. From this gloomy state they were relieved by the coming of their comrades.[103]{94}
Cortés calmly listened to the explanation made by Alvarado. But, before it was ended, the conviction must have forced itself on his mind that he had made a wrong selection for this important post. Yet the mistake was natural. Alvarado was a cavalier of high family, gallant197 and chivalrous198, and his warm personal friend. He had talents for action, was possessed199 of firmness and intrepidity201, while his frank and dazzling manners made the Tonatiuh an especial favorite with the Mexicans. But underneath202 this showy exterior203 the future conqueror161 of Guatemala concealed204 a heart rash, rapacious, and cruel. He was altogether destitute205 of that moderation which, in the delicate position he occupied, was a quality of more worth than all the rest.
When Alvarado had concluded his answers to the several interrogatories of Cortés, the brow of the latter darkened, as he said to his lieutenant206, “You have done badly. You have been false to your trust. Your conduct has been that of a madman!” And, turning abruptly207 on his heel, he left him in undisguised displeasure.
Yet this was not a time to break with one so popular, and, in many respects, so important to him, as this captain, much less to inflict208 on him the punishment he merited. The Spaniards were like mariners209 laboring210 in a heavy tempest, whose bark nothing but the dexterity211 of the pilot and the hearty212 co-operation of the crew can save from foundering213. Dissensions at such a moment must be fatal. Cortés, it is true, felt strong in his present resources. He now found himself at the head{95} of a force which could scarcely amount to less than twelve hundred and fifty Spaniards, and eight thousand native warriors214, principally Tlascalans.[104] But, though relying on this to overawe resistance, the very augmentation of numbers increased the difficulty of subsistence. Discontented with himself, disgusted with his officer, and embarrassed by the disastrous216 consequences in which Alvarado’s intemperance217 had involved him, he became irritable218, and indulged in a petulance219 by no means common; for, though a man of lively passions by nature, he held them habitually220 under control.[105]
On the day that Cortés arrived, Montezuma had left his own quarters to welcome him. But the Spanish commander, distrusting, as it would seem, however unreasonably221, his good faith, received him so coldly that the Indian monarch withdrew, displeased222 and dejected, to his apartment. As the Mexican populace made no show of submission223, and brought no supplies to the army, the general’s ill humor with the emperor continued. When, therefore, Montezuma sent some of the nobles to ask an interview with Cortés, the latter, turning to his own officers, haughtily224 exclaimed, “What have{96} I to do with this dog of a king who suffers us to starve before his eyes?”
His captains, among whom were Olid, De Avila, and Velasquez de Leon, endeavored to mitigate his anger, reminding him, in respectful terms, that had it not been for the emperor the garrison might even now have been overwhelmed by the enemy. This remonstrance225 only chafed226 him the more. “Did not the dog,” he asked, repeating the opprobrious227 epithet228, “betray us in his communications with Narvaez? And does he not now suffer his markets to be closed, and leave us to die of famine?” Then, turning fiercely to the Mexicans, he said, “Go tell your master and his people to open the markets, or we will do it for them, at their cost!” The chiefs, who had gathered the import of his previous taunt229 on their sovereign, from his tone and gesture, or perhaps from some comprehension of his language, left his presence swelling230 with resentment231, and, in communicating his message, took care it should lose none of its effect.[106]
Shortly after, Cortés, at the suggestion, it is said, of Montezuma, released his brother Cuitlahua, lord of Iztapalapan, who, it will be remembered, had been seized on suspicion of co-operating with the chief of Tezcuco in his meditated revolt.{*}{97} It was thought he might be of service in allaying232 the present tumult and bringing the populace to a better state of feeling. But he returned no more to the fortress.[107] He was a bold, ambitious prince, and the injuries he had received from the Spaniards rankled233 deep in his bosom. He was presumptive heir to the crown, which, by the Aztec laws of succession, descended much more frequently in a collateral234 than in a direct line. The people welcomed him as the representative of their sovereign, and chose him to supply the place of Montezuma during his captivity235. Cuitlahua willingly accepted the post of honor and of danger. He was an experienced warrior215, and exerted himself to reorganize the disorderly levies and to arrange a more efficient plan of operations. The effect was soon visible.
{*} [This was the enormous blunder committed by Cortés, because of his ignorance of Aztec tribal236 customs, which was mentioned in the note on p. 346, vol. ii. In releasing Cuitlahua from captivity Cortés put away the last guaranty of safety his forces possessed. Cuitlahua was next in the line of succession of the eligibles237 from whom the priest commander was chosen. The Tlatocan, or tribal council, was the power which controlled all the affairs of the tribe. This council, which elected a ruler, could also in extraordinary circumstances depose238 him and set another man in his place. As soon as he was released Cuitlahua convened239 the Tlatocan. That body at once deposed240 Montezuma and made Cuitlahua priest commander. It was not a captive sovereign the Spaniards guarded, but only a deposed priest commander whose person was no longer sacred. When, a little later, Montezuma was put forward to address the mob that raged about the walls of the tecpan, another man wore the golden beak241 of the war-god. It was not against their hereditary242 ruler, but only against the discredited243 agent who had once directed the affairs of the tribe that the Aztec warriors hurled244 their missiles. Montezuma deposed was no more to them than was any member of the tribal council. The spell that had protected the invaders245 was broken when his office was taken from him.—M.]
Cortés meanwhile had so little doubt of his abil{98}ity to overawe the insurgents246, that he wrote to that effect to the garrison of Villa80 Rica by the same despatches in which he informed them of his safe arrival in the capital. But scarcely had his messenger been gone half an hour, when he returned breathless with terror and covered with wounds. “The city,” he said, “was all in arms! The draw-bridges were raised, and the enemy would soon be upon them!” He spoke truth. It was not long before a hoarse247, sullen sound became audible, like that of the roaring of distant waters. It grew louder and louder; till, from the parapet surrounding the enclosure, the great avenues which led to it might be seen dark with the masses of warriors, who came rolling on in a confused tide towards the fortress. At the same time, the terraces and azoteas or flat roofs, in the neighborhood, were thronged248 with combatants brandishing249 their missiles, who seemed to have risen up as if by magic![108] It was a spectacle to appall250 the stoutest251. But the dark storm to which it was the prelude252, and which gathered deeper and deeper round the Spaniards during the remainder of their residence in the capital, must form the subject of a separate Book.
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés was born in 1478. He belonged to an ancient family of the Asturias. Every family, indeed, claims to be ancient in this last retreat of the intrepid200 Goths. He was early introduced at court, and was appointed page to Prince{99} Juan, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella, on whom their hopes, and those of the nation, deservedly rested. Oviedo accompanied the camp in the latter campaigns of the Moorish253 war, and was present at the memorable254 siege of Granada. On the untimely death of his royal master, in 1496, he passed over to Italy and entered the service of King Frederick of Naples. At the death of that prince he returned to his own country, and in the beginning of the sixteenth century we find him again established in Castile, where he occupied the place of keeper of the crown jewels. In 1513 he was named by Ferdinand the Catholic veedor, or inspector255, of the gold founderies in the American colonies. Oviedo, accordingly, transported himself to the New World, where he soon took a commission under Pedrarias, governor of Darien, and shared in the disastrous fortunes of that colony. He obtained some valuable privileges from the crown, built a fortress on Tierra Firme and entered into traffic with the natives. In this we may presume he was prosperous, since we find him at length established with a wife and family at Hispaniola, or Fernandina, as it was then called. Although he continued to make his principal residence in the New World, he made occasional visits to Spain, and in 1526 published at Madrid his Sumario. It is dedicated256 to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and contains an account of the West Indies, their geography, climate, the races who inhabited them, together with their animals and vegetable productions. The subject was of great interest to the inquisitive257 minds of Europe, and one of which they had previously gleaned258 but scanty259 information. In 1535, in a subsequent visit to Spain, Oviedo gave to the world the first volume of his great work, which he had been many years in compiling,—the Historia de las Indias occidentales. In the same year he was appointed by Charles the Fifth alcayde of the fortress of Hispaniola. He continued in the island the ten following years, actively260 engaged in the prosecution261 of his historical researches, and then returned for the last time to his native land. The veteran scholar was well received at court, and obtained the honorable appointment of Chronicler of the Indies. He occupied this post until the period of his death, which took place at Valladolid in 1557, in the seventy-ninth year of his age, at the very time when he was employed in preparing the residue262 of his history for the press.
Considering the intimate footing on which Oviedo lived with the eminent263 persons of his time, it is singular that so little is preserved of his personal history and his character. Nic. Antonio speaks of him as a “man of large experience, courteous in his manners, and of great probity264.” His long and active life is a sufficient voucher265 for his experience, and one will hardly doubt his good breeding when we know the high society in which he moved. He left a large mass of manuscripts, embracing a vast range both of civil and natural history. By far the most important is his Historia general de las Indias. It is divided into three parts, containing fifty books. The first part, con{100}sisting of nineteen books, is the one already noticed as having been published during his lifetime. It gives in a more extended form the details of geographical266 and natural history embodied267 in his Sumario, with a narrative268, moreover, of the discoveries and conquests of the Islands. A translation of this portion of the work was made by the learned Ramusio, with whom Oviedo was in correspondence, and is published in the third volume of his inestimable collection. The two remaining parts relate to the conquests of Mexico, of Peru, and other countries of South America. It is that portion of the work consulted for these pages. The manuscript was deposited, at his death, in the Casa de la Contratacion, at Seville. It afterwards came into the possession of the Dominican monastery269 of Monserrat. In process of time, mutilated copies found their way into several private collections; when, in 1775, Don Francisco Cerda y Rico, an officer in the Indian department, ascertained270 the place in which the original was preserved, and, prompted by his literary zeal271, obtained an order from the government for its publication. Under his supervision272 the work was put in order for the press, and Oviedo’s biographer, Alvarez y Baena, assures us that a complete edition of it, prepared with the greatest care, would soon be given to the world. (Hijos de Madrid (Madrid, 1790), tom. ii. pp. 354-361.) It still remains273 in manuscript.{*}
{*} [The Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Islas y Tierrafirme del Mar17 Océano, por El Capitan Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdéz, Primer Cronista del Nuevo Mundo, was published in four volumes at Madrid, 1851-55, by the Real Academia de la Historia.—M.]
No country has been more fruitful in the field of historical composition than Spain. Her ballads274 are chronicles done into verse. The chronicles themselves date from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Every city, every small town, every great family, and many a petty one, has its chronicler. These were often mere monkish275 chroniclers, who in the seclusion276 of the convent found leisure for literary occupation. Or, not unfrequently, they were men who had taken part in the affairs they described, more expert with the sword than with the pen. The compositions of this latter class have a general character of that indifference277 to fine writing which shows a mind intent on the facts with which it is occupied, much more than on forms of expression. The monkish chroniclers, on the other hand, often make a pedantic278 display of obsolete279 erudition, which contrasts rather whimsically with the homely280 texture281 of the narrative. The chronicles of both the one and the other class of writers may frequently claim the merit of picturesque282 and animated283 detail, showing that the subject was one of living interest, and that the writer’s heart was in his subject.
Many of the characteristic blemishes284 of which I have been speaking may be charged on Oviedo. His style is cast in no classic mould. His thoughts find themselves a vent63 in tedious, interminable sen{101}tences, that may fill the reader with despair; and the thread of the narrative is broken by impertinent episodes that lead to nothing. His scholarship was said to be somewhat scanty. One will hardly be led to doubt it, from the tawdry display of Latin quotations285 with which he garnishes286 his pages, like a poor gallant who would make the most of his little store of finery. He affected to take the elder Pliny as his model, as appears from the preface to his Sumario. But his own work fell far short of the model of erudition and eloquence287 which that great writer of natural history has bequeathed to us.
Yet, with his obvious defects, Oviedo showed an enlightened curiosity, and a shrewd spirit of observation, which place him far above the ordinary range of chroniclers. He may even be said to display a philosophic288 tone in his reflections, though his philosophy must be regarded as cold and unscrupulous wherever the rights of the aborigines are in question. He was indefatigable289 in amassing290 materials for his narratives291, and for this purpose maintained a correspondence with the most eminent men of his time who had taken part in the transactions which he commemorates292. He even condescended293 to collect information from more humble294 sources, from popular tradition and the reports of the common soldiers. Hence his work often presents a medley295 of inconsistent and contradictory296 details, which perplex the judgment297, making it exceedingly difficult, at this distance of time, to disentangle the truth. It was perhaps for this reason that Las Casas complimented the author by declaring that “his works were a wholesale298 fabrication, as full of lies as of pages!” Yet another explanation of this severe judgment may be found in the different characters of the two men. Oviedo shared in the worldly feelings common to the Spanish Conquerors, and, while he was ever ready to magnify the exploits of his countrymen, held lightly the claims and the sufferings of the unfortunate aborigines. He was incapable of appreciating the generous philanthropy of Las Casas, or of rising to his lofty views, which he doubtless derided299 as those of a benevolent300, it might be, but visionary fanatic301. Las Casas, on the other hand, whose voice had been constantly uplifted against the abuses of the Conquerors, was filled with abhorrence302 at the sentiments avowed303 by Oviedo, and it was natural that his aversion to the principles should be extended to the person who professed304 them. Probably no two men could have been found less competent to form a right estimate of each other.
Oviedo showed the same activity in gathering305 materials for natural history as he had done for the illustration of civil. He collected the different plants of the Islands in his garden, and domesticated306 many of the animals, or kept them in confinement under his eye, where he could study their peculiar habits. By this course, if he did not himself rival Pliny and Hernandez in science, he was, at least, enabled to furnish the man of science with facts of the highest interest and importance.
Besides these historical writings, Oviedo left a work in six volumes,{102} called by the whimsical title of Quincuagenas. It consists of imaginary dialogues between the most eminent Spaniards of the time, in respect to their personal history, their families, and genealogy307. It is a work of inestimable value to the historian of the times of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of Charles the Fifth. But it has attracted little attention in Spain, where it still remains in manuscript. A complete copy of Oviedo’s History of the Indies is in the archives of the Royal Academy of History in Madrid, and it is understood that this body has now an edition prepared for the press. Such parts as are literally308 transcribed309 from preceding narratives, like the Letters of Cortés, which Oviedo transferred without scruple310 entire and unmutilated into his own pages, though enlivened, it is true, by occasional criticism of his own, might as well be omitted. But the remainder of the great work affords a mass of multifarious information which would make an important contribution to the colonial history of Spain.
An authority of frequent reference in these pages is Diego Mu?oz Camargo. He was a noble Tlascalan mestee, and lived in the latter half of the sixteenth century. He was educated in the Christian faith, and early instructed in Castilian, in which tongue he composed his Historia de Tlascala. In this work he introduces the reader to the different members of the great Nahuatlac family who came successively up the Mexican plateau. Born and bred among the aborigines of the country, when the practices of the pagan age had not wholly become obsolete, Camargo was in a position perfectly311 to comprehend the condition of the ancient inhabitants; and his work supplies much curious and authentic312 information respecting the social and religious institutions of the land at the time of the Conquest. His patriotism313 warms as he recounts the old hostilities of his countrymen with the Aztecs; and it is singular to observe how the detestation of the rival nations survived their common subjection under the Castilian yoke314.
Camargo embraces in his narrative an account of this great event, and of the subsequent settlement of the country. As one of the Indian family, we might expect to see his chronicle reflect the prejudices, or, at least, partialities, of the Indian. But the Christian convert yielded up his sympathies as freely to the Conquerors as to his own countrymen. The desire to magnify the exploits of the latter, and at the same time to do full justice to the prowess of the white men, produces occasionally a most whimsical contrast in his pages, giving the story a strong air of inconsistency. In point of literary execution the work has little merit; as great, however, as could be expected from a native Indian, indebted for his knowledge of the tongue to such imperfect instruction as he could obtain from the missionaries315. Yet in style of composition it may compare not unfavorably with the writings of some of the missionaries themselves.
The original manuscript was long preserved in the convent of San{103} Felipe Neri in Mexico, where Torquemada, as appears from occasional references, had access to it. It has escaped the attention of other historians, but was embraced by Mu?oz in his magnificent collection, and deposited in the archives of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid; from which source the copy in my possession was obtained. It bears the title of Pedazo de Historia verdadera, and is without the author’s name, and without division into books or chapters.
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1
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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glistening
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| adj.闪耀的，反光的v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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42
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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44
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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45
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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46
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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47
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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48
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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49
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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50
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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51
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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52
countermanded
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| v.取消（命令），撤回( countermand的过去分词 ) | |
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53
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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54
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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55
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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56
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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57
meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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58
faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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59
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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60
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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61
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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62
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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63
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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64
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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65
commodiously
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| adv.宽阔地，方便地 | |
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66
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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67
heartiness
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| 诚实，热心 | |
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68
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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69
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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70
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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71
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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72
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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73
attains
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的第三人称单数 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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74
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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75
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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76
cypress
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| n.柏树 | |
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77
fathomless
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| a.深不可测的 | |
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78
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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79
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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80
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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81
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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82
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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83
burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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84
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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85
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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86
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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87
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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88
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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89
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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90
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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91
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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93
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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94
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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95
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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96
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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97
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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98
dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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99
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
remissness
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| n.玩忽职守；马虎；怠慢；不小心 | |
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101
connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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102
exculpated
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| v.开脱，使无罪( exculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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104
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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105
consecrated
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|
| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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106
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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107
darting
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的现在分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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108
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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109
moodily
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| adv.喜怒无常地；情绪多变地；心情不稳地；易生气地 | |
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110
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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111
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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112
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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113
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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114
beleaguered
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|
| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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115
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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116
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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117
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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118
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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119
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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120
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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121
deserted
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|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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122
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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123
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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124
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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125
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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126
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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128
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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129
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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131
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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132
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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133
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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134
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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136
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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137
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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139
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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140
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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141
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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142
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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143
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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144
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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145
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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146
slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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147
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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148
ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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149
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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150
plaintive
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| adj.可怜的，伤心的 | |
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151
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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152
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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153
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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154
arsenals
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| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
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155
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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156
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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157
avowing
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的现在分词 ) | |
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158
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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159
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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160
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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161
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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162
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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163
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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164
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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165
vindicates
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| n.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的名词复数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的第三人称单数 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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166
intimidate
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| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
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167
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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168
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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169
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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170
baubles
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| n.小玩意( bauble的名词复数 )；华而不实的小件装饰品；无价值的东西；丑角的手杖 | |
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171
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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172
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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173
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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174
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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175
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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176
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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177
desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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178
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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179
rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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180
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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181
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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182
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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183
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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184
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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185
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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186
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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187
egress
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| n.出去；出口 | |
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188
preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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189
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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190
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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192
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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193
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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194
brackish
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| adj.混有盐的；咸的 | |
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195
saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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196
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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197
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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198
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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199
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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200
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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201
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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202
underneath
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| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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203
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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204
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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205
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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206
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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207
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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208
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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209
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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210
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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211
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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212
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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213
foundering
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| v.创始人( founder的现在分词 ) | |
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214
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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215
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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216
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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217
intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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218
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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219
petulance
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| n.发脾气，生气，易怒，暴躁，性急 | |
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220
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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221
unreasonably
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| adv. 不合理地 | |
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222
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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223
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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224
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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225
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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226
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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227
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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228
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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229
taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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230
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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231
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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232
allaying
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的现在分词 ) | |
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233
rankled
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| v.（使）痛苦不已，（使）怨恨不已( rankle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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234
collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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235
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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236
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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237
eligibles
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| 合格者（eligible的复数形式） | |
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238
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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239
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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240
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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241
beak
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| n.鸟嘴，茶壶嘴，钩形鼻 | |
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242
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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243
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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244
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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245
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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246
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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247
hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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248
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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249
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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250
appall
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| vt.使惊骇，使大吃一惊 | |
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251
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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252
prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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253
moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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254
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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255
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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256
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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257
inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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258
gleaned
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| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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259
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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260
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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261
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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262
residue
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| n.残余，剩余，残渣 | |
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263
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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264
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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265
voucher
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| n.收据；传票；凭单，凭证 | |
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266
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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267
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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268
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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269
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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270
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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271
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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272
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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273
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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274
ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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275
monkish
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| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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276
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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277
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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278
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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279
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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280
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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281
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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282
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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283
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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284
blemishes
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| n.（身体的）瘢点( blemish的名词复数 )；伤疤；瑕疵；污点 | |
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285
quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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286
garnishes
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| n.（为色香味而添加的）装饰菜( garnish的名词复数 )；装饰，装饰品v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的第三人称单数 ) | |
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287
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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288
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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289
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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290
amassing
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的现在分词 ) | |
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291
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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292
commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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293
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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294
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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295
medley
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| n.混合 | |
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296
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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297
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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298
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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299
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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300
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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301
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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302
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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303
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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304
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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305
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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306
domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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307
genealogy
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| n.家系，宗谱 | |
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308
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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309
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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310
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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311
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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312
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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313
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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314
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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315
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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